5. `S - L`Erma di Bretschneider

ZI
/.5.
'S
ICONE DEL MONDO ANTICO
UN SEMINARIO DI STORIA DELLE IMMAGINI
Pavia, Collegio Ghislieri, 25 novembre 2005
a cura di
MAuRJzIo HAIl,
SILVIA PALTINERI, MIRELLA
T.A. ROBINO
conclusioni di
CORNELIA ISLER-KERENVI
<L'ERMA>> di BRETSCHNEIDER
ICONE DEL MONDO ANTICO UN SEMTNARIO DI STORIA DELLE IMMAGINI (Pavia, Collegio Ghisheri, 25 Novembre 2005)
a cura di
MAuFJzIo I-lA g,&pJ, SILVIA FALTINERI, MIRELLA T.A. ROBINO
© Copyright 2009 <<L'ERMA> di BRETSCHNEIDER
Via Cassiodoro, 19-00193 Roma
http:/ /www.lerma.it
Tutti i diritti riservati. E vietata la riproduzione di testi e illustrazioni senza ii permesso scritto delI'Editore.
Icone del mondo antico: un seminario di storia delle immagini : Pavia, Collegio Ghislieri, 25 novembre
2005 I a cura di Maurizio Harari, Silvia Paltirieri, Mirella T.A. Robino ; conclusioni di Cornelia Isler-Kerenyi.
- Roma: <<L'ERMA> di BRETSCHNEIDER, 2009. —243 p., 54 p. di tav. : ill. ; 25 cm. (Studia archaelogica; 170)
ISBN 978-88-8265-468-9
CDD 21. 704.9
1. Iconografia - Antichità - Congressi - Pavia -2005
I. Harari, Maurizio II. Paltineri, Silvia ilL Robino, Mirella T. A. IV.Isler-Kerfnyi, Cornelia
Università degli Studi di Pavia
Dipartimento di Scienze dell'Antichità
Immagine di copertina:
Kalpis attica a figure rosse, particolare; Pittore di Leningrado, 470-460 aC. Vicenza, Palazzo Leoni Montanan (per gentile concessione
dell'Archivio Fotografico Banca Intesa).
Redazione, composizione editoriale e progetto grafico del volume:
Silvia Paltineri, Mirella T.A. Robino
INDICE
9
Muivzio HARARI
Presentazione
Oriente e orientalizzante
13
ANDREA BABBI
Iconographic traditions of the Hittite and Syrian 11sich entschleiernde Göttin" and the Egyptian
and Syrian-Palestinian "Qu-du-shu" in the central-Tyrrhenian area from the 9 to the 7th century
B.C.
31
MARIA CRISTINA BIELLA
Le immagini dimenticate. Su un vaso biconico dalla necropoli di Monte Cerreto a Narce
37
SILVIA PALTINERI - MA1-I'E0 CANEVARI
Icone del mito e della storia. Ifregi di due olpai di bucchero del VII sec. aC.: dai modelli tecnicoformali e iconografici alla messa a punto di categorie interpretative
67
MIRELLA T.A. R0BIN0
Una statuetta in ambra della collezione Grotto di Adria
81
ELENA SMOQUINA
Un kantharos in bucchero del Royal Ontario Museum di Toronto e il demone etrusco impugnante
i serpenti
In Grecia
89
MARIA ELENA GORRINI
Dedalo o Aristeo? Un'indagine su alcuni documenti greci ed etruschi
111
CLAUDIA LAMBRUGO
Donne pittrici nell'Atene democratica? Una "giornata speciale" per la bottega del Pittore di
Lenin grado
119
LAURA PURITANI
Immagini attiche in Etruria. 11 caso delle oinochoai di tipo VII
129
MARTA SAPoRITI
L'immagine tatuata
In Etruria
141
MARCELLO ALBINI
Lo specchio di Bolsena e lafigura di Caco
159
ILARIA D0MENIcI
Un contributo sulla ricezione di un mito greco in Etruria: ii caso di Telefo
169
VIvIANA TRAFICANTE
Nethuns
187
l'assente. Osservazioni sull'iconografia delle divinità marine nell'arte etrusca arcaica
DANIELA UccHINo
La garanzia del sangue
Mondo italico e Roma
199
GIORDANO CAVAGNINO
Una nuova proposta di interpretazione per ii mosaico con trionfo di
Nettuno da La Chebba (Tunisia)
Saeculum frugiferum.
205
MAssIMmIAr'jo Di FAzIo
Morte e pianto rituale nell'Italia antica. Ii caso dell'askos "Catarinella"
215
ALESSANDRA GOBBI
Hercules Musarum
235
SERENA SOLANO
Incisioni rupestri e dati archeologici: elementi di continuità culturale in Valcamonicafra tarda eta
del Ferro e romanizzazione
241
CORNELIA ISLER-KERENYI
Conclusioni
Tavole
Nota dei curatori
In tutti i contributi sono state adottate le abbreviazioni delle riviste dello Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archaologischen
Inst it uts; le fonti letterarie greche sono state uniformate secondo i criteri del Diccionario griego - español, vol.
1, a cura di F.R. Adrados, Madrid 1980; le fonti letterarie latine seguono i criteri del Thesaurus linguae Latinae,
Index, Lipsia 1990.
Altre abbreviazioni utilizzate sono:
AE
Année Epigraphique
BK
H. BRuNN-G. KORTE, I rilievi delle urne etrusche, Roma-Berlirio; vol. 1(1870); vol. II, 1; vol. II, 2(1890-96); vol.
ABV
J . D. BEAZLEY, Attic Black-Figure Vase-Painting, Oxford 1956
ARV2
J . D. BEAZLEY, Attic Red-Figure Vase-Painters, voli. I-Ill, Oxford 19632
CIE
Corpus Inscriptionuni Etruscarum
CIt.
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum
CSE
Corpus Speculorum Etruscorum
111 (1916)
CVA
Corpus Vasorum Antiquorum
EAA
Enciclopedia dell'Arte Antica Classica e Orientale, Roma.
ES
Etruskische Spiegel, herausgegeben von E. Gerhard, Berlin, vol. 1(1840); vol. 11(1863); vol. III (1865); vol.
0.1(1884-1897)
ST
Etruskische Texte, herausgegeben von H. Rix, Tubingen 1991
EVP
J.D. BEAZLEY, Etruscan Vase-Painting, Oxford 1947
IG
Inscriptiones Graecae
lnscr. It
Inscriptiones Italiae
LIIvIC
Lexicon Iconographicum Mit hologiae Classicae
RE
Paulys Realencyclopaedie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, Neue Bearbeitung, begonnen von G. Wissowa,
Berlin 1894-1978
REE
Rivista di epigrafia etrusca (in Studi Etruschi)
SEG
Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum
Syll3
W. DITEENBERGER, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum, 3 a ed., Leipzig 1915-1924
TLE
M. PALLOTrINO, Testmmonia lingue Etruscae2, Firenze 1968
PRESENTAZIONE
MAURIZJO HAJuI
Icone del mondo antico: un seminario di storia delle immagini raccoglie diciassette contributi di giovani studioSi darte antica su temi diconografia latamente distribuiti nél tenpo e nello spazio (oriente e orientalizzante,
Grecia, Etruria, mondo italico e Roma), che furono presentati nella giornata di studio del 25 novembre 2005,
al Collegio Gbislieri delUUniversità di Pavia.
Tengo a sottolirieare come Fidea di questo Seminario fosse scaturita dall'esigenza, esplicitata da alcune
mie allieve, di unoccasione pubblica di confronto, fuori della gabbia consuetudinaria dei convegni di stampo
accademico, a volte egemonizzati da urioligarchia autoreferenziale. Mi si suggeriva, in sostanza, di organizzare si un convegno, ma riservato solo a loro, a studiosi agli esordi - specializzandi, dottorandi, neodottori
di ricerca -, con la piü ampia libertà di scelta tematica e di metodo: pensai subito a una specie di concorso
per voci nuove della lirica, con soprani, contralti e tenori ciascuno alle prese con la sua aria prediletta, ii suo
cavallo di battaglia, e noi pin anziani in platea zitti zitti ad ascoltare.
Con laiuto dell'Università di Pavia e del Collegio Ghislieri, la cosa e stata possibile: il programma di sala
si e anzi allargato, con intervento di giovani di varia provenienza accademica (Ginevra, Marburg, Milano,
Roma, Torino, la Scuola Italiana di Atene), sebbene accomunati da frequentazioni e contatti ticinesi; e abbiamo trovato in Cornelia Isler-Kerényi la miglior coordinatrice dei lavori: si vedano pin avanti, in chiusura di
volume, le sue penetranti conclusioni.
Lopzione iconografica del seminario derivava da quanto io stesso avevo potuto verificare nella didattica
universitaria, vale a dire la pill immediata sensibilità degli attuali studenti di archeologia alla problematica
dellimmagine e dei suoi contenuti e unevidente loro irisofferenza a quella morfologica degli stili: ciô che
puô apparire (e rischia infatti dessere) un limite conoscitivo, ma è condizione psicologica e culturale diffusa
e per ii docente imprescindibile. Senza entrare nel merito degli argomenti, ma conservando quell abito da
spettatore che mi son voluto assegnare fin dalFinizio, mi limito a chiarire cib che questi atti non sono: non
sono un manifesto di scuola, non esprimono omogeneità di adesione a un unico indirizzo metodologico; vi
coesistono tassonomia e Motivforschung accanto alla comparazione antropologica, letture pill o meno accentuatamente strutturalistiche e sondaggi warburghiani; ce chi rivendica una radicale autonomia dellesegesi
delFimmagine, e chi riapre complicati dossiers di fonti letterarie antiche. La libertà dei percorsi, fatte salve
naturalmente pertinenza e correttezza dei confronti proposti e la dovuta contestualizzazione storica (storia
delle immagini, appunto), e ii connotato dominante di questa difforme polifonia.
Scontato che da cib possa venire un certo grado di diseguaglianza dei contributi raccolti. Qualche lettore
potrà avere ragione di riserva su talune avventure esegetiche o sul rischio di un eccesso di coinvolgimento
emotivo; non tocca a me rimarcare il maggiore o minor grado di persuasività scientifica dei singoli lavori:
il dibattito a seguire sincaricherà di scremare una lanx satura di sapori. Ma valeva la penn, credo, di correre
tutti assieme tale pericolo, per recuperare anche una feconda freschezza di approccio al mondo delle immagini antiche, che puo stentare a esprimersi nella cornice pure rispettabilissima, ma cogente, delle ortodossie
metodologiche.
Con battuta efficacemente paradossale, Cornelia Kerényi sottolineava come un osservatorio periferico
dilati e percib migliori il purito di vista, e dunque guardare ai miti della Grecia di lontano, dallItalia indigena,
aiuti a capirli talora meglio che nell'ovvietà di una prospettiva ellenocentrica. Dal canto nostro, ci guarderemo dal vietare a priori ii transito per vie dell'iconografia meno frequentate, che debbono pur essere provate
con coraggio, prima di esciuderle dai nostri itinerari.
Università di Pavia, febbraio 2008
Ringraziamenti
Si tiene a esprimere la pii viva gratitudine per la preziosa collaborazione al Magnifico Rettore delFUniversità di Pavia Angiolino Stella, al Prorettore per la didattica (e allora Preside della Facoltà di Lettere e
Filosofia) Giovanni Francioni e allallora Direttore del Dipartimento di Scienze dell'Antichità Diego Lanza;
nonché al Rettore del Collegio Ghislieri Andrea Belvedere e alla Direttrice della sua sezione femminile
Giuseppina Motta.
In particolare, per la stampa degli Atti, uno speciale ringraziamento va allAssociazione Alunni del
Collegio Ghislieri, nella persona del suo Presidente Adriano De Maio.
Si ricordano inline i colleghi che, pur non presenti al seminario, ritennero dinviare messaggi di adesione
e dincoraggiamento: Giovanna Bagnasco Gianni, Dominique Briquel, Pietro Gibellini, Maria Paola Lavizzari
Pedrazzini, Lammert B. van der Meer, Elvira Migliario, Giuseppe Sassatelli e Salvatore Settis.
La realizzazione del volume non sarebbe stata possibile senza lospitalità dellaniico Roberto Marcucci
nella sua prestigiosa collana editoriale; e il paziente, accurato lavoro di redazione delle due mie eccellenti
allieve e amiche Silvia Paltineri e Mirella T. A. Robino.
ORIENTE E ORIENTALIZZANTE
ICONOGRAPHIC TRADITIONS OF THE HITTITE AND SYRIAN "SICH ENTSCHLEIERNDE GOTTIN" AND THE EGYPTIAN AND SYRIANPALESTINIAN "QU-DU-SHU" IN THE CENTRAL-TYRRHENIAN AREA FROM THE 9TH TO THE 7TH CENTURY B.C.*
ANDREA BABBI
This paper arises from an interesting artefact which Antonella Romualdi came across clearing up the
archaeological collections in the Museum of Florence'. The importance of this object was immediately perceived by the scholar who, after mentioned the fact during the 19th Congress of Studi Etruschi ed Italici, has
recently published a synthetic and deep essay on it2.
The note <4930. Populonia o Campiglia>> written on the wooden case, where the object had been stored
together with other clay shards, allows one to localize the discovery in that area and to draw the hypothesis
that it had been found between 1920 and 1959 while the recovery of the ancient slag was being carried out'.
The find shows a high hollow cylindrical base from which two concentric couples of stems rise and, with
an arched shape, bind a standing and naked anthropomorphic figure. The upper ends of these stems are
joined with the upper limbs of the figure that, lifted at the sides, are bent at the elbows. The female nature,
suggested by the muscular volume of the breast and the hairdo with a plait, is pointed out by the short and
sharp vertical cut on the pelvic area (Tav. 1, 1 a).
Albeit its incompleteness, Romualdi suggested, correctly according to me, that the composition had been
made up of a central figurine grasping external elements by their upper ends (Tav. 1, 1b) 4 . Due to its striking
formal similarity to another Italic artefact stored in the National Museum of Copenhagen (Tav. 1, 1 c), it has
been thought to identify the object as a decorative feature, dubiously movable, originally related to a vase'.
The Copenhagen find, purchased in the 1883 from an Italian antique market, is a biconic jar with a vertical handle, from shoulder to rim, consisting of two stems surmounted by a mobile clay sculptural ornament'.
Even for this artefact, summarily published in 1937 and later studied by Eva Rysedt and in more recent
essays, the site where the object might have come from is uncertain'. A great deal of clues, however, allows
to pinpoint the search to the Chiusi territory8.
* I would like to express my warm gratitude to Prof. G. Colonna and Dr. F. Delpino for the careful reading of this paper and
their precious suggestions; last but not least Dr. V. Olivieri who helped me in the translation and Mrs. D. Kellam who went through
the English version.
'National Archaeological Museum of Florence, Ins'. no. 230944.
2
The notice was given during the lecture Aspetti del territorio fra Populonia e Volterra in eta orientalizzante which was not later
got out. Recently A. ROMUALDI, Un'ansafittile do Populonia: aspetti dell'artigianato di eti orientalizzante, in Archaeologica Pisana. Scritti per
Orlanda Pancrazi (a cura di S. BRuNI, T. Co.Ruso, M. MASSA), Pisa 2004, pp. 352-357.
ROMUALDI, Un'ansa fittile, cit., p.352, note 1. For the utilization of the ancient slag cf. F. FEDELI, Populonia, Firenze 1983, p.28, note 112.
ROMUALDI, Un'ansa fittile, cit., p.352, fig. 6.
< ROMUALDI, Un'ansa fittile, cit., p. 355.
< National Museum of Copenhagen, Inv. no. 2041.
CVA Copenhague, Museé National 5, Copenhague 1937, p. 162, pl. 209, 3 a-b. E. RYSTEDT, Acquarossa, IV: Early etruscan akroteria
from Acquarossa and Poggio Civitate (Murlo), Acta Instituti Romani Regni Sveciae 4, )OO(\TIII: 4, Stoccolma 1983, pp. 135-138, fig. 100.
EADEM, An Unusual Etruscan Vase from Chiusi, in OpRom 15, 1985, pp. 97-104, passim, figs. 1-4. A. RASTRELLI, Chiusi nel periodo orientalizzante, in Chiusi Etrusca, catalogo della mostra (a cura di A. RASTRELLI), Chiusi 2000, p. 70, note 22. A. MINErTI, Le necropoli chiusine del
14
Andrea Babbi
The composite criterion, which the mobile element of Chiusi came out of, reveals the formal and conceptual similarity of these two artefacts: both have two rising stems, a central standing figurine and characteristic
posture. The most evident differences are in the anatomical volumes and in the relationship between the
anthropomorphic image and the arched elements. Whereas the subtle cut in the pelvic region of the figurine
of Florence is an unmistakble clue for a feminine gender, the round impression drawn on the one from Chiusi
is far more ambiguous'. Moreover the chest of the Copenhagen little statue has a surface moved by slight
volumes, that are not very compatible with female nudity, This second uncertainty could be solved if some
of the perplexities, already expressed by Romualdi, about the integrity of the figurine's upper third were
confirmed". Regarding this, it could be worth considering that restoration work could have transformed the
originally composition, involving some noticeable changes not only of the figurine but also between this one
and the two couples of stems. Such changes would justify the peculiar position of the Chiusi image head
outside the concentric elements, and the elongation of the body from which the decrease of balance of the
whole figurine emerges".
In spite of a lack of precise information on the find spots of these artefacts, it is possible to date the
contexts at the first half of the 71' century B.C.
The jar stored in Copenhagen shows a high, slender neck typical of a later stage of the developing iter
of the shape". This feature, which recalls some red-on-white painted biconical jars scattered mainly around
periodo orientalizzante, in Chiusi Etrusca, cit., pp. 437-438. ROMUALDI, Un'ansa fittile, cit., pp. 352-355, figs. 7-8. F. DELPIND, Una ideal ltd
ambigua. Figurettefemininili nude di area etrusco-italica: con giunte, antenate a divinitd?, in Lea diesses-mères dana lea religions antiques, Atti
del Convegno (Paris, Ecole Normale Supdrieure, 23-25 Novembre 2000), in print, passim, fig. 6.
8 The records written down in the Danish inventory, in addition to the information on a generic Italian provenance and the date
of the purchase, show that the jar had been discovered in a huge funerary dolium (presumably a ziro tomb) in the "Fornacello presso
Chiusi" locality cf. RYSTEDT, An Unusual Etruscan Vase, cit., p. 101, note 15. Even though fairly weak, one incongruity is shown by the
note of the Corpus Vasorum Antiqusrum where the jar is said to have been found in"Fornacelle, Chiusi", CVA Copenhague, cit., p. 162.
The lack of similar place names in the area of Chiusi made Romualdi draw the hypothesis that those names were due to a misunderstanding, a sort of crasis between "Podere La Fornace" and "Marcianella", ROMUALDI, Un'ansa fittile, cit., p. 355. This assumption
seemsto be supported by the remains of the necropolis, with a large number of ziro tombs widely plundered, lying in those sites
which respectively date back to the middle and late Orientalizing period and to the early part and the latter one of the same period,
R. B1ANcHJ BANDINELLI, Clusium. Ricerche archeologiche e topograjiche su Chiusi e II suo territorio in eta etrusca, in MonAnt 30, 1925, coil.
315-333, lay. IX, foglio VIII. MJNEIH, Le necro poll chiusine, cit., pp. 90-91. EADEM, L'orientalizzante a Chiusi e nel suo territorio, Roma 2004,
p.438. Lastly, the pencil note "Poggio Gaiella", jotted down in the inventory by Rlis, is a peculiar aporia with seemingly no solution.
Actually the huge burial mound found there has yielded tombs later than the mid7 11 century (tholos 3), therefore more recent than
the Danish specimen whose chronology can be inferred from the stylistic analysis as showed in this paper, A. RASTRELLI, La necro poll
di Poggio Gaiella, in AnnAStorAnt 5, 1998, p. 72. EADEM, II tumulo di Pogglo Gaiella, in Chiusi Etrusca, cit., pp. 96-104. ROMUALDI, Un'ansa
fittile, cit., p.355. MINETTI, L'orientalizzante, cit., pp. 418-420.
1 According to the opinion of the annotator of the Corpus Vasorum, together with those of Rystedt and Romualdi, the impression
would have originally been destined for inserting a nowadays lost phallus, CVA Copenhague, cit., p. 162, n. 3a-b. RYSTEDT, Acquarossa,
cit., p. 135. EADEM, An Unusual Etruscan Vase, cit., p. 97. ROMUALDI, Un'ansa fittile, cit., p. 352. Contra DELPINO, Una identitd ambigua, cit.,
note 27, the scholar points out that this peculiarity does not rule out a feminine nature. Apart from that, the doubts about the gender
seem to be apparent rather than real in the light of the iconographic analysis mentioned in the text, and according to the relief of a
hardly more recent bucchero situla where two images, unanimously regarded as feminine, show a round impression on the pubic
area. This vase, from the rich Swiss collection CA., was linked to the "produzione di Caere dei primi decenni della seconda metà del
VII sec. aC.", G. CAMPOREALE, La collezione C.A. Impasti e buccheri I, Roma 1991, pp. 107-108, pls. L)OOUI-LXXXIIIb. IDEM, Eroi e signori
nelle prime scene narrative etrusche, in MEFRA 103, 1, 1991, pp. 67-69, figs. 14-16.
11 In the opinion of the scholar it seems possible to recognize, even from the photographs, signs of "una larga integrazione" due
to a restoration work near the head, neck and near both upper connections of the external circle and the left join of the interior one,
ROMUALDI, Un'ansafiltile, cit., p.352.
11 ROMUALDI, Un'ansa fittile, cit., p.352.
12
M. Ivlicozzi, <oWithe-on-red '>. Una produzione vascolare dell'orientalizzante etrusco, Roma 1994, p. 39.
Iconographic traditions of the Hittite and Syrian "sich entschleiernde Gottin"
15
Vulci, Pitigliano and Volterra", allows us to date it back between the late 8' and the mid 7th century B.C.'4 A
possible confirmation of the spread of this kind of biconical shape in the Chiusi area is given by the striking
similarity to an impasto jar, now in the C. Faina Museum of Orvieto. Thanks to archival data, the origin of
this find can be confined to ChiusP5.
The chronology of the finds is also supported by the peculiar style of the figures being considered. They
are made up of sturdy and rounded volumes leading to a solid and at the same time harmonious modelling,
which does not lack in naturalistic hints. These features point out the traits of an aesthetic sensibility coherent
with orientalizing trends in art, that are clearly epitomised by the ivory figure of Marsiliana d'Albegna of the
second quarter of 71 century B.C. (Tav. 2, 2 a)16.
Moreover, the differences among the constituent parts of the compositions help to define their supposed
territories of provenance. The accentuate prognathism of the visage and the plaited hairdo of the statuette
from Populonia confirm its partecipation in the artistic climate of the coastal region (Vetulonia, Marsiliana
d'Albegna) in the early Orientalizing phase. In this period the outcome of the artistic gestation, that had
already been carried out since the Early Iron Age, reaches its maturity as clearly shown by the little bronze
modelling (Tav. 2, 2 b-c)10.
' 3 G. BARTOLONI, Ancora sulla Metopengattung: il biconico dipinto do Pitigliano, in Studi in Onore di Guglielmo Maetzke, I, Roma 1984, pp.
103-113, passim, comment on the jar from the Piligliano countryside and, in note 7, list of painted bicortical ones known by that date. CVA
Grosseto, Museo Archeologico e d'arte della Maremnia, Roma 1986, pp. 40-41, fig. 39, pl. 36, jar from Pitigliano dated at the first half of the 71
century B.C. F. Caici,wa, La ceramica geometrica, in La cerainica degli Etruschi. La pittura vascolare (a cura di M. MARrELLI), Novara 1987, pp. 11,
245, card no. 7.2, figs. 7.2, 14, biconicals from Vulci (725-700 B.C.). C. M. REuSSER, Antikensammlung Basel und Saminlung Ludvig. Etruskische
Kunst, Basel 1988, p. 22, B 15, Base! Museum unknown provenance (last quarter of the 81h century B.C.- first quarter of the following one).
Concerning Volterra cf. C. Co,ntwunii, La necropoli priinitiva di Volterra, MonAnt 8,1898, cols. 143-152, fig. 15 (Volterra, Guerruccia necropolis,
pit-tomb 4 of 1896 with burial equipment inside a dolium; the navicellafibulae with elongated asinimetric catch-holder lead to believe likely
a date between the latter years of the 8°' and the beginning of the 74 century B.C.).
14
ROMUALDI, lln'ansa fittile, cit., p. 355.
15
B. KLAKOWICZ, I - La Collezione dei Conti Faina in Orvieto. La sua origine e le sue vicende. Storia e Documenti, Roma 1970, pp. 58, no.
234; 109, no. 905; 155, no. 905. P. DANNER, Bikonische Gefasse aus Chiusi, in OpRom 21, pp. 53-56, passim. The image modelled above the
band handle of the artefact of the Faina Museum is completely different from the Danish one, although there are superficial similarities. The number of irregularly elliptical couples of stems (three) in this jar, and the presence of a conical knob, seem to be related to
a stylised zoomorphic head.
16
RY5TEDT, An Unusual Etruscan Vase, cit., pp. 97-99. R0MuALDI, Un'ansa fittile, cit., p. 354. Regarding the graceful figurine from
the Circolo della Fibula of Marsiliana, ascribed to a local production which had been deeply influenced by the artistic tradition of
Northern Syria, cf. E. HILL RICHARDSON, The recurrent geometric in the sculpture of central Italy, and its bearing on the problem of the origin
of the etruscans, in MemAmAc 27, 1962, p. 176, pl. X, figs. 35-37, the author perceives the similarities to the Levant in the heavy
rounded shapes, considering the continuous and solid outline, the serene immobility of the posture and in the typology of material
from which it was made (gold and ivory). M. CRISTOFANI, F. Nicosi,&, Ii restauro degli aoori di Marsiliana d'Albegna, in StEtr 37, 1969, p.
352, pl. LX)O(IV, a-b. M. SPRENGER, C. BART0L0NI, Cli Etruschi. L'arte, Milano 1981, p. 88, no. 33, the scholars mention the discovery of
very similar figurines in Meghiddo and Nimrud. G.C. CIANFERONI, schede di materiali, in Principi etruschi. Tra Med iterraneo ed Europa,
catalogo della mostra (a cura di C. BARTOLONI, F. DELPINO, C. MORIGI Ccvi, C. SASSATELLI), Venezia 2000, pp. 132-133, card no. 88.
11 The main evidence of this development comes from a female clay image from Vetulonia of the Early Iron Age recently analysed
by Filippo Delpino. It is joined to the top of the handle of a double jug with the oblique neck, dug up from a pit tomb of Vetulonia in
1885 (National Archaeological Museum of Firenze, without inventory no. - old Inv. no. 72) cf. I. FALCHI, Vetulonia - Scavi del 1897 nella
necropoli, in NSc 1898, p. 92. CAMPOREALE, La collezione C.A., cit., p. 13, nota 2. IDRM, Dall'Europa transalpina all'Etruria. Facies villanoviana,
in Archdologhische Untersuchungen zu den Beziehungen zwiochen Alt italien und der Zone nordwdrts der Alpen wdhrend derfruhen Eisenzeit
Alteuropas, Atti del Convegno (Regensburger 1994), 1998, p. 43. F. DELPINO, Brocchette a cotta oblique dall'area etrusca, in Etruria e Sardegna
centro-settentrionale tra l'eti del bronzo finale e l'arcaismo, Atti del )(XI Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici, Pisa-Roma 2002, p. 367, n. 23
(jug type: Cruppo 1, Varietà B, the artefact is dated back to the second half of the 9 1' and the beginning of the 8 1h century B.C.); 382,
note 73, pl. IV a, c-f. IDEM, Tra Sardegna nuragica ed Etruria villanoviana: una variazione etrusca su un tema sardo (e non solo), in Miscellanea
in snore di D. & F.R. Ridgway, London 2006, pp. 139-143, passim., IDEM, Una identiti ambigua, cit., passim, figs. 1-2.
Nevertheless, the specific indication of the eyes of the figurine suggests that caution should be taken because the undercut,
Andrea Babbi
16
The Copenhagen figure seems to conform itself better to the artistic language of its area of provenance.
This assumption is based on the way the eyes are modelled (circular hollow die), the oval massive visage
and the typical hairdo. All of these features are often to be found in the figurines from Val di Chiana (Tav.
2,2d)19.
Although the two analysed artefacs seem to be "due esiti paralleli, ispirati agli stessi modelli e strettamente connessi ad esigenze rituali simili" 20, I consider it plausible to localise the one in Florence Museum to
the north-Etruscan mineral region, while I would be inclined to recognise the one in Copenhagen to bean iconography from the coastal area repertoire "taken up by the leading families at Chiusi and.. transformed 1121. Accepting the framework previously described and therefore the interpretation of the two finds as
expressed by the local productive environment of the first half of the pth century B.C., we cannot ignore a
certain problem in studying the iconographic scheme.
As far as it can be ascertained, a similar theme has been documented in the native three-dimensional
clay production by only the two forementioned artefacts. Conceptually the composition criterion of a later
acroterium of Acquarossa is considerably remote from those specimens22.
An openwork decoration af a small holmes from afossa tomb discovered at the end of the 191 century in
the Poggio Buco necropolis, now conserved at the Anthropology University Museum of Berkeley-California,
shows a closely related iconography, though much plainer and simplified (Tav. 3, 3 a)23.
a typical feature of the earliest bronze statuettes from Vetulonia and also testified through the posterior specimens from Chiusi, is
completed with the impressed circle characteristic of the figurines of Chiusi, H. DAMGAARD ANDERSON, The Etruscan ancestral cult. Its
origin and development and the importance of ant hro poinorphisation, in AnaiRom 21, 1993, pp. 38-42, figs. 45, 47-48, 53-54. See bronze
evidence cf. HILL RICHARDSON, The recurrent geometric, cit., pp. 170-173, pl. VI, figs. 20-21 (from the 2 11 "circolo delle Pellicce" of
Vetulonia); VII, figs. 22 ("Circolo dei Lebeti" of Vetulonia), 25 ("Circolo della Costiaccia Bambagini" of Vetulonia). E. RICHARDSON,
Etruscan votive bronzes. Geometric, orientalising, archaic, Major 1983, pp. 3-7. An accentuated prognathism of the visage is visible also
on a naked female little bronze in the Mich Collection which, if confirming to originate from Castelluccio di Pienza, would increase
the evidence of a possible link between the coastal region and further inland, RICHARDSON, Etruscan votive bronze, cit., pp. 19-20, no.
4 (National Archaeological Museum of Siena, inv. no. 39495), pl. 6, figs. 22-23. L. C]o1mlo, La Collezione Mieli net Museo Archeologico di
Siena, Roma 1986, pp. 111-112, no. 308, pl. 63. ROMIJALDI, Un'ansafittile, cit., p. 3, note 22, the scholar considers Castelluccio di Pienza
as the most probable provenance.
11 Owing to the raising of strong doubts regarding the authenticity of the "vaso Coleman" (Philadelphia, inv. MS 2467) and "vaso
Frothingham" (Philadelphia, inv. MS 1399), it is worth ruling out the old comparison with the figures standing on the top of them.
However, it is important to point out how these peculiarities make up the typical style of a great deal of artefacts of the 7 11 century
B.C. from Chiusi. For the "vaso Coleman" cf. RYSTEDT, An Unusual Etruscan Vase, cit., p. 102, fig. 8. DAAIGAARD ANDERSEN, The etrusran
ancestral cult, cit., pp. 36-37, card no. 29, fig. 43. MINETn, Le necropoli chiusine, cit., p.92. EADEM, L'orientalizzante, cit., p.434. Regarding
the "vaso Frothingham" cf. DAMGAARD ANDERSEN, The Etruscan ancestral cult, cit., p. 36, card no. 28, fig. 42. EADEM, L'orientalizzante, cit.,
p.434. Further similarities from that area are in DAMGAARD ANDERSEN, The Etruscan ancestral cult, cit., pp. 32-44, figs. 45, 47-48, 51, 53.
21
ROMUALDI, LIn'ansa fittile, cit., p.354.
21
Quotation from RYSTEDT, An Unusual Etruscan Vase, cit., p. 103. In favour of a local origin cf. also RASFRELLI, Chiusi, cit., p. 70, note
22. Romuakli prefers to suspend judgement due to the shortage of information cf. ROMUALDI, Un'ansafittile, cit., p. 357. Contra Mr'wm,
L'orientalizzante, cit., pp. 437-438, the artefact should be traced back to "una produzione di area costiera importata a Chiusi".
Regarding the acroterium cf. RYSTEDT, Acquarossa, cit., p. 134, Are pattern including one human and two animal forms, nos. PC
)OOUV-)(XXVIII, fig. 42, pls. 28-30 (ca 575 B.C.). The scholar was the first to highlight the limits of such a comparison, RYSTEDT,
Acquarossa, cit., p. 135. Even this regarding the difference in chronological order, it is plain that the similarities are restricted to the
mere formal aspect. Iconologically the meaning diffused by the images has changed completely, here the female figure suffers the
fatal attack of two wild beasts passively. The differences are more evident considering the classically dedalic style which is perceptible
in the fringe hairdo, the short forehead and the massive visage with a triangular outline, RYSTEDT, Acquarossa, cit., p. 136. To sum up, it
seems that the assumption regarding the presence of different iconographic models certainly deserves consideration.
11 According to the inventory data the stand should belong to one of the tombs found during the excavations campaign 1896-1897
(November 1896), in Jesi Sadun's farmland on the plateau. In the cursory edition of these discoveries, dating back to 1898, the photograph of the artefact is published without any precise comment, C. PELLECRINI, Pitigliano - Risultato degli scavi del 1896-97 a Poggio Buco,
Iconographic traditions of the Hittite and Syrian "sich entschleiernde Ghttin"
17
As for the burial-furniture, unfortunately devoid of its metallic objects, Giacinto Matteucig proposed
a date in the first quarter of the 71 century B.C, 24. In support of this dating is the close affinity between
the Etruscan-geometric vases of the American context and those of the tomb I st from Poggio Buco now in
Florence luckily complete with bronze findings".
Despite its small size, the holmos made of an impasto defined as "grey bucchero" by Matteucig, shows
a complex modelled decoration in the middle part while an openwork which represents the pattern under
discussion stands on the base". Paraphrasing the scholar, a men is portrayed with upright outstretched legs,
standing in the middle of an "archway", and whose arms are outstreched sideways and perpendicular to the
body. According to Matteucig, this decoration would seem to be akin to the sculptural one which adorns a
holmos from Narce conserved in Philadelphia". The limits to Matteucig's comparison, who certainly ignored
dove supponesi Statonia, e nuoi trovamenti di antichiti in altre parti del terriotorio pitiglianese, in NSc 1898, p. 447, fig. 9 in the centre. Just a
few years later, in 1902, the holsnos appears in the collections of the Californian Museum as part of the burial-context A corresponding
to the 11 11 tomb of the inventory of the discover, the painter Riccardo Mancinelli from Orvieto, G. MrrEucIG, Poggio Buco. The Necropolis
of Statonia, Berkeley-Los Angeles 1951, pp. 19-22, pl. II. Recently Eva Rystedt has drawn attention to the peculiar pattern on the base
of the stand, which had been mentioned by Giovanni Colorina in his list of the holrnoi from the Vulci territory (C. COLONNA, Perergon. A
proposits delfrainmento geometrico dal Foro, in MEFRA 92, 1980, p. 600, note 15), cf. Rysreor, An Unusual Etruscan Vase, cit., p. 100, note 10.
Regarding Mancinelli's diggings of the Poggio Buco necropolis cf. PELLEGRINI, Pitigliono, cit., pp. 442-450. MATTEIJCIG, Poggio Buco, cit., pp.
1-4. G. BARTOLONI, Le toinbe do Poggio Buco nel Muses Archeologico di Firenze, Firenze 1972, pp. 11-13, note 7. E. PELLEGRINI, La necropoli di
Poggio Buco. Nuovi dati per lo studio di un centro dell'Etruria interns nei periodi orientalizzante e arcoico, Firenze 1989, pp. 19-21, note 17.
24
MAITEUCIG, Poggio Buco, cit., pp. 55-58.
Regarding painted objects of the Berkeley tomb cf. MAIFEUCIG, Poggio Buco, cit., pp. 19-20, nos. 5-7, pl. II, nos. 1-3; and the burial
context in Florence, found during the same archaeological campaign as the previous one, and for its chronology cf. BARTOLONI, Le
75 century fits
tombe do Foggia Buco, cit., pp. 17-29, nos. 1,6,7, figs. 2-3, pl. V, especially pp. 28-29. A dating from the first half of the
well with the other items of the burial-furniture. The stanmoid jars with two conical knobs and vertical and U-shaped ribs, are typical
products of Vulci and its interland. Similar vases were also found at Cerveteri and Chiusi in tombs of the 7 1 century with a large
amount of evidence dating back to the middle of the century (MArrEucic, Poggio Buco, cit., p. 19, nos. 1-4, pl. I. PELLEGRINI, La necropoli
di Foggia Buco, cit., pp. 32-34, "011e stamnoidi su piede, con decorazione a cordoni rilevati"). The impasto cups and the kantharoi with
the lower part of the body grooved can be dated between the end of the 8 11 and the first half of the 7th century B.C. (MATTEUCIG, Poggio
Buco, cit., pp. 21-22, nos. 15-17, pl. II, nos. 11-13. PELLEGRINI, La necropoli di Poggio Buco, cit., pp. 42-43, "Tazze, con corpo baccellato").
The unpainted fine ware cups, with two pinched handles, date back to the first half of the 7' century B.C. (MATFEUCIG, Poggio Buco,
cit., p. 20, nos. 8-9, pl. II, nos. 4-5. PELLEGRINI, La necropoli di Foggia Buco, cit., p. 66, "Tazze biansate, con anse pizzicate"). Finally, the
chronology is substantiated by both the structure of the tomb (a plain fossa), and the association of materials characteristic of the
Poggio Buco burial-furniture of the first half of the 71 century B.C. (PELLEGRINI, La necropoli di Poggio Buco, cit., p. 136, "vasi potori,
cratere su alto piede, olla dipinta, olle con cordoni arcuati, tazza e kantharoi con vasca baccellata").
26
The vase is made up of a basin with a conical, slightly convex body standing on two globular bulle surmounting a high bellshaped foot with an outcurving rim. It is not more than 28,5 cm in height, while the diameter of the rim of basin is 14,5 cm. The
modelled ornament placed between the lowest part of the superior basin and the highest of the inferior one, consists of three sets of
stems, semicircular in outline, from which twenty clay rings hang down; the stems of the lowest set of stems altemating with similar
elements forked downwards without rings.
27
Philadelphia University Museum, tomb Narce 7F - fossa with lateral loculus from Ficola's excavations 1895-96 near Monte lo
Greco, Inv. no. MS 1219, E. HALL DOHAN, Italic tomb-groups in the University Museum, Philadelphia 1942, pp. 67-68, no. 1, pls. XXXVXXXVI. The funerary context, dated back to 680-650 B.C. by Dohan, has been recently reconsidered by Marina Micozzi and Maria
Anna De Lucia Brolli who have attributed a date in the second quarter of the 711, and between the final quarter of the 8' and the
first half of the 75 century B.C. respectively, Mlcoz-zI, White on red, cit., p. 165, note 284. M.A. DE LUCIA BROLLI, Narce, scavi e ricerche in
Museo: la tomba (XXXIV) della Petrina A, in Etrusca et Italica. Scritti in ricordo di Massimo Pallottino, I, Pisa-Roma 1997, pp. 221-222, note
64. A synthesis of the holmos was published in G.M.A. HANFMANN, Altetruskische Plostik, I. Die menschliche Gestalt in der Rundplastik bis
rum Ausgang der orientalizierenden Kunst, Wurzburg 1936, p. 88, no. 6. The photograph of this specimen has also appeared in MIC0zzI,
White on red, cit., pl. LXXIII. Lastly, Françoise Gaultier pointed out strongly that the coherence and the integrity of the Philadelphia
tomb-gifts deserve attention cf. F. GAMIER, Gustave Faille: un orcheologo francese ails scoperta dell'Agro Falisco, in Ricerche Archeologiche
in Etruria Meridionale nel XIX secolo, Atti dell'incontro di studio, Firenze 1999, pp. 87-95, passim. IDEM, Les fouilles en territoirefalisque,
in MEFRA 113, 2001, pp. 549-560, passim.
Andrea Babbi
18
the "Danish" sculptural ornament already published since 1937, should be evident to its proposer as he
ends the comment on it saying "The latter figure [i.e. that of Narce], however, is in a different technique and
serves a different decorative purpose"". In fact, the figurines adorning the Philadelphia holmos, and a second
painted one from the same tomb", are not encircled by the arched elements and have the arms raised and
bent at the elbows.
In order to make relevant comparisons it was necessary to look at evidence made of different material.
Rystedt had already drawn up the hypothesis of a connection with the ornament of the openwork disc above
the handle of some bronze cups from funerary contexts of Etruria and neighbouring regions (the Bolognese
countryside, Marche, Umbria, Tuscany and northern Latium)", which date back to the Late Iron Age and the
Early Orientalizing period". The decoration of the above-mentioned disc is made up of a couple of stylized
birds circumscribed by two concentric upward arcs, sometimes complemented by a human figure standing
in the middle (Tav. 3,3 b)32,
In 1936 Georg Hanfinann drew up an initial list of specimens with the anthropomorphic ornament33.
Nevertheless, it was only in 1945 when the whole group of these discs was carefully examined by Gero von
Merhart, who collocated the type with birds at the beginning of the developing iter, and the one enriched
by the human figurine at the end (Tav. 3, 3 c)°, Following this Giovanriangelo Camporeale, observing a
preponderant concentration in the orientalizing Vetulonia of the handles with birds, localized the origin of
the production right there and made the assumption of an inverted developing sequence". This iconography
has been recently reconsidered by the Italian scholar who has suggested acknowledging blending of local
and central European traditions in the type with human figure".
MArrEUCIG, Poggio Buco, cit., p. 67.
This second specimen (Inv. no. MS 1221), smaller in size, has a couple of anthropomorphic figurines near the bulls too. Their
strongly schematic style and posture are exactly like those on the previous holmos, HANFMANN, Altetruskische Plastik, cit., p. 88, no. 5.
DOHAN, Italic tomb-groups, cit., pp. 68-69, no. 3, figs. 41-42; 108; pl. XXXV-)OO(VI. Micozzi, White on red, cit., pp. 107-108, 165, 231-232,
286, no. 36, type C, pls. L)OUll-LXXIV.
30
It is particularly important to remember the discovery of a cup with the handle surmounted by a disc with a couple of orroitomorphic figurines, in the locality called Ficomontano just a kilometer and a half sout/south-east of the La Fomace and Marcianella
farms, in the area of Chiusi cf.R. BIANCHI BANDINELLI, Clusium, cit., cols. 343-344, figs. 42-43. C. CAMPOREALE, I commerci di Vetulonia
in eta orientalizzante, Firenze 1969, pp. 57-59, no. 1, pl. XV, 2, stylistic features lead the author to believe the artefact to have been
imported from Vetulonia.
31
RYSTEOT, Acquarossa, cit., p. 135, note 172. RYsTE0T, An Unusual Etruscan Vase, cit., pp. 99-101, fig. 7.
32 Most recently H. DAMGAARD ANDERSEN, The origin of Potnia Theron in central Italy, in HambBeitrA 19-20, 1992-1993, pp. 98-102,
fig. 28. For an Italic specimen now in a Swiss private collection cf. C. REUSSER, schede di materiali, in Testimonianze d'arte etrusca in
collezioni private ticinesi, catalogo della mostra, Lugano 1986, p.9, card no. 1.2, fig. on the p.9.
HANFMANN, Altetruskische Plastik, cit., pp. 61-63, for his thesis on the provenance of this iconography from the Near East, passing through Crete cf. infra. The possibility of a link between the Italian discs and the eastern iconographies, in particular Egyptian,
Phoenician ed Assyrian, had already been hypothesized by Arthur J . Evans in 1892 cf. A.J. EvAMs, A Mykenaean treasure from Aegina,
in JHS 13, 1892, pp. 201-203, figs. 2b-5.
Von Merhart suggested recognizing the very beginning phase of the archetype in the specimens with a crescent moon circumscribing a couple of birds and with two zoomorphic heads on the top of the composition. After this stage the one with continuous
crescent moon would have followed; at a later phase, artefacts adorned with quadrupeds paratactically set on the external rim and,
in the latest evidence, a human figurine in the middle, C. voi 'i MERHART, Zu einer etruskische Henkelschale, in G. VON MERFIART, Hallstatt
und Italien. Gesammelte Aufsiitze zur Frühen Eisenzeit in Italien und Mitteleuropa, Mainz 1969, pp. 273-275.
The scholar justifies this iter (from the iconography with anthropomorphic figurine to the one lacking it) considering a
progressive aesthetic and conceptual simplification of the theme which in time would have steadily shown an even more schematic
modelling of volumes and figures, as well as a gradual loss of the narrative values and the simultaneous increasing of the purely
ornamental ones, CAMPOREALE, I commerci di Vetulonia, cit., pp. 41, note 9; 57-60.
11 G CAMPOREALE, Cavalli e Cavalieri nell'Etrurio dell'VIII sec. aC. Dall'Agrofalisco all'Agro picentino, in RendPontAc 77, 2004-2005,
29
Iconographic traditions of the Hittite and Syrian "rich entschleiernde Gottin"
Recent analysis and discoveries have fired the debated with new reflections and driven towards greater
prudence. The short chronological deco/age between the most ancient evidence of both types, from Bisenzio
and Pontecagnano respectively (Tav. 3, 3 b, d), prevents us from ruling out the assumption of a conceivable
coexistence from the beginning. This argument bears evidence for the leading role played by the Tyrrhenian
regions in the forming and/or the spread of such an iconography".
p. 392, note 63, the group with '"potnia' fra due palmipedi inscritta in due circonferenze concentriche" would stand for "elaborazione
italica, in cui si utilizza ii motivo delle anatrelle contrapposte, che e originario del repertorio figurativo dei campi d'urne".
Regarding the type with human figurine the reference is to Bisenzio, Olmo Bello, tb. 2- female burial of the local phase 11133
(third quarter of the 8' century B.C.), F. DELPINO, La prima eta del ferro a Bisenzio. Aspetti del/a cultura villanoviana nell'Etruria meridi onale interns, in MemLinc, s. 8, 21, 1977, p. 473, note 78, fig. 4. F. DELPINO, Una identiti ambigua, cit., note 28. The variety with ducks
only occurs on the bronze cup from the tomb 528 of Pontecagnano - female as well, local phase 11A, Pontecagnano II. La necropoli
del Picentino 1: Le tombe della Prima eta del Ferro, AmiAStorAntQuaderni 5, (a cura di B. D'Acosimo, P. GASTALDI), Napoli 1988, p.
49, type 30A, note 122, figs. B, 3; N, letter Q pl. 15, the older dating of this context in comparison with the Vetulonia ones cited by
Camporeale, let Bruno d'Agostino and Patrizia Gastaldi prefer the developing iter drawn by von Merhart. The recently suggested
chronology of the tomb to the early IIA phase (S. Dr NATALE, La tabella di seriazione, in Prima di Pithecusa. I piii antichi materiali greci
del Golfo di Salerno (a cura di G. BAILO MonEsil, P. GASTALDI), Napoli 1999, tabella 1), initially considered corresponding "alle fasi IIA
avanzata e IIB di Veio" of the Judith Toms's seriation chart (Pontecagnano II, cit., p. 112) and nowadays included from 780/770 to
750 B.C. (B. D'AGOSTINO, La ceramica greca e di tipo greco dalle necropoli della I Eta del Ferro di Pontecagnano, in Prima di Pithecusa, cit.,
chart on p. 13. IDEM, Osservazioni sulla prima Eta del Ferro nell'Itolia Meridionale, in Oriente e Occidente: metodi e discipline a confronts.
Riflessioni sulla cronologia dell'età del ferro italiana, Atti dell'incontro di studi, Pisa-Roma 2005, chart on p.438), might perhaps confirm
the opinion stated by d'Agostino and Castaldi. My idea about it is that the rarity of the archaological evidence avoids substantiating
the chronological priority of one theme over the other.
38
HANFMANN, Altetruskische Plastik, cit., p. 61, collects the Italic specimens under the term "Taubengottin". H.V. HERRMANN,
Fruhgriechischer Pferdeschmuck vom Luristantypus, in JdI 83, 1968, p. 26. CAMP000ALE, I rommerci di Vetulonia, cit., p.59 (Potnia Theron?).
DAMGAARD ANDERSEN, The origin, cit., p. 100. The hypotesis drawn by von Merhart who describe the arch as "ein Homerpaar" makes
an exception to this framework. On the basis of this assumption the scholar therefore denies the validity of the Aegean and Levantine
routes, preferring a Danubian origin, VON MERHART, Zu einer etruskische, cit., pp. 276-279. Lately Iaia has proposed a recognition of
these openwork discs as "figura umana al centro della "barca solare'>" , but without explaining the line of reasoning he had followed
to hold this exegesis to the reader, C. IAI.x, Produzioni toreutiche della prima eta del ferro in Italia centro-settentrionale. Stili decorativi,
cirrotazione, oignifirato, Pisa-Roma 2005, p. 142, note 1. The author assumes a descent of the theme "del <<signore! a degli ucrelli'>"
from two handles with sculptural ornaments of impasto bowls respectively from Veio (Grotta Gramiccia, tomb 386, A. BERARDINETII,
L. DrGo, La necropoli di Grotto Gramircia, in Le necropoli arcoiche di Veio, giornata di studio in onore di Massimo Pallottino (a cura
di G. BART0L0NI), Roma 1997, p. 40, note 12, figs. 7-8) and a site perhaps in the Faliscan or Capena area (Geneva, C.A. Collection:
CAMPOREALE, La collezione CA., cit., pp. 40-41, no. 33, pl. 20, a-c. CAMPOREALE, Eroi e signori., cit., p. 64, figs. 11-13), IAIA, Prod uzioni
toreutiche, cit., pp. 141-142. Leaving out a detailed analysis of both the two artefacts and their decoration in this paper (about these
subjects cf. A. BABBI, La piccolo plastics fittile ontropomorfa dell'Italia antica, dal Bronzofinale all'eti orientalizzante. Analisi storico-arrheologico
degti ospettiformoli e simbolico-cultuali, Dottorato di Ricerca in Archeologia (Etruscologia) - XV Ciclo, Università degli Studi di Roma
"La Sapienza", a.a. 2003-2004), I do think that a couple of reflections prevents us from standing for the aforesaid hypothesis. The
first remark concerns iconographic, conceptual and composition incongruities, which would be involved from the line of descent
expressed by the author. In fact, the figurines described as "al centro della >>barca solace>>" would be the product of an artistic tradition represented by two sculptural clay groups hypothetically interpreted as a person (female in the Veio specimen, male and likely
helmeted, bandoleered and belted in the second one) leading a chariot pulled by a couple of animals. The only connection between
the two motifs would therefore be reduced to the uncertain ornitomorphic nature of the animals. It is from this very iconographic
detail that the second reflection arises. It is worth highlighting as, regarding the Veio artefact, the stressed stylization of the handle
prevents us from holding any opinion and, by implication, the suggested derivation would be based only on the Geneva vase. In the
couple of zoomorphic elements belonging to this latter group, the scholar recognizes two ",.,'cigm ...... because "la grande lunghezza
e sinuosità dei colli...non sembra [sic] compatibile con l'interpretazione come cavalli" claimed by Camporeale. If the artefact can be
conceivably dated to the late 818 century B.C., I believe that the schematism of the animal heads could be explained as a consequence
of the little dimension and of the progressive stylization of the volumes, which in that period was a result of the blending between
the styles of the bronze and clay modelling. Regarding this, it could be worthwhile underlining that, in the same chronological term,
the horse figure is progressively getting simpler as shown by a great deal of artefacts such as the askis from the tomb Benacci 525
20
Andrea Babbi
Pausing to consider the variety with human figure, it can be noted that a hint of earrings is often present
even on the simpliest, roughest specimens. This feature, inadequate to determine the gender, increases its
significance in the light of the sharp cut of the pelvic area on the Bisenzio artefact. Therefore, the primeval
evidence of this iconography, and perhaps even those later ones which were becoming more and more schematic, answered the very similar need to represent a naked immodest female human being.
The concomitanced of the anthropomorphic image with the zoomorphic figures led to aknowledgement
of ornament as a Taubengattin or more generically a itótvta Orpthv° 8. In my opinion, this interpretation
gives only a partial explanation to the different conceptual aspects involved in the genesis of the theme. At
this point a mention must be made of the three components which make up the iconography: the human
being, animals and the concentric arcs. In a recent and well thought out paper, Filippo Delpino has examined
the likelihood of pointing out other archetypes, attempting to complete the traditional exegesis with further
details. The scholar has highlighted a similarity in the composition of the Italic clay and bronze finds, with the
near-eastern iconography of the naked female figure in the middle of lotus flowers (Tav. 6, 5 b) 39, It is between
these two extremes, Taubengottin and figure circumscribed by phytomorphic elements, that this study has
developed.
Already in 1936, Hanfmaiin noticed a close affinity of the Italic shape with a bronze pendant uncovered
three years before in the burial ground of Fortetsa near Knossos (Tav. 4, 4 a) 40. The artefact, dug up from a
burial context dating between the middle of the 9th B.C. and the first half of the following century, represents
a naked upright female figure holding the ring in which she is circumscribed. On top of the ring there are
two quadrupeds, probably lions, facing each other". The pendant has been unanimously considered as a
product of Luristan, where a similar motif is documented by a series of pin heads refering to the 9 1h and
of Bologna, and some of the numerous bronze tripods with horses mainly from southern Etruria since the third quarter of the 8°'
century B.C. In summing up these data, Irate that Icia's assumptions, although useful for widening the range of animal types, do
not let us rule out the eventual interpretation of the animal heads as belonging to horses. As for the rich recent bibliography about
the askis Benacci cf.: DAMGAARD ANDERSEN, The etruscan ancestral cult, cit., p. 20, no. lob, fig. 18. M. ToarLu, Il rango, ii rito e l'iminagine.
AGe origini della rappresentazione storica romana, Milano 1997, p. 352, fig. 30. A. MAGGIANI, R4flexions our la religion itrusque primitive: de
l'èpoque villanovienne 3 l'ipoque archaique, in Leo plus religeux des hommes. bat de la recherce sur In religion etrusque, Actes du Colloque
International, Paris 1997, p. 441, fig. 5. J.M.J. GRAN AYMERICH, Images et Mythes our leo vases noirs d'Etrurie. VIII'-VI' siècle a y. J.-C., in
Le mythe grec dons l'Italie antique. Fonction et image, Atti del Colloquio Internazionale, Roma 1999, pp. 385-388, fig. 1. L. MALNATI, II
ruoto mlell'aristocrazia nell'affennazione del dominio etrusco in Vol Padana tra il IX e In fine del VII secolo a. C, in Guerrieri Principi ed Eroifra
ii Danubio e il Ps dalla Protostoria all'Alto Medioevo, catalogo della mostra, Trento 2004, pp. 251-252 and fig. on p.248. A. DoeR, schede
dei materiali, in Guerrieri Principi ed Eroi, cit., p. 603, no, 5.1. About the tripods compendiously cf. H. HENCKEN, Horse tripods of Etruria,
inAJA61, 1957, pp. 3-4, pls. 3-4. CAMI'OREALE, Icommerci di Vetulonia, cit., p.81. G. CAMPOREALE, Nuovi datisull'attività prod uttiva e sugli
scambi di Vetulonia dal Villanoviano all'Arcaismo, in L'Etruria mineraria, Atti del XII Convegno di Studi Etruschi e Italici, Firenze 1981,
pp. 386-388. F. BURANELLI, intervento alla discussione, in L'Etruria mineraria, cit., pp. 515-516. G. COLONNA, Gli scudi bilobati dell'Italia
cent role e l'ancile dei Salii in ArchCl 43, 1, 1991, p. 71, note 24. M. EGG, Ein neuer Kesselwagen aus Etrurien, in JbZMusMainz 38, 1991
(1996), pp. 202-205 and map in fig. 13. G. CAMPOREALE, Cavalli e Cavalieri, cit., p.382, note 5.
DELPINO, Una identiti ambigun, cit., fig. 8, note 29.
HANFMANN, Altetruskische Plastik, cit., p. 62, on grounds of the composition the scholar rules out the Greek region and draws his
attention towards the near-eastern territories, "Da g Erfindung aber auch nich griechisch ist, beweist die gnzliche Ubereinstimmung
des Aufbaues mit Luristanbronzen. Da Kreta wie Luristan für die ffthrende orientalische Kunst our Ausfuhr und Randgebiete sind,
wird man den Ursprung in Kleinasien oder Mesopotamien zu suchen haben".
° Fortetsa, tb. F, Iraklion Museum, Inv. no. 2317, Diam. ring 5,5 cm, H figure 5,0 cm. J.K.BROCK, Fortetsa. Early Greek tombs near
Knossos, Cambridge 1957, pp. 136,199, n. 1570, tav. 114. HERRMANN, Fruhgriechischer Pferdeschmuck, cit., pp. 26-28, notes 94-95, fig. 20,
according to the author the importance of the object lies on the fact that "es den Bildtypus der icózvrcc Oiijoiv mit LOwen in einer
'luristanishen Fassung' uberliefert"; the scholar accepted the Hanfrnann's comparison with the Italic specimens and described the
last ones "Anklange an solche Luristan-Anhinger", pp. 26-27, note 96. S. Boma, Die "Nackte Gfttin". Zur Ikonographie und Deutung
unbekleideter weiblicher Figures in derfruhgriechischen Kunst, Mainz am Rhein 1990, pp. 68-71, 153, no. B154, pl. 20f.
Iconographic traditions of the Hittite and Syrian "sich entschleiernde GOttin" gth
21
century B.C°. Nevertheless one must take into consideration the fact that the evidence from that area is
peculiar owing to the constant presence of two quadrupeds lying upside down and subjugated by the human
figure, so-called Maitre o MaItresse des animaux, and to the top of the arched stems modelled as -a zoomorphic
head". According to experts, these constituent characteristics are an unmistakable sign of the deep influences
exerted on the imaginary iconographic of Luristan by the Mesopotomian decorative traditions. Therefore, in
the light of this statement, this region cannot be considered as the place of origin of that motif.
In my view, interesting new reflections can emerge from a research line, until now neglected, that
takes even the Syrian and Hittite glyptics into account. Among the innumerable representations on the
Cappadocian and Syrian seals, it is worth singling one out, which in particular was widespread from the
first half of the second millennium and shows some connections with the later Italic evidence. The theme,
eloquently called "sich entschleiernde Göttin" and believed to have originated from Syria, is made up of a
female figure in profile lifting her clothes up to show off her body (Tav. 4, 4 b). Similarly to the Cretan pendant, the dress is moreoften outlined by two curved stems with phytomorphic ends (Tav, 5,4 c) 5, The group
is sometimes supplemented with one or more animals, often two birds interpreted as doves set out at the
figure's sides, at her feet or her shoulders (Tav. 5, 4 d-e).
Two very interesting representations have been found from a stone melting mould (Tav, 5, 4 f), for the casting of fine metal decorations, and from a little clay plate with ornamental relief (Tav. 5, 4 g) respecively from
archaeological layers of the first and the second half of the second millennium B.C. in Ktiltepe, Cappadocia, and
in Alalach, Syria°. The iconographic scheme is similar to the previous one, however, the anthropomorphic figure
is now seen from the front and it stands on a high base from which two couples of arched concentric elements
originate thogether with; two doves being chased by the woman who at the same time is lifting up her dress47.
These findings, besides testifying the persistence of the constituent basic parts of the "sich entschleiernde
Göttin" theme, also show a blending with the so called "Qu-du-shu" iconography in which the female figure,
always seen from the front, is naked and circumscribed by phytomorphic and/or zoomorphic elements. The
specific name of the theme is derived from the inscriptions of some Egyptian stelai of the New Kingdom (19th
201 dynasty 1300-1130 B.C.), where the image, towering over a lion and holding lotus flowers and sometimes
snakes, is called "Quduu" i.e "the sacred" (Tav. 6, 5 a)48.
BOHM, Die "Nackte GOttin", cit., p.68, notes 354-355.
E. DE WAELE, Bronzes du Luristan et d'Amlash, Louvain-la-Neuve 1982, pp. 143-145, 155-156, nos. 211-212, 214, figs. 118-120, 127,
the dimensions of the quoted three artefacts are respectively: Diam. 8,0 cm, H 8,8; Diam. 7,2 cm, H 7,5; Diam. 6,5 cm, H 6,5.
N
BOnii, Die "Nackte Göttin", cit., pp. 68-69, "das Motiv der nackten Frau in Verbindung mit LOwen nicht genuin luristanisch
ist....aus Mesopotamien stammt".
U. WINTER, Die Taube derfernen Gotter in PS 56,1 und die GOttin mit der Taube in der vorderasiatischen Ikonographie, i n 0. KEEL, Vogel
ala Boten. Studien zu Ps 68, 12-14, Gen 8, 6-12, Koh 10, 20 und dem Aussenden von Botenvögel in Agypten, Freiburg Schweiz 1977, p. 64,
the scholar assumes that the spread of the motif in the Anatolian region would have been contemporary with the period of Assyrian
colonies (1950-1750 B.C.). U. WINTER, Frau und Gittin. Exegetische und ikonographische Studien zum weiblichen Gottesbild im Alten Israel
und in dessen Umwelt, Gottingen 1983, pp. 272-283, figs. 268-295, the ends of the dress in the shape of lotus or papyrus flower lead
the author to rightly claim that "Diese Attribute machen deutlich, dass trotz der martialischen Gebirde des Gottes nicht an Krieg zu
denken ist, sondern, besonders wegen der Schiange, an Sexualitat, Fruchtbarkeit und Lebenskraft". N. MARINATOS, The Goddess and the
Warrior. The Naked Goddess and Mistress of Animals in Early Greek Religion, London-New York 2000, pp. 1-7.
46
As for the Kultepe find (H 6,0 cm; Width 4,2 cm, 1018th centuries B.C.) cf. K. EMRE, Anatolian Lead Figurines and their Stone
Moulds, Ankara 1971, p. 117, chart no. 51, pl. XI, 4a-b. WINTER, Die Taube, cit., p. 64, fig. 21. WINTER, Frau und GOttin, cit., pp. 281-282,
note 392, fig. 290. Regarding the Alalach plate (layer III, 14" century B.C.) cf. WINTER, Die Taube, cit., pp. 64-65, fig. 22. WINTER, Fran
und Gottin, cit., p.282, fig. 291.
41 The figure is described by Winter as standing upright "in einer 'Mandorla', die unten von einem Flugelpaar und oben von der
geflugelten Sonnenscheibe begrenzt wird", WINTER, Die Taube, cit., p. 64.
41 The presence of this name with the theonimes 'Ashtart and 'Anat on the same inscription appears to link her up to the sphere
Andrea Babbi
22
Even if the assumptions about the origin of this figural composition are far from certain 49, it is evident
however that it had wide diffusion and great importance in the eastern world as well (Tav. 6, 5 b). It is for
this reason that a great deal of little clay plates, seals, jewels, bronzes and ivories existe between the Bronze
Age and the 8th century B.C., when the traditional elements were enriched on Nimrud ivories by upside
down lions caught by their tails (Tav. 6, 5 c) 50. The great wealth and variety of Levantine evidence make lack
of similar iconography in Greece even more clear and meaningful".
Similarly, regarding the above-mentioned reflections about the "sich entschleiernde Göttin", it may not
be far from the truth to say that Crete played a leading role in the spread of this motif towards the west.
Among the artefacts uncovered from the Idaean Cave, mention must be made of the bronze sheets belonging
gth century
to two shields, which can be connected with a northern Syrian production dating back to the late
B.C. on the grounds of the decorative style with a naked female figure holding lotus flowers or papyrus
plants (Tav. 6, 5 d-e)".
If the similarity of the composition between the Italic and the more ancient near-eastern findings makes
the assumption of far Levantine archetypes operating in the gradual formation of local figurative traditions
believable, the chronological decalage between the primeval Italic evidence (Bisenzio cup, 750-725 B.C.) and the
Fortetsa pendant (850-750 B.C.) is a notable impediment. A careful re-examination of some decorative motifs
known in Pontecagnano could help to overcome this difficulty. Nevertheless, it is worthwhile highlighting the
strongly schematic drawings which oblige one to resort to hypotheses rather than categoric statements.
of health and sexuality cf. 0. NECBT, Canaanite Gods in Metal, An Archaeological study of ancient S yro-Palestiiaian figurines, Tel Aviv 1976,
p.99. WINTER, Frau und Gittin, cit., pp. 110-114, 125. MARINATOS, The Goddess, cit., p. 16. An iconographic confirmation supporting this
interpretation could be inferred from the woman's position dominating the lion and the snakes, a visual metaphor of doom. In other
words, the ineluctability of death, as well as the display of nudity in addition to the presence of lotus flowers giving clear references
to fertility is, therefore, itself fundamental to the principles of life.
49
origin of the scheme, which sometimes puts together lotus flowers and two wild beasts, is doubtful: on the one hand there
is the idea of an Egyptian pre-existence since the 121 dynasty (2000-1750 B.C.), followed in the Middle Bronze Age (2000-1550 B.C.)
by a spread in the Syrian region and then in the Anatolian one during the late phase in the same age (1550-1300 B.C.); on the other
hand the hypothesis of a Syrian-Palestinian origin is also credible and a later syncretism with Egyptian elements, WINTER, Frau und
Göttin, cit., pp. 123-124. MARINATOS, The Goddess, cit., p. 18.
50 NRGBI, Canaanite Gods, cit., pp. 99-100, b) The "Pictorial Quduiu" Group; 191, nos. 1697-1702, figs. 117-119, pls. 53-54 (Syrian finds
dating from the middle 15 1h and late 13 century B.C.). Mention must be made of a little bronze plate from the Hazor temple (levels
IA-tB, area C, Late Bronze II) with a female figure sizing snakes in the shape of crescent moon which is compared by the author
to the group b), EADEM, ibid., pp. 101, d) Unclassified Plaques; 192, no. 1706, pl. 55. WINTER, Frau und Gittin, cit., pp. 110-114, 181-186,
figs. 36-43, 150-151, 160, 163. BOW, Die "Nackte Gittin", cit., pp. 61-62. 0. KEEL, C. UEHLINGaR, Gittinnen, GoIter und Gottessymbole.
Neue Erkenntnisse zur Religionsgeschichte Kanaans und Israels aufgrund bislang unerschlossener ikonographischer Quellen, in Quaestiones
disputatae 134, Freiburg-Basel-Wien 1992, pp. 29-34, figs. 10-12b. In one of the two Nimrud specimens with lotus flowers and wild
beasts, the woman, imposing herself majestically above a lion, shows the blending of the Syrian iconography with the "Quduotu"
type. According to Marinatos, it was the protective function of the image, the small size of the "Qudutu" plaques and of the Syrian
ones with female figure, which allowed the wide spread distribution over the Levant and the Aegean, MARINATOS, The Goddess, cit.,
p. 13, note 53. It is worth stressing that the aforementioned (note 9) relief of the Geneva situla, reproduces a very similar scheme: a
woman with bent arms standing upright above a feline. Camporeale, even if recognizing a Potnia thero'n in the two anthropomorphic
figures of the "Swiss" vase, already observed that "ii quadco ottersuto diversifica dall'iconografia tradizionale della potnia (o del
despotes) theron" (CAMPOREALE, La collezione CA., cit., p. 107), and pointed out the lack of "un senso di lotta e di vittoria conseguente
a una lotta" (CAMPOREALE, Eroi e signori., cit., p. 67). An answer to Camporeale's doubts could be given by the hypothesis drawn in this
paper suggesting the interpretation of the two images as a local version of the Levantine "Qudulu" scheme.
51
MARINATOS, The Goddess, cit., pp. 113-15.
32 BOoa,i, Die "Nackte GOttin", cit., pp. 59-63, 69-71, nos. B13, B14, pl. 21a-b, the decoration is believed by the scholar "vorderasiafischer" as shown by "die Wiedergabe der Hathorperuckte als auch die dem Nordsyrischen entnornmenen Sphingerikopfe". For the
dating of the sheets in the late 8th century B.C., as well as the confirmation of the recognition of the "Qudulu" motif in the embossed
and engraved pattern cf. IVIARINATOS, The Goddess, cit., p.20, fig. 1.31.
Iconographic traditions of the Hittite and Syrian "sich entschleiernde Gittin"
23
Grave 699 of the Pagliarone necropolis with a "ricettacolo" structure leads us to believe it belongs to a
socially high-ranking, showing a male-type burial objects of the local phase lB (850-780/70 B.C,) 53. The clay
helmet covering the ash-urn shows an incised anthropomorphic figure circumscribed by two circular concentric elements broken at the top (Tav. 7, 6 a)M, In addition, the uniqueness of this motif seems attenuated
by the frequency of the couple of arched elements on clay helmets from contemporary tombs belonging to
high-ranking men of Pontecagnano, even if they are without the human figure (Tav. 7, 6 b)55.
Secondly, evidence comes from St. Antonio necropolis, where tomb 547 combines the same "ricettacolo"
structure but with a slightly more recent set of burial gifts (II phase) complete with sword and lance". The
pattern, on the apexed clay helmet, is similar to the previous one, even thought the more schematic and linear
outline is a far cry from the previous one (Tav. 7, 6 c). The figure is now standing in the centre between two
angular coaxial elements presenting further articulate external extremities, with the apex facing downwards".
A first attempt at the exegesis of the concentric archs motif was given in a paper by Bruno d'Agostino.
The scholar has rightly observed that the constant relation between these patterns and the helmet with apex,
in the Tyrrhenian regions sometimes completed by a hut roof and therefore "segno della continuità della
stirpe", could lead to identify firstly a doorway then a hut. The presence of a specimen with a real opening,
and of the aforesaid motif with human figure, would certainly substantiate that assumption (Tav. 7, 6 d)58.
Although adhering to this framework, I feel it would be better to take certain distinctions into consideration.
In fact, the concentric elements incised on the helmets show a wide range of variety: a continuous angular
scheme next to the rim (Tav. 7, 6 e) 59; simple, curved elements broken both at the top and the bottom, incised
close to the rim (Tav. 7, 6 f)60; and finally both angular and circular elements broken at the top and collocated
P. GASTALDJ, Pontecagnano 11.4 La necropoli del Pagliarone, AnnAStorAntQuaderni 10, Napoli 1998, pp. 38, motif D220; 40, motif
EllOb; 96, tomb 699, no. 5, figs. 23, 24, pls. 13, no. 3; 38; 67, T699, no. 5.
Despite the doubtful interpretation of the position of the legs, perceived by the slight incongruities among the edited drawings, the iconographic theme is remarkably interesting. GASTALDI, Pontecagnano, cit., p. 38, D2. enotivi seinicircolari, fig. 22, D210, D220,
D230. The D220 motif with anthropomorphic figure is reproduced in three different versions: fig. 22 shows legs in the shape of a five
elements-meander; the EllOb motif on fig. 24 is a human figure with horizontal legs (possibly sitting?); and finally the drawing of
the helmet (p1. 67, no. 5) presents a wide gap near the lower half of the decorative theme.
GASTALDI, Pontecagnano, cit., p. 38, D2. motivi semicircolari, fig. 22, D210, D220, D230. The fact that the 730 tomb of Pagliarone
necropolis (early lB phase) yielded the lower part of a helmet with two incised circular concentric elements which could have
originally been completed by a now lacking human figure deserves consideration (cf. note 68). Although there is the absence of
real weapons, the high importance in society of those men buried with artefacts decorated with such peculiar themes is discernable
thanks to the presence of the clay helmet and also the "ricettacolo" structure, B. D'AcosTINo, L 'ideologia funeraria nell'eti del ferro in
Campania: Pontecagnano. Nascita di un potere difunzione stabile, in G. GN0LI, J.P. VERNANT, La mort, les inorts dons les sociEtis anciennes,
Paris-Cambridge 1982, pp. 210-213, fig. 2. B. D'AcosTINo, Considerazioni sugli inizi del processo di formazione della citti in Etruria, in
L'incidenza dell'antico. Studi in memoria di E. Lepore, Atti del Convegno, Napoli 1995, pp. 319-321.
36
GASTALDI, Pontecognono, cit., pp. 37-38, note 168, motif D130; 40, motif EllOb; figs. 22, 24.
a Hypothetically, the peculiar structure of this pattern could be related to the later chronology of the tomb. In Pontecagnano
there is also documentation of angular elements broken at the top without the central figure which, like previous ones, have rich
backgrounds GASTALDI, Pontecagnano, cit., p.37, Dl. Motivi ongolari, DuO, figs. 21-22, DuO.
38
D'AGosTIND, Considerazioni, cit., pp. 320-321, notes 18-19, the reference is to the arched opening along the rim of the clay helmet
from tomb 3241 in the "proprietà Ed", and to the patterns on the helmets from tombs 547 and 594 abovementioned. For the cremation
tomb in a "cassa" also from the "proprieta En" dating to the JIB local phase cf. S. DE NATALE, Pontecagnano 11. La necropoli di S. Antonio:
proprieti ECI, 2. Tombe della Prima Eli del Ferro, AnnAStorAntQuademi 8, Napoli 1992, pp. 82-83, no. 8, fig. 84.
19 This motif occurs on the clay helmet with apex from the "ricettacolo" tomb T 501 of St. Antonio burial ground, dating back to
the lB local phase, GASTALDI, Pontecagnano, cit., pp. 12, chart 3; 38, motif D320, fig. 4, sintassi 100A; 22, motif D320.
60
The couples of semicircular elements may be two or three, v. Pontecagnano 11., cit., pp. 130-131, T. 173 (lB phase), no. 5, fig.
36. GASTALDI, Pontecagnano, cit., pp. 38, motif D230; 73, T. 660 (late lB phase), no. 2; 123, T. 881 (lB phase), no. 5, figs. 4, 90D; 22, motif
D230; 23, 43, pls. 55, 81.