Handout 1

Transcript

Handout 1

IVANO CAPONIGRO & HAROLD TORRENCE
Workshop on Free Relative Clauses in Mesomamerican languages
CIESAS, San Cristóbal de las Casas, May 23-27, 2016
H ANDOUT 1
Interrogative Clauses, Headed Relative Clauses, and Free Relative Clauses
1
Introduction
 All languages we know of have a way to form constituent
interrogative clauses by means of one or more specially marked
constituents known as wh-words or wh-phrases.
 Wh-words are flexible building blocks for natural language
1.1
Interrogatives & Relatives: similarities and differences
•
both clauses with a missing or marked constituent
•
same basic semantic strategy?
•
wh-words as relative markers:
- yes, in some languages (e.g., English) for some wh-words
- no, in some languages (e.g, Hebrew, German, Adyghe)
•
Some languages don’t allow to embed wh-clauses (e.g., Adyghe;
cf. Caponigro & Polinsky on workshop website)
Non-interrogative uses of wh-expressions:
 bare wh-words -> indefinites (1/3 of languages; Haspelmath 1997)
(1) Ta bu
xuhuan shenme. Mandarin (Li 1992: 127, ex. 4)
he not like
what
‘He doesn’t like anything.’
 wh-words as roots -> indefinites or quantificational expressions
(1/3 of languages; Haspelmath 1997)
(2) some-where, every-where, any-where, no-where, where-ever
(3) Ta shei dou renshi. Mandarin (Huan 1982)
He who all
know
‘He knows everyone.’
1.2
1.3
1.4
Methodological remarks on interrogatives and headed
relatives
Working on a language X:
(i) first collect all the wh-words that can occur in interrogatives clauses in
X
(ii) Then, check that wh-interrogative clauses can be embedded in X
(iii) Then, look for headed relative clauses in X and see which wh-words
can be used to form them if any
(iv) Check for other non-interrogative uses of wh-words/phrases and whclauses
Non-interrogative uses of wh-clauses:
(4) What weird movies he likes! Exclamative
(5) I don’t like the people [who he likes]. Headed Relative
(6) Elena went [where Bianca went]. Bare Free Relative
(7) Elena went [wher-ever Bianca went]. Complex Free Relatives
Switch to HANDOUT: “Looking for wh-words and wh-clauses and
their uses in interrogative and headed relative clauses -- Three Case
Studies”
2
2.1
Free Relative Clauses (FRs)1
(aka Headless Relatives)
2.3
Why the lexical property of containing a wh-word?
 No principled reasons, just a practical interest in studying the diverse
and flexible behavior of wh-words within a language and across
languages
A practical definition
FRs are those strings that satisfy the following properties:
 There are languages with relative clauses without a head and without a
wh-word:
a. lexical property: contain a wh-word/phrase, or a morphologically
complex word/phrase with a wh-word as its root
(12) Xtraj-t
b. syntactic property: are embedded clauses with a missing
constituent (or a resumptive pronoun) that is dependent on the whword/phrases
[li
bghat-n-i
nixtri] Maltese (Camilleri 2014)
bought-1SG COMPL sent-2SG-1SG.ACC to-buy
‘I bought what you sent me to buy.’
 A possible revised definition of FRs: those strings that satisfy the
following properties:
c. syntactic/semantic property: can be replaced with and
paraphrased by NPs or PPs
2.2
a. syntactic property: are embedded clauses with a missing
constituent (or a resumptive pronoun)
Examples
(8) a. Me fui [FR cuando María llegó].
b. syntactic/semantic property: can be replaced with and
paraphrased by NPs or PPs
b. Me fui [PP en el momento en que María llegó].
(9) a. Admiro a [FR quien trabaja duro].
 We’ll stick with the narrower definition in 2.1
b. Admiro a [NP la gente que trabaja duro].
(10) a. Nací [FR donde nacieron mis padres].
2.4
b. Nací [PP en la misma ciudad donde nacieron mis padres].
FRs that cannot be replaced with NPs or PPs
 FRs introduced my morphologically modified wh-words (aka ever-FRs
or Free Choice FRs) can be used as clausal adjuncts, which cannot be
replaced with NPs or PPs
(11) a. Lo hice [FR como tú lo hiciste].
b. Lo hice [PP de la misma manera en que tú lo hiciste].
(13) [Whatever you say], I won’t change my mind.
(14) [Whoever I talk to], he complains.
 We’ll return to this kind of FR later in the workshop
1
Ross (1967: 38 [1983: 20]) is the earliest work where we have found the term free relatives
mentioned, although Ross’s words seem to presuppose an even earlier origin: “the type of
clause which have been called ‘free relative clause’ ”.
2
3
 Given its nature, this test fails to distinguish between whINTs and FRs
when they are both introduced by what:
FRs vs. wh-interrogatives (wh-INT)
(15) a. Admiro a [quien trabaja duro].
(20) a. Jie asked [whINT what Adam cooked].
b. Pregunté [quién trabaja duro].
b. What did Jie ask?
3.1
Substitution Test
(21) a. Jie ate [FR what Adam cooked].
 WhINTs can be replaced by yes/no interrogatives
b. What did Jie eat?
 FRs can be replaced with NPs or PPs
3.3
(16) a. Admiro a [FR quien trabaja duro].
 wh-words in whINTs can be followed by expressions such as the hell,
while FRs cannot:
b. Admiro a [NP la gente que trabaja duro].
c.* Admiro (a) [y/n-INT si trabaja duro].
(22) a. I wonder [wh-INT what the hell Adam cooked].
(17) a. Pregunté [wh-INT quien trabaja duro].
b.* I tasted [FR what the hell Adam cooked].
b.* Pregunté NP la gente que trabaja duro].
c. Pregunté [y/n-INT si trabaja duro].
3.2
wh-word + the hell (McCawley 1998: 456)
 On the other hand, some wh-INTs do not pass the test either (cf. den
Dikken and Giannakidou (2001):
Question-formation Test
(23) a.* I know [wh-INT where the hell she wants to go on vacation].
Baker (1968: 9-11) from Jespersen (190949: III):
b.* Sara found out [wh-INT why the hell Massimo didn’t show up].
 When a wh-INT is itself questioned, the wh-word employed is always
what, no matter which wh-word introduces it
 Variants with negation or future tense in the matrix clause are judged
more acceptable:
 A FR can always be questioned by means of a wh-INT introduced by
the same wh-word
(24) a.I don’t know [wh-INT where the hell she wants to go on vacation].
b. Sara will surely find out [wh-INT why the hell Massimo didn’t show
(18) a. John knows [whINT where the Cottonwood river joins the Neosho].
up].
b.* Where does John know?
c. What does John know?
Although
none of the tests above is infallible, when applied together,
they help with distinguishing FRs and whINTs.
(19) a. John lives [FR where the Cottonwood river joins the Neosho].
b. Where does John live?
c.* What does John live?
3
4
FRs vs. Headed Relatives (HRs)
4.1
Methodological remarks on wh-INT and FRs
Working on a language X:
 FRs can look like HRs in English:
(i) first collect all the wh-words that can occur in wh-INT in X
(25) a. I’ll marry [FR who you choose].
(ii) Then, check that wh-INTs can be embedded in X
a’. I’ll marry the person [HR who you choose].
(iii) Then, look for FRs in X and for each wh-word check if it can occur in
a FRs
b. You can’t smoke [FR where the kids are playing].
b’. You can’t smoke in the room [HR where the kids are playing].
c. I left [FR when Flavio arrived].
(iv) Don’t assume that if one wh-word can occur in a FR, then all the others
can
c’. I left at the time [HR when Flavio arrived].
(v) Don’t assume that if a wh-word can occur in Headed Relatives, then it
will occur in FRs (cf. which in English) or the other way around (cf.
what and how in English) [see Patterson & Caponigro’s paper on the
workshop webpage for the puzzling behavior of the wh-word who]
 FRs can be distinguished from HRs by means of their distributional and
semantic property:
1. HRs co-occur with a nominal element which is very often right
next to them – the HEAD; FRs do not
(vi) More broadly, though FRs and Headed Relatives with wh-words are
related in structure and function, neither depends on the other, since
there are:
- languages with wh-words as relative markers and (almost) no FRs
(e.g., Scandinavian languages)
- languages with wh-words in FRs but not in Headed Relatives (e.g.,
Hebrew, German)
2. FRs can always be replaced and paraphrased with a NP or a PP,
while HRs never can
(26) a. I’ll marry the person [HR who you choose]
*[NP the person you choose].
b. I’ll marry [FR who you choose]
[NP the person you choose].
4
5
FRs cross-linguistically
6
Example of data collection: Italian
(27) who
So far, we have found FRs in 35 languages from 6 language families:
a. Dimmi [whINT chi /*che lavora duramente].
1. INDO-EUROPEAN:
tell-me
who/*COMP works hard
‘Tell me who works hard.’
Germanic:
Bavarian, Dutch, Standard American English, New York English,
Standard German, Swiss German, West Flemish, Yiddish
b. Ammiro [FR chi /*che
lavora duramente].
admire.1SG who/*COMP works hard
‘I admire those who work hard.’
Romance:
Catalan, French, Italian, Brazilian Portuguese, European Portuguese,
Romanian, Sardinian, Spanish
c. Ammiro
le persone [HR *chi /che
admire.1SG the people
lavorano duramente].
*who/COMP work
hard
‘I admire the people who work hard.’
Slavic:
Bulgarian, Macedonian, Polish, Russian, Serbo Croatian, Slovenian
(28) what
a. Dimmi [whINT che cosa/*che
Albanian
tell-me
hai
cucinato].
what thing/*COMP have.2S cooked
‘Tell me what you cooked.’
Modern Greek
b. Ho
2. FINNO-UGRIC: Estonian, Finnish, Hungarian
assaggiato [FR *che cosa /*che
have.1S tasted
hai
cucinato].
*what thing/*COMP have.2S cooked
(‘I tasted what you cooked.’)
3. SEMITIC: Modern Hebrew, Maltese
c. Ho
4. OTO-MANGUEAN: Nieves Mixtec, Melchor Ocampo Mixtec
assaggiato il cibo [HR *che cosa /che
have.1S tasted
5. MAYAN: Chuj, Kaqchikel, Yucatec Mayan
the food
hai
cucinato].
*what thing/COMP have.2S cooked
‘I tasted the food you cooked.’
6. NA-DENE/ISOLATE: Haida
Comments. Italian does not allow FRs (nor HRs) with che cosa ‘what’. This may
be due to the complex nature of che cosa, which is literally ‘what thing’. Unlike
phrasal wh-words, wh-words that are part of more complex whphrases are not
We hope to find many more languages with FRs by working with you all!
acceptable in Italian and are less common crosslinguistically: e.g. I read what
(*book) you read. In Italian, the reduced form cosa can be used with the same
meaning as che cosa in whinterrogatives without any distributional differences,
as far as I can tell. On the other hand, FRs can never be introduced by che cosa,
while FRs can be introduced by cosa, though there is variation among the
5
speakers. They are colloquial and slightly marginal for me, but still definitely
‘I did it how you did it.’
better than FRs with che cosa; Acquaviva (1989) and speakers from Turin find
c. L’ho
them fully acceptable [Emanuela Arosio, p.c.]
fatto nel
modo [HR *come/in cui l’hai fatto tu].
it-have.1S done in-the way
*how /in RP it-have.2S done you
‘I did it in the way you did it.’
(29) where
a. Non so
(32) why
[wh-INT dove sono nati i miei genitori].
not know.1S
a. Dimmi [wh-INT perché/*per cui l’hai
where are born the my parents
Tell-me
‘I don’t know where my parents were born.’
‘Tell me why you did it.’
b. Sono nato [FR dove sono nati i miei genitori].
am born
b. L’ho fatto [ perché/*per cui l’hai
it-have.1S
‘I was born where my parents were born.’
c. Sono nato nello stesso paese [HR dove sono nati i
am born in-the same town
fatto].
why /*for RP it-have.2S done
fatto tu].
why/*for RP it-have.2S done you
‘I did it {because you did it}/*{for the same reason why you did it}.’)
miei genitori].
c. L’ho fatto per il motivo [HR *perché/per cui l’hai
it-have.1S for the reason
‘I was born in the same town where my parents were born.’
fatto tu].
*why /for RP it-have.2S done you
‘I did it for the same reason why you did it.’
(30) when
a. Ti
ho
Comments. Perché ‘why’ can introduce wh-INTs like (a) above and clauses like
chiesto [wh-INT quando/*in cui è arrivato Flavio].
to-you have.1S asked
(b) above. Despite satisfying most of the requirements, (b) is not a FR. It is a clause
when /*in RP is arrived Flavio
with a wh-word and can be replaced with a PP. Nevertheless, it has no gap, neither
‘I asked you when Flavio arrived.’
in argument nor in adjunct position. (b) does not say that you did what you did for
b. Sono partito [FR quando/*in cui è arrivato Flavio].
am left
any particular reason; it only says that the reason why I did it was because you did
when /*in RP is arrived Flavio
‘I left when Flavio arrived.’
c.Sono partito nel
am left
(33) Which + NP
momento [HR *quando/in cui è arrivato Flavio].
in-the moment
a. Dimmi [whINT quale piatto/*che hai
*when /in RP is arrived Flavio
tell-me
‘I left at the time when Flavio arrived.’
b. Ho
a. Dimmi [wh-INT come/*in cui l’hai
fatto tu].
fatto [FR come/*in cui l’hai
it-have.1S done
assaggiato [FR *quale piatto/*che hai
have.1S tasted
how /*in RP it-have.2S done you
cucinato].
*which dish/*COMP have.2S cooked
(‘I tasted what you cooked.’)
‘Tell me how you did it.’
b. L’ho
which dish/*COMP have.2S cooked
‘Tell me what you cooked.’
(31) how
Tell-me
cucinato].
c. Ho
fatto tu].
assaggiato il cibo [HR *quale /che hai
have.1S tasted
how /*in RP it-have.2S done you
the food
‘I tasted the food you cooked.’
6
cucinato].
*which/COMP have.2S cooked
(34) How much + NP
a. Dimmi [whINT quanto
tell-me
sale metti nella pasta].
how-much salt put.2S in-the pasta
‘Tell me how much salt you put in the pasta.’
b.*Ho
messo [FR quanto
have.1S put
sale metti tu
nella pasta].
how-much salt put.2S you in-the pasta
(‘I put how much salt you put in the pasta.’)
c. Ho
messo [FR *quanto
have.1S put
sale metti tu
nella pasta].
(35) a. Dimmi [whINT quanto
tell-me
velocemente puoi
how-much quickly
farlo].
can.2S do-it
‘Tell me how quickly can you do it.’
b.* Posso farlo [FR quanto
have.1S put
velocemente puoi
farlo tu].
c. [We can’t even try to construct a corresponding headed relative]
Distribution of wh-words in Italian
who
what
where
when
how
why
Which
How
How +
+ NP
much
Adj or
(+NP)
Adv
Wh-INTs
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
√
FRs
√
*/√
√
√
√
*
*
*
*
HRs
*
*
√
*
*
*
*
*
*
7

Handout 1

Transcript

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