αlessανdσζέα - L`Erma di Bretschneider

Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche
Ministero degli Affari Esteri Istituto di Archeologia - Università di Palermo
Egyptian Antiquities Organization Graeco-Roman Museum - Alexandria
ΑLESSΑΝDΣΖΈΑ
E IL MONDO ELLENISTICO -ROMA•
Alessandria, 23-27 Novembre 1992
«L'ERMA» di BRETSCHNEIDER - ROMA
Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche
Ministero degli Affari Esteri
Istituto di Archeologia - Università di Palermo
Egyptian Antiquities Organization Graeco-Roman Museum - Alexandria
ΑLESSΑΝDΈΜ
E IL MONDO ELLENISTICO - ROMANO
I Centenario del Museo Greco-Romano
Alessandria, 23-27 Novembre 1992
Atti del II Congresso Internazionale Italo-Egiziano
«L'ERMA» di BRETSCHNEIDER - ROMA
1995
II Congresso Internazionale Italo-Egiziano
Promosso e organizzato dall'Istituto di Archeologia dell'Università
di Palermo, dal Ministero degli Affari Esteri, dall'Egyptian Antiquities
Organization e dal Graeco-Roman Museum - Alexandria
« Atti » a cura di
NICOLA BONACASA, CRISTINA NARO, ELISA CHIARA PORTALE, AMEDEO TULLIO
redazione
AMEDEO TULLIO, CRISTINA NARD, ELISA CHIARA PORTALE
INDICE
INDIRIZZI DI SALUTO
P. SCHMIDLIN, G. MONACO (t), M. TROJANI, D. SID
XIII
STORIA E CULTURA
M. ABD EL KARIM ABD EL AZIM, The Library of Alexandria between Reality and
Myth
H. ABDEL-AZΙZ, Ithyphallic Harpocrates in Graeco-Egyptian Magic
M. ABD EL GHANI, Zenon in Syria and Palestine
A.H.I. ABOU EL ATTA, Magic and art: astrology and its effect upon a Roman piece of art
in Alexandria Museum
M. AL HAMSHARY, Nabateans reactions towards alexandrians trade activity in the Ptolemaic period
S. BAKHOUM, La figure de Domitien dans la numismatique alexandrine
P. CALABRIA, La storia della collezione di monete alessandrine conservate nella Biblioteca
Apostolica Vaticana
CRISCUOLO, Alessandria e l'agonistica greca
Υ. EL GHERIANI, Graeco-Roman Museum: foundation, addition and renovation from
1892 to 1992
A. EL NOWIEEMY, An Alexandrian poem in Roman literature: a reading of Catullus 64
G. GERACI, La concessione della cittadinanza alessandrina ad Arpocrate egizio
M.A. GOBARA (Ι), Tibullus and the pastoral design
B. HEBERT, Die Rolle Alexandreias in der schriftilichen Überlieferung zur griechischen
bildenden Kunst
W. HUSS, Memphis and Alexandreia in hellenistischer Zeit
B. LΙCHOCKA, Un ensemble de monnaies découvert à Kbm el-Dikka (Alexandrie)
K. LOCHER, Observational Astronomy in Hellenistic Alexandria, with an appendix on the
Sundial no. 15735 in its Museum
M. MANFREDI, Evaristo Breccia, Girolamo Vitelli e il Museo Greco-Romano di Alessandria
S.M. NASR, The phenomena of polygamy. A comparative study between Classical Athens
and Ptolemaic Egypt
O. PICARD, Problèmes de Numismatique alexandrine
R. TURCAN, Priape et le dionysisme alexandrin
A.W.L. YEHYA, Plotinus' Religious Thought: Egypt, Alexandria and Rome
3
9
12
22
26
36
41
43
49
54
59
65
70
75
83
86
89
94
100
105
111
.
ARCHITETTURA, TOPOGRAFIA E URBANISTICA
D. ARAFA, Fresh investigation into the tombs of the Ptolemaic period in Alexandria
M. ABD EL AZIZ NEGM, Recent activities around the ancient walls of Alexandria
L. BACCHIELLI, Il santuario di Demetra e Kore nell'agorà di Cirene durante l'età tolemaica
C.A. DI STEFANO, L. BELLANCA, A. VILLA, Monumento funerario della necropoli di
Lilibeo
F. EL FAKHARANI, The Graeco-Roman elements in the temples of Upper Egypt
Y. EL GHERIANI, Brief account of the different excavations in Alexandria 1950-1990
J.Y. EMPEREUR, Une fouille recente au coeur d'Alexandrie: le site du cinéma Majestic (1992)
F. GODDIO, Cartographie des vestiges archéologiques submerges dans le Port Est d'Alexandrie et dans la Rade d'Aboukir
P. GROSSMANN, Two unusual public buildings in Abii Μϊná
F. HAIKAL, Recent excavations in North Sinai
W. KOLATAJ, The Korn el-Díkka archaeological site
Z.U. MA'OZ, The Judean Synagogues - As a reflection of Alexandrine architecture
K. PARLASCA, Neue Beobachtungen zu den paganen Grabbauten in el-Bagawat (Kharga
Oase) and ihren Funden
P. PENSABENE, Il tempio di tradizione faraonica e il dro1nos nell'urbanistica dell'Egitto
greco-romano
S. PERNIGOTTI, Giambattista Brocchi e la topografia di Alessandria
M. RODZIEWICZ, Ptolemaic street directions in Basilea (Alexandria)
R. TOMLINSON, The town plan of Hellenistic Alexandria
E. ZANDA, L'area sacra di hidustria
119
124
128
136
151
156
169
172
178
186
189
192
202
205
220
227
236
241
ARCHEOLOGIA E STORIA DELL'ARTE
B. ANDREAE, Alessandria e Pergamo
P. BALLET, Terres cuites Gréco-Égyptiennes du musée d'Alexandrie
F. BRAEMER, Apport de l'Égypte à l'Occident Romain
E. BRESCIANI, Il Pittore di Kom Madi
R.M. CARRA, Gli ossi lavorati del Museo Greco-Romano di Alessandria: aspetti e problemi del repertorio iconografico
M. CICERONI, Su alcune sculture isiache con palla contabulata conservate nel Museo di
Alessandria
B. CONTICELLO, Nuove testimonianze di influenza ellenistico-alessandrina a Pompei
S. CURIO, L'Antinoo Vaticano, incontro di due arti opposite
J. DÖRIG (t), Lysippe et Alexandrie
W.A. EL GHANNAM, A study of a bronze statue of Venus at Tanta Museum
J. FISCHER, The change of religious subjects in Graeco-Roman coroplastic art
V. FRANÇOIS, Contribution à l'étude d'Alexandrie islamique: la céramique médiévale de
Kom-el-Dikka et Korn el-Nadoura
M. HAGGAG, Asian features in the representation of Harpocrates
U. HAUSMANN, A portrait head of Germanicus from Egypt in the University Museum at
Tübingen
E. JOLY, Lucerne con riflettore del Museo Greco-Romano di Alessandria
VΙII
253
259
265
274
279
283
289
293
299
305
308
314
323
326
329
F. S. KHAWASSEK, Α collection of Roman glass in the Graeco-Roman Museum
Z. KISS, Un portrait égyptien d'époque Gréco-Romaine trouvé à Alexandrie
E. LEOSPO, Le coppe stabiane: un pregevole esempio di stile egittizzante in ambito culturale romano
L. ΜΑΝΙΝΟ, Sculture di ispirazione alessandrina nel Museo di Antichità di Torino (dall'Iseo di Industria sul Po)
L. MERCANDO, L. LAZZARINI, Sculture greco- romane pr"venienti dall'Egitto nel Museo di Antichità di Torino
J.P. MOREL, Observations sur les céramiques à vernis noir d'Alexandrie
M.D. NElNA, Les éléments d'incrustation: une industrie égyptienne du verre
M.D. NEllA - M. SEIF EL-DIN, Quelques píéces exceptionnelles en faïence du Musée
Gréco-Romain d'Alexandrie
M.I. PASQUALI, Su alcune tipologie di Arpocrate nelle terracotta figurate
S.S. RACHWAN, Les Patères zoomorphiques en argille du Mnnsée Gréco-Romain
E. RODZIEWICZ, On stylistical and technical components et the Roman coloured bone
appliques from Egypt
A. SAID MAHMOUD, Tre donne semisdraiate al Museo Greco-Romano di Alessandria
L.A. SCATOZZA HÖRICHT, Motivi di artigianato artistico alessandrino in area vesuviana
B.M. SHAHINE, A study of Mosaic Glass in Ptolemaic Alexandria
Ν. TAVEA HUSSIEN, Figurine lamps
V. TRAN TAM TINH, Les lampes isiaques du Musée Gréco-Romain d'Alexandrie
333
339
G. MONACO (t), Conclusioni
439
343
348
356
369
378
386
393
398
405
412
415
426
429
432
IX
INDIRIZZI D I SALUTO
$ per me un onore presenziare all'apertura dei lavori del II Congresso Internazionale ItaloEgiziano « Alessandria e il mondo elleńisticο-romano » nel I Centenario del Museo Greco-Roman& di
Alessandria, e nella sede prestigiosa della New Alexandrian Libra ry.
Tre anni fa, al Cairo, alla conclusione del I Congresso Italo-Egiziano sul tema «Roma e l'Egitto
nell'antichità classica», da più parti, e anche da parte, mia, era stato espresso l'auspicio che il dialogo
scientifico e la collaborazione cultur ale tra Italia ed Egitto potessero continuare e svilupparsi attraverso una serie di incontri periodici, e così è stato con l'imponente manifestazione odierna. Assai significativo è il fatto che il II Congresso si svolga ad Alessandria, cuore dell'Egitto ellenistico-romano e faro
dell'antica comune civiltà mediterranea, grazie anche alla auspicata rinascita della Biblioteca, con il
suo cenacolo internazionale di studiosi. Etra gli obiettivi del Cóngress ο vi è anche quello di incentivare, grazie alla partecipazione di tanti illustri specialisti provenienti da numerosi paesi — Egitto, Italia,
Francia, Germania, Gran Bretagna, US A, °Canada, Grecia, Polonia, Austria, Israele e Svizzera — il
rilancio della moderna città di Alessandria e la migliore conoscenza dei suoi monumenti e del suo
importante Museo.
Il Congresso che oggi qui si inaugura contribuisce innanzi tutto a rinnovare ed arricchire quel
millenario fenomeno storico che ha unito l'Egitto, la sua storia e la sua civiltà, alla storia ed alla civiltà
dell'Europa e del mondo. Nel passato, come in tempi recenti, Alessandria ed il Museo Greco-Romano
in particolare hanno determinato l'instaurarsi di un rapporto privilegiato tra Egitto ed Italia estremamente proficuo e destinato ad arricchirsi tramite la collaborazione scientifica tra i due paesi, che vede
tra l'altro la presenza di ben dodici missioni archeologiche italiane, dal Delta alla Nubia.
Tali considerazioni mi inducono a rinnovare ancora una volta l'auspicio che la sequenza fortunata
di queste manifestazioni non si interrompa, ma continui a promuovere lo scambio scientifico reciproco,
in νirtìώ del quale al passato viene data una dimensione nuova e attuale.
.
Desidero ora esprimere la mia gratitudine alle Autorità politiche e scientifiche egiziane, S.E. il
Ministro della Cultura, il Signor Governatore di questa illustre città, il Presidente della Egyptian Antiquities Organization e il Direttore Generale del Museo Greco-Romano di Alessandria. Consentitemi,
infine, di rivolgere un pubblico ringraziamento all'Istituto di Archeologia dell'Università di Palermo,
nella persona del suo Direttore, Prof. Nicola Bonacasa, per avere affrontato con responsabilità l'organizzazione scientifica generale.
,
PATRIZIO SCHMIDLIN
Ambasciatore d'Italia in Egitto
Il ricordo del I Congresso Internazionale Italo-Egiziano, svoltosi al Cairo nel febbraio dei 1989 sul
tema "Roma e l'Egitto nell'antichità classica", è ben vivo in tutti noi per il clima di amicizia e di collaborazione in cui si svolse e per la densità: dei contributi scientifici che allora ascoltammo, e che prestissimo ritroveremo nel volume degli Atti (apprendiamo infatti dal programma in distribuzione che il
volume sari presentato al Cairo il pomeriggio del giorno 28).
È ora motivo di soddisfazione, e costituisce segno positivo di continuità nel presente e di apertura
verso il futuro, il fatto stesso che stiamo dando inizio in questo momento al II Congresso Internazionale, grazie alla fattiva collaborazione fra autorità politiche e istituzioni culturali egiziane e italiane: la
Direzione Generale della Egyptian Antiquities Organization, í responsabili scientifici del Museo
Greco Romano e dell'Università di Alessandria, l'Istituto di Archeologia dell'Università di Palermo.
Vasto e suggestivo il tema del Congresso, "Alessandria e il mondo ellenistico-romano", significativa,
per non dire esaltante, l'occasione, il primo centenario del Museo Greco-Romano di Alessandria.
Lunga è infatti e produttrice di fecondi risultati la presenza culturale italiana in Egitto, e specificamente ad Alessandria, non solo per i nomi gloriosi di Botté, di Breccia, di Adriani, ma anche per il
grande lavoro, per lo strenuo impegno delle nostre numerose missioni archeologiche, che hanno contribuito in maniera determinante alla conoscenza del grande passato di questo stupendo Paese. Per
questi motivi la concomitanza tra il Congresso e il centenario del Museo è felice e opportuna, e onora
un intero secolo di civili esperienze di studio.
Su questa linea di responsabile indagine scientifica, l'importanza del nostro Congresso non è data
solo dalla vastità degli argomenti trattati (venti sessioni, una novantina di relatori), ma anche e soprattutto dalle numerose comunicazioni di aggiornamento su scavi e materiali, sulla città e sul territorio, e
piú in generale sull'Egitto greco-romano e sui riflessi della sua cultura artistica nell'Occidente e nell'Oriente ellenistico-romani.
,
XIII
Ho già ricordato che questo Congresso è il frutto di una concreta e convinta collaborazione italoegiziana. Bene, è il momento di ringraziare, a nome di tutti e con tutto il cuore:
il Ministro egiziano della Cultura, Signor F a rouk Hosny;
il Governatore di Alessandria, Signor EI Said Ismail El Ghowsaky;
il Presidente della Egyptian Antiquities Organization, Signor Mohamed Ibrahim Bakr;
il Direttore del Museo Greco-Romano di Alessandria, Signora Doreya Said;
gli Istituti italiani e stranieri che hanno aderito all'iniziativa, e con essi i tanti Colleghi delle
Università e dei Musei i quali, con la loro presenza di qualificati specialisti, sono i fattori costitutivi del
nostro incontro;
il Ministero italiano degli Esteri, qui rappresentato dall'Ambasciatore, Signor Patrizio. Schmidlin;
il Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, rappresentato dalla Professoressa Maria Trojani, per il
valido contributo destinato alla nostra delegazione al Congresso;
il Collega Nicola Bonacasa (che prego di non protestare se lo nomino contravvenendo al suo
desiderio), motore e anima dell'organizzazione logistica e scientifica, con gli altri bravissimi membri
dell'Istituto di Archeologia di Palermo.
Dobbiamo registrare alcune assenze, una delle quali molto dolorosa: è scomparsa recentemente e
improvvisamente Elisabeth Alföldi Rosenbaum. Auguriamo pronta guarigione ai tre amici Giovanni
Pugliese Carratelli, Antonino Di Vita e Zsolt Kiss; e speriamo in una rapida risoluzione dei problemi
familiari che impediscono a Lidiano Bacchielli e a Tran Tam Tinh di essere qui con noi.
Mi si consenta ora una doverosa precisazione: per una svista del tutto involontaria, nel Programma pubblicato non figurano fra i membri del Comitato Organizzatore i nomi del Prof. Abd el Halim
Nur el Din e del Prof. Fawzi el Fakharani; ma noi sappiamo quanto si deve alloro interessamento e a
quello di altri amici, i quali saranno tutti menzionati negli Atti.
Ecco, penso di poter chiudere questa mia premessa esprimendo alle Autorità e ai Colleghi egiziani apprezzamento e gratitudine per la splendida organizzazione e per la signorile ospitalità, e a tutti i
partecipanti l'augurio di vivere felicemente le giornate di questo nostro incontro.
GIUSTO MONACO (t)
Presidente onorario
L'utilità e l'importanza di questo Convegno si evincono immediatamente dal fitto programma e la
sua validità sarà confermata dal sicuro incremento delle indagini future, in relazione ai dati che emergeranno dai lavori di queste giornate.
Ringrazio personalmente, come archeologa e come studiosa, per l'organizzazione e per la squisita
ospitalità; ma qui ora, in questa sede, desidero prendere in considerazione l'importanza dell'incontro
come rappresentante del C.N.R. nella duplice veste di componente dello 08 (Comitato Storico) e del
15 (Comitato per la Sc. e Tecn. dei BB.CC.), che ha partecipato per la parte italiana a questa impresa,
in quanto crede alla sua validità e vuole sostenerla anche nel prosieguo, e questo a mio avviso sotto un
duplice aspetto:
il primo, specifico, legato all'area geografica che orbita intorno ad Alessandria, centro promotore e propulsore della cultura greca e romana nel Mediterraneo: in questo ambito già da anni sul
terreno e nelle ricerche più specificamente storiche ed archeologiche, tra cui il «Repertorio d'arte
dell'Egitto greco-romano »;
il secondo aspetto, di data molto più recente, abbraccia nel suo complesso un ambito molto
più generale che prevede:
nuovi e specifici sistemi legati alla fase preliminare dell'indagine archeologica vera e propria;
nuove tecniche, non distruttive, per la datazione (terrecotte, bronzi);
e ancora
sempre più sofisticate, puntuali e mirate tecniche di restauro, mi riferisco soprattutto ai papiri,
ai materiali cartacei, ai manufatti in osso, legno, ed alle decorazioni pittoriche come quelle nelle necropoli di Alessandria;
ed infine
lo studio e la catalogazione computerizzata di classi di materiali.
XIV
Nell'ambito di queste specifiche linee di ricerca si possono inserire, da un punto di vista tecnicoscientifico, molti dei problemi che sicuramente emergeranno in questi giorni; invece, da un punto di
vista più specificamente archeologico, si auspica l a creazione di un centro di ricerca (approfittando
della recentissima presenza di un delegato del C.N.R. presso l'Ambasciata d'Italia) che coordini i risultati delle indagini compiute nei vari centri interessati dalla cultura alessandrina o che riguardi una
particolare classe di manufatti, ovunque siano stati rinvenuti; ad esempio manufatti bronzei o di osso o
di vetro o pittorici, opere tutte attestate, oltre che ad Alessandria, nel Medio Oriente, in Sicilia, a
Pompei, classe di monumenti che fino a poco tempo fa era particolarmente trascurata sia come studio
che, conseguentemente, sotto il profilo della conservazione. E solo un esempio.
Gli studiosi qui presenti possono,, con ben più specifica competenza, presentare proposte e
programmi miranti comunque a testimoniare la vastità e la complessità della cultura e dell'arte. alessandrina.
MARIA TROJANI
Rappresentante del C.N.R.
Excellency Dr. Samir Sarhan: Representative of the Minister of Culture;
Excellency the Chancellor Mr. Ismail el-Gowaky: The Governor of Alexandria city;
Dr. Mohammed Ibrahim Bakr: The President of the Egyptian Antiquities Organization;
Prof. Dr. Giusto Monaco: The President of Italian Institute for ancient Drama;
Excellency Mr. Patrizio Schmidlin: The Ambassador of Italy in Egypt.
Distinguished scholars, ladies and gentlemen. Today when I start here before the most distinguished and scholarly audience, in this historical city of Alexandria, to speak on the occasion of the 1st
Centenary of the foundation of the Graeco-Roman Museum, I feel overwhelmed with the special significance of this occasion. This congress is itself a historical landmark added to the cultural history of
the museum and the city of Alexandria which was not Greek or Italian or Arab or Egyptian but a
cosmopolitan one like our meeting today, we are gathered here to celebrate with the 100 years passing
for the foundation of one of the principal museums of Egypt, which is one of the main instructive
institution of the past and the present Alexandria. The Graeco-Roman Museum was and is still one of
the cultural centres which attracted the great minds, the intellectuals, artists and scholars. Many names, events and fables όre connected with Alexandrian museum and its históry as its founder Alexander the Great, the queen Cleopatra, the great statesmen such as: Caesar, Pompey, Marc Antony and
many others who insisted in the past times to visit this glorious city.
In modern times Alexandria become a symbol of revolt against ignorance and this is proved by
foundig the great library and by the activities of its museum.
Special appreciation and thanks are due from all of us to his Excellency Mr. Farouk Hosny, Minister of Culture, for his gracious and generous support towards this occasion. He is surely offering today
to his native city, Alexandria, one of his precious gifts.
Special thanks are talso owed to the Governor of Alexandria Chancellor Mr. Ismail el-Gowasky,
who put all the sectors if the governor-ship under our service, for the Italian side we will not find the
suitable words to thank them for their co-operation with us.
Finally we are, of έουrse, very grateful for the co ; operation of all the institutions and the individuals in Alexandria who helped us. Without their help, this congress would not have been possible.
DOREVA SAID
General Director
Graeco-Roman Museum - Alexandria
XV
STORIA Ε CULTU
The Library of Alexandria between. Reality and Myth
M. ABD EL KARIM ABD EL AΖIM
The art of writing was known to man before .Homeric poetry. However, the early books were not
commonly accessible except for epic poets, reciters of poetry and actors. There is no .indication that
public libraries existed before the end of the fifth century.
Athenaeus points out that Polycrates of Samos, and Pisistratus, the tyrant of Athens, owned good
collections of books in the traditional way. This tradition of collecting books was probably due to the
love the Hellenic tyrants had of culture and knowledge. They could also have been motivated by fee
lings of pride and excellence. Euripides also owned a good collection of books. Though Socrates explains that owning books was not a big problem, yet we can say that reading books and owning them
were far from being common: Hence, we understand Aristophanes' irony of the highly educated.
Aristotle states: that in the fourth century we could encounter some writers whose works were
mainly written for reading ( όναγνωστικοι) more than for reciting. Some of these writers, according to
Aristotle, are Chaeremon, the playwright, and Licymnius, the lyricist. Strabo's notion that Aristotle
was the first collector of books and that; he had taught the kings of Egypt how to classify books can be
taken to mean that Aristotle's library was well organized according to his methods of research. Aristotle's library was first instituted in Lyceum (the Academy). It was considered a model on which the
library of Alexandria was constructed. It was obvious that Athens had to wait till the second century
B.C. when Ptolemy, the bounteous leader, started to institute its first public library.
There is no doubt that the establishment of the Library of Alexandria is a landmark in the history
of describing and classifying books and manuscripts. The library was established as an annex to the
museum as suggested by Ptolemy I and as recommended by Demetrius of Phalerum. It was further
enlarged and expanded in the reign of Ptolemy II (Philadelphos) who is considered by some writers as
the library's real founder.
The library was inaugurated in the royal section of the city which was known as "Bruchion". This
place is known nowadays by the name of As-Silsilah. Strabo, the Roman historian who was born in 63
B.C., the library's years of prosperity, says: "If you get into Alexandria through Lochias (which was a
mountanous protrusion into the water of the sea, the site of the Fort), you will see. the library annexed
to the museum. The royal palaces will be on your left when you get into the city from the eastern
harbour". To the library also was annexed α building close to the Serapeum which was the place for
the worship of Serapis. Now this place is located under Pompey's Pillar. What remains of this annex
of the library is merely a thirty-six meter corridor: inside the mountain. This Serapeum library was not
a library in the real sense of the word, but merely a place to keep books, manuscripts, references
and papyri.
The Library of :Alexandria was not a library in the modern common sense of the word but was a
place for knowledge and wisdom. To be accurate, we can say that it was a university. The library's men
of knowledge did not give lectures as is the case nowadays, but they were devoted to study and research. They lived inside the library and got salaries. There is a papyrus dating 323 Β. C. on which a
Greek youngman wrote to his beloved: "I am going to go to the fort of knowledge in Alexandria to be
worthy of you when I propose for you when I come back to Athens".
Writers do not agree on the number of the books the library owned at that time. Books were not
books in the modern sense, but rolls of papyri. Skin of animals was also used.: The library owned between 100.000 and 700.000 volumes. It was mentioned that during the reign of Καllimachοs, 3rd century
B.C., the library owned 400.000 volumes. During the first century B.C., the library owned 700.000 volu-
3
mes. It was also mentioned that Ptolemy 1I bought Aristotle's library which the latter established in
Lyceum. Galenus mentions that Ptolemy III got hold of the original copies of the tragedies of great
playwrights like Aeschylus, Sophocles and Euripides sacrificing the big mortgage of 15 talents which he
paid when he borrowed the books from the Athenians. Galenus also mentions that the ships which
entered Alexandria harbour had to give up any manuscripts on the ships.
The Library of Alexandria was run by some of the most knowledgeable men of that time. The first
of these men was Zenodotus of Ephesus who was born around 325 B.C. Zenodotus became director of
the library around 284 B.C. He put a categorization of Greek epic poets and lyricists. Parts of this work
were published; others were not.
After Zenodotus, the library was run by Apollonius Rhodius (295-215 B.C.). Apollonius was born
in Naucratis, the Egyptian city and was a disciple of Kallimachos. He was nicknamed after Rhodius
because he spent part of his life on the island of Rhodes. The papyrus list found in Oxyrhynchos (Bahnasa) of the directors of the Library of Alexandria states that Apollonius followed Zenodotus and was
succeeded by Eratosthenes. He got this job in 260 B.C. and kept it until 247 B.C. during the reign of
Ptolemy III, Euergetes.
After Apollonius, we read of Eratosthenes (275-194 B.C.) of Cyrene in Lybia. He was nicknamed
Plato the second. He was knowledgeable in mathematics, geography and poetry. He also wrote some
works in philosophy, history and literary criticism. He was a disciple of both Kallimachos and Lysanias.
After he had spent some years in Athens, he came to Alexandria on an invocation from Ptolemy II Ι to
get the job of a teacher in his court and to be next to Apollonius in chairing the library.
In 194 B.C. Aristophanes (born in 257 B.C.) of Byzantium became the director of Alexandria Library. He was a knowledgeable man and was famous for his researches in philology, literature and
natural science. He had also his studies in numeration and intonation. He died in 180 B.C.
After Aristophanes, we read of Aristarchus (born in 217 B.C.) of Samothrace as the director of the
Library of Alexandria. Aristarchus was the disciple óf Aristophanes and the teacher of Ptolemy VII,
son of Ptolemy VI nicknamed Philometor. He was the director of the Library of Alexandria between
180 and 145 B.C.
The Library of Pergamon in Asia Minor was the main rival to the Library of Alexandria. It was
established by king Eumenes II. This library owned 200.000 volumes as it was presented to Cleopatra
by Caesar after he invaded Pergamon. These volumes devised another library in Alexandria which was
known as the Library of Caesarion, son of Cleopatra and Julius Caesar. This library did not live for
long. It was either plundered or burnt like some others. It was located in the area where are the statue
of Saad Zaghloul, Triano Pastery, the Jewish Temple and the Marcos Church and all the northern area
of the Prophet Daniel Street.
The library of Alexandria was the best center for arts and science in the Hellenic world. The advancements of copysts helped the production of well shaped books. The library's catalogues were first
put by Kallimachos, the best of the poets in Alexandria. Kallimachos was famous for his seriousness
and accuracy in classifying books and manuscripts. These qualities show that he had good con ńections
with the library though there is no indication that he was appointed director of the library. His successors followed his steps.
Writers disagree about the destiny of the main library and its annex in the Serapeum as well as the
library of Caesarion. Plutarchus states that "the main library was burnt when Julius Caesar was sieged
in Alexandria". Cassius Dio (24-38) says that only stores of wheat and books were burnt. Some writers
say that the number of the burnt books reached 40.000 volumes. These books were stored near the
marine arsenal ready to be shipped to Rome. Others say that the library and librarians suffered most
from the destruction that befell Alexandria. Other writers say that the library was destroyed in the
Alexandria civil war when Achillas led the army of Ptolemy against Julius Caesar in 48 B.C. after he
had killed Pompey. It is said that a good number of books was moved to the library of the Serapeum to
save them. Other writers point out that emperor Septimius Severus (193-211 A.D.) moved the remains
of the library to Alexander's tomb. Sheikh Mohamed Abdu explains that the books of Ptolemies and
Egyptians in Alexandria were burnt during the reign of Julius Caesar. Patriarch Theophilus of Alexandria created problems so as to find reasons to destroy the remains of the library, Sheikh Mohamed
Abdu continues. Orosius, the historian, states that he saw the empty shelves of the library twenty years
after Theophilus had destroyed the books.
Edward Geopon points out that Theophilus "was the tenacious enemy of peace and virtue". He
was an immoral person whose hands were stained with blood and gold. He is the one who destroyed
the Serapeum temple on the commands he got from emperor Theodosius. In 381 A.D. the shelves of
4
the library seemed empty and in :a sorrowful condition twenty years after it had been plundered and
destroyed. I ń the fifth century most of the Greek cultural centers started:to suffer from destruction.
The school of philosophy in Athens disappeared in 529. The library of Palatínum in Rome was burnt in
600. Fanatics ruined the remains of the museum and destroyed the paintings of the Greek gods, damaged the furniture and 'ravaged its library. This was done in a hostile atmosphere of fanaticism and
religious prejudice. This particularly took place in Alexandria as it embraced believers in different religions, old Pharaonic religions, as well as some Jews who appeared there since its establishment. Greek
philosophy and culture also flourished.. in Alexandria. This condition led to the intermixing of philosophy and religion. Philosophic argumentation was used to support the Christian doctrines and instructions. At this epoch people abstained from the study of science and the university turned from the
study of scientific and practical researches to the study of theology and philosophy. Alexandria at this
time suffered from religious conflict between its church and Byzantium. This was a period in which
religious conflict reached the point of fighting in the streets. National defence was then confused with
religious dispute.
There are so many mistakes concerning the destruction of the Library of Alexandria. One of these
mistakes is the unfair story which tells of an order given by Omar Ibn El-Khattab, the Muslim Caliph,
to burn the library which was rich with the bestof books on different fields of knowledge and cultures.
It is surprising that this fake story is told by some Muslim writers whereas many non-Muslim scholars
discredit it. Some non-Muslim writers, however, use this story to arouse some hostile feelings against
Muslims and Arabs. One of these writers is Lampriere, the British writer who wrote: "This precious
store was burnt on orders from Caliph Omar in 642 A.D. It was told that within six months so many
volumes were used as fuel for four thousand waterplaces which were used for the luxury of those who
lived in the capital of Egypt". This story was also told by Canfora, the Italian writer who reiterates the
same notion on his book The Real Story of the Library of Alexandria.
The first writer who claims that the library was burnt by Muslims is Abd El-Latif El-Baghdadi in
1231 when he wrote: "I saw some damaged pillars around Pompey's Pillar. I think that this is the place
where Aristoteles used to study with his disciples. This also is believed to be academy built by Alexander. This was also the place where they stored their books and which was burnt by Amr Ibn El-Aas on
orders from Omar, the Caliph himself".
Abul-Hassan El Kafti (1248) and Abul-Farag El-Malti (1286) held the same view as El-Baghdadi.
The three of them lived in the thirteenth century A.D., six centuries after the Islamic conquest. This
view was held later by some other writers who added some more fabrications to it. We do not blame
El-Kaftí and El-Malti as much as we do El-Baghdadi who did not authenticate his view but wrote what
the commons told him. George Zidan quoted Ibn El-Kafti in a passage on Yahya El-Nahawi, a Copt
from Alexandria. El-Nahawi believed first in the Christian Jacobean idea of trinity but disbelieved in it
later on. Zidan wrote: "Yahya E1-Nahawi met Amr Ibn E1-Aas who knew about El-Nahawi's knowledge and about his rejection of the Christian idea of trinity". Amr Ibn El-Aas was so generous with Ibn
El-Nahawi and listened to his beliefs about the trinity and about the end of the world. Ibn El-Aas
liked what he heard from El-Nahawi, especially his logical and philosophical way of thinking and of
argumentation. Ibn El-Aas admired him so much that he kept his company for a long time. One day El
Nahawi told Ibn El-Aas: "You<have full command of Alexandria and of its people. You can take what
is useful to you and leave to us what is not useful to you". Ibn El-Aas asked.him: "What do you need?"
El-Nahawi said: "We want to get hold of the books of wisdom in the royal stores which are under your
command". Ibn E1-Aas asked him about the story of these books and how they were collected. ElNahawi told Ibn El-Aas that Ptolemy Philadelphos, one of Alexander commanders was fascinated with
the idea of collecting books. He honoured men of wisdom and knowledge and ordered his people to
collect books. He had stores built for these books and held Ibn Murra (Zamira) responsible for his
project. Ibn Murra collected fifty thousand and one hundred twenty books (50,120). When the commander knew about this number and made sure of its accuracy, he asked Zamira: "Do you think that
there are still some books which we did not collect?" Zamira said that there are still books in the Sind
and India, as well as in Persia, Gergan, Armenia, Babylon, El-Mosul :and in Rome. The commander
was surprised and said: "O.K., then continue with your job". He was in charge of these stores till he
died. These books, continued El-Nahawi, were kept safe and taken care of by the kings and their people. Ibn El-Aas was surprised and said to E1-Nahawi: "I cannot make a decision till I consult with
Omar Ibn El-Khatab, the Caliph". Amr Ibn E1-Aas sent a messange to Omar telling him about what
Yahya said and asked the Caliph for advice. He got a message from the Caliph stating: "As far as the
books are concerned, if they agree with our Holy Book, we will not need them, the book is enough. If
5
they disagree with our Book, so we do not need them either. Go ahead and burn them". Ibn El-Aas
sent numbers of these books to be burnt in the adjacent waterhouses in Alexandria. These books were
consumed in about six months. What a story!
This is the story as told by El-Baghdadi, El-Kafti and El-Maki and which was quoted by George
Zidan who rejected the story in his book History of Islafnic Civilization, published some years before the
publication of this book. The story as told by the above named writers is based on the following factors:
Muslims in the early period of Islam had a great desire to blot out any book other than the Holy
Koran and the books recording the tradition of the prophet Mohamed. This notion was based on a
saying recording the words of the prophet: "Islam blots out what comes before it".
The Muslim conquerers of Persia burnt books as stated in the book Kashf Ez Zonoun (Revelation of Illusion) by Hagi Kalipha. They were said to have tried to destroy the throne of the Persian
king and the Pyramids of Giza and similar monuments. It is understandable then that they have burnt
the Library of Alexandria, especially that burning books was common then. Books were burnt as a kind
of revange taken against the defeated people. Holaco did the same thing in Baghdad in 1239 A.D. as
well as Abdallah-Zahir in Persia in 809 A.D.
The story of burning the books of Alexandria was told by more than one writer, Abd El-Latif
El-Baghdadi, Abul-Hassan El-Kafti, Abul-Farag El-Malti and recently by George Zidan.
To respond to this notion which accuses Muslims of burning books of non-Muslims, we will have
to say that it is an unfair view since Islam encourages Muslims to respect other Holy books especially
the Bible and the Torah which Islam speaks of as holy books revealed from God. Islam considers the
recognition of these two religions as a condition for being a true Muslim. It is known that some Muslims in the early period of Islam used the books of Jews and Christians to explain some of the historical events narrated in the glorious Koran. The prophet's words "Islam blots out what comes before it"
were misinterpreted by those who held this view. The prophet's saying means that Allah forgives those
who join Islam. God cleanses them of all the sins they committed before joining Islam. What is said of
books is also true of places of worship. Muslims did not demolish a church or a temple. When Omar
Ibn El-Khattab paid a visit to the Holy church of Jerusalem, he did not pray inside it lest Muslims use
it as a mosque of their own. This anecdote proves that Muslims were tolerant with non-Muslim people
of religion. This attitude could be used by some other religions but not the religion of Islam which
encourages construction and reformation rather than destruction and devastation. Muslims built new
cities in different places of the word, in Basra, Kufa, Baghdad in Iraq, Fustat, Askar and Kataih and
Cairo in Egypt.
To refute this notion of the destruction of the library by Muslims, we probably need only to refer
to the prosperous period of translation in which Muslims made great progress in science and philosophy. In this period Muslims translated the best of the works of the precedent cultures. In the reign of
the El-Mansour, of El-Rashid and El-Maamoun which are famous for the open door cultural policy
and translation, Persian and Greek cultures made an essential part of the Arabic culture. Rulers of
Muslims paid great attention to the establishment of libraries as that one in Baghdad which contained
two hundred thousand books and El-Mustansaría in Cordova which contained one hundred and twenty thousand books. The library of Dar El-Hikma in Cairo contained one hundred and fifty thousand
books. The library of David El-Rasouly in Yemen contained one hundred thousand books.
After refuting the supporting evidence of the notion of the destruction of the library of Alexandria
by Muslims we now proceed to the refutation of the story itself.
The claim that Omar Ibn El-Khattab ordered Muslims to burn the library does not hold strong by
any means. It is completely unfair to the caliph who was known as an educated man, a man of letters
and of good knowledge of history as well as of arts. He was, as El-Aquad says, a good orator who was
fond of poetry, and other branches of literature. He used to ask for advice about collecting poetry and
about the basics of industry. He did not prohibit knowing anything except that which leads to destruction of morals and to distraction. A man of such qualities is not expected to order the burning of books
full of knowledge and culture. Concerning the burning of the library, El-Aquad says: "The story of the
burning of the library by Muslims is more likely to be a lie than a sure story. It is fabricated in the
century in which it was written. It has no connection with previous centuries whatsoever. It is probably
created to defame the Muslim caliph and show him as a fanatic and Islam as a religion of fanaticism".
If this story is a true one, how can a researcher account for not saying anything about it for six
long centuries? Is it likely that historians did not exist at this long period of time? Did not anybody
read about it? The burning of the library was mentioned at all by John of Nicosia who was contemporaneous to the conquest of Alexandria and who recorded its events and details. This historian who is
6
unfair with Muslims in some of the details of war did not even mention anything about the burning of
the library. This story was not mentioned by Arab historians such as Εl-Tabari, Εl-Yaaquobi and ElBalatherdi who recorded this period in the history of Muslims.
We are told that the number of the'waterhouses in Alexandria of that time was four thousand and
that the books of the library were used as fuel for heati ńg water. We are also told that the number of
the volumes burnt was 700.000. This means that each Waterhouse got about 175 volumes. This number
of books is not enough to heat water for a Waterhouse for more than few days, not to mention six
months as the story tells. These books were made of either papyri or skin of animals, materials which
are not easily flamable and do not give enóugh heat. They also pollute the air in a way that may suffocate users of a Waterhouse. If Amr Ibn El-Aas was commanded to destroy these books, he would not
send them to the Waterhouse to be burnt. He would have destroyed them himself at once. Sending
them to the waterhouses would give a chance to Yahya El-Nahawi to slink away some of these books
or to buy them since they will be burnt. If this library remained till the Arab conquest, it is very likely
that the books were shipped to Constantinople in the period of the truce which took place between
Amr Ibn E1-Aas and the Romans. This truce continued for eleven months during which the Romans
would leave Egypt. The Roman garrison would have to leave Alexandria carrying all their stuff (Ibrahim El-Adawi, Egypt and the Middle East, p. 32). This truce was a great chance for the Romans to carry
all their need to their country. If they did not get these books out of Egypt, this would simply mean
that the library did not exist at the time.
When the Arabs overpowered Alexandria in 642 A.D. there were no big university libraries, but
only some schools of religion and philosophy as well as some schools of physics which had good reputation in other countries. The school of astronomy established by Philadelphos remained a well reputed school for ten centuries including the period of the Islamic conquest. It was destroyed in 719 when
a string earthquake destroyed the remains of the university.
After the Arab conquest of Egypt and the fall of Alexandria many of the city's men of knowledgge, both Egyptians and Romans, escaped to Antioch in Syria. In 718 Omar Ibn Abd El-Aziz, the Muslim Caliph, gave orders to transfer all men of knowledge of Alexandria to Antioch to be close to
Damascus, the capital of his reign. They studied Egyptian science and art in Greek. In 860 ElMutawakel, the Caliph, transferred the school of Antioch to the city of Harran in Asia Minor where it
was located. In 900 E1-Mohtadid, the Muslim Caliph, gave orders to transfer this school and its men of
knowledge to the city of Baghdad, the center of knowledge and the capital of Muslim government. In
this way translation from Greek to Arabic made great progress and advancement.
There is another notion stating that the contents of the library were stolen and slunk away to
other countries as well as to different places in Egypt. Those who hold this notion support it saying
that some of the papyri of the book The Constitution of Athens and others of Homer's Iliad were found
in El-Minia.
Some orientalists like Geopon and Butler among others discredited the story of the burning of the
Library of Alexandria by Muslims. Many orientalists were doubtful about the story whereas several of
them completely disbelieved in it. Professor Lopin says: "This story is mere illusion. The burning of
the library does not fit with the nature of the Muslim Arabs. One asks how did this story go for a long
time? This story is completely discredited in our time and it is not logical to research it again. It is easy
to prove with evidence that the books of the library were burnt by Christians before the Islamic conquest"
Butler, the other orientalist who was himself prejudiced against the Muslim conquest of Egypt,
was fair enough to reveal the fallacy of the fake story of the burning of the library by Muslims. Kazano va, the orientalist, describes this story as a myth. He says that this story was created six centuries after
the burning of the library. Pritchya says: "It is difficúlt, almost impossible, to believe that a big library
existed in Alexandria after the fourth century". Foot and Whyler in the book The Criιne of Europeans
and Misbrik in his book False Allegations point out that Europeans burnt the library of Alexandria and
the Arabs introduced knowledge to Europe. Sir Paul Harvey, editor of Oxford Companion Dictionnaiy
says: "The story of the burning of the Library of Alexandria by Amr Ibn El-Aas is now a discredited
one. Ammianus Marcellinus, the historian, says that the books of the Library of Alexandria, especially
the 700.000 books owned by the library, were almost` destroyed when Julius Caesar sieged Alexandria.
This explanation is supported by Orosius who visited Alexandria at the beginning of the fifth century
and witnessed the empty shelves of the library of Alexandria (El-Adawi, op. cit., p. 34).
.
.
7
Ithyphallic Harpocrates in Graeco-Egyptian magic
H. ABDEL- ΑΖΙΖ
In Egyptian mythology, Harpocrates or Horus the Child was the son of Osiris and Isis. He was
normally represented as an infant nursed by his mother or holding his finger to his lips with a sidelock
of hair, a representation used by the Egyptians to indicate childhood ( 1).
The great number of attributes which belonged to Horus the Eder were transferred to Horus the
Child, especially in the Late Dynastic and Graeco-Roman times. Hórus the Child became a symbol of
every thing young and vigorous ( 2).
This god, who was supposed to be a weak child ( 3), was depicted in many statues of GraecoRoman Egypt as a child, a young man or even as an old man ( 4). Some of these statues represented
him in an ithyphallic attitude ( 5).
In this paper, the ithyphallic form of Harpocrates and the connotation of this representation will
be discussed.
As early as the Old Kingdom, Horus' epithets included Horus-Min and Min-Horus (6). Therefore
he was represented in many ithyphallic forms like an ithyphallic falcon, in a human form with a lion
headed phallus and in a phallic composite form ( 7). From the New Empire onwards, Harpocrates was
identified with many other gods including Min (e).
Harpocrates, who represented the rising sun, the new birth and resurrection ( 9), was connected
with the conception of fertility (1°) in general, but his identification with Min was associated with the
conception of sexual fertility in particular.
In Graeco-Roman period Harpocrates enjoyed a great deal of popularity ( 11). Coroplasts introduced him in various attitudes including the ithyphallic form ( 72). His terracotta figurines could be easily
obtained by all classes, being of cheap and available material. They might be offered as votives and
could be put in temples, houses or tombs ( 13).
In addition to terracottas, ithyphallic Harpocrates was depicted on amulets. His depiction on amulets indicates the magical aspect of this god whose role in magic increased greatly in this period ( 14).
Amulets are objects used for both the living and the dead in order to get some magical benefit
with the aid of some religious thoughts ( 15), that is to stimulate the powers of gods or demons to the
advantage of the user as being productive or protective to him and destructive to his enemies. Amulets
could be made of various materials, but certain materials are preferable such as semiprecious stones (10). They were made in s ńïall sizes that could be easily worn as pendants, ring stones or
beads ( 17)
Of these amulets we have three examples representing Harpocrates with a cynocephalus. The first
example (Pl. 1,1 ) (1R) depicts ithyphallic Harpocrates with his lower part in the form of a crocodile
standing on an altar in a three-quarter view, his left hand to his mouth, his right holding a cornucopia
and a disc over his head. In front of him stands an ithyphallic cynocephalus raising his paws in adoration with a disc over his head and a star in the field above ( 19).
The second example (PL 1,2) (20) depicts ithyphallic Harpocrates seated on the lotus flower in a
three-quarter view with his left hand to his mouth. In front of him stands an ithyphallic cynocephalus
raising his paws in adoration. They are represented in a'papyrus boat with two figures standing on its
two extremes, may be of birds.
The third example (Pl. 1,3) (21) depicts Harpocrates seated frontally on the lotus flower, wearing a
radiate crown on his head with a disc overt. He holds a flail whip in his left hand while the right hand
is raised in front of an ithyphallic cynoéephalus..The cynocephalus, on the other hand, stands to the
.
9
right raising his paws in adoration with a disc over his head. In the field above, we find a star and a
crescent. The whole representation is encircled by the inscription:
Ει [ ΖΕΥ ΕΕ Α ra π
lE
If we look at these amulets we will observe that all of them represent the ithyphallic cynocephalus
in the attitude of adoration with the lunar disk over his head. They all have a star in the field. Besides,
many other objects attract our attention.
The cynocephalus is the symbol of Thoth with whom 1-Iorus was identified, hence Horus was called Thoth-Horus or Horus of the moon (22). Thoth was considered the lord of word of power and the
lord of magic whose powers were greater than those of Osiris and Ra as in the Book of the Dead ( 23).
Therefore Horus had the epithets rich in magic, presider over the spirits, the magician and his eye the
sorceress (24)
In the Late Dynastic period the magical quality of Harpocrates grew increasingly. From the XX11th dynasty on, we have a number of stelae called "Cippi of Horus" depicting him on two crocodiles.
The most famous of these stelae is the "Metternich Stele" dating from 378-360 Β.C. (25). These stelae
were usually covered with emblems and magical texts and were used as talismans against beasts, reptiles, insects and illness etc., for the protection of the house or the garden where they were placed. In
other words they were stelae of magical function ('- 6).
The star in the three examples is sometimes seen in magical amulets, in addition to its connection
with Harpocrates, among whose epithets we find Horus master of the stars and hours, the star which
illuminates the sky and the morning star (2 7).
The significance of the lotus is originally connected with the sun god (28), and has got a great importance as its mythical conception made the origin of the life expressed through it ( 29), hence it indi
cated fertility ( 30). Also Harpocrates was identified with the sun god as mentioned above.
Similarly the papyrus boat has its indications`' of fertility as it ends in "both extremes with what
looks like a phallus. Among Horus' epithets we find Horus of the boat, Horus between the oars and
Horus in the barge ( 31).
In the third amulet, something is projecting over the chest and belly of Harpocrates it calls to our
minds the ancient "amulet of the Sam which represents an organ of the humān body, presumably the
phallus. Its primary meaning is "union" and refers to animal pleasure (32).
-
The inscription on the s όme amulet is performed in a rectilinear letter form ( 33) and reads as follows: εις Zεbς Σόρaτις (34).
Some amulets have inscriptions on either the obverse or the reverse as a name of a certain deity
or demon or magical jargon to act as a charm to intensify the amulet's effect (35) Zeus-Sarapis might
have been used as an effective medium that makes H-Iarpocrates achieve the magical effect demanded
from him. In the pyramid texts the magician tries to threaten the .god "announcing that he would disclose his secret name in which his powers lie ( 36). Accordingly, the magician who demanded the .aid of
gods might threaten in order to force them to achieve what he wanted. Here the magician seems to be
addressing Harpocrates saying:. "I' adjure you by the name of the one God Zeus Sarapis" (37)..
To conclude, the amulets we dealt with express the idea of fertility and sexual power stimulated by
imitative or homoeopathic magic which depends on the law of similarity. In this kind of magic the
magician tries to obtain an effect by imitation ( 3S). So these amulets were intended to be productive of
sexual power or fertility (39). The holder might have been an old man who was too old to practice a
normal intercourse, someone who suffered from certain disease that affected his sexual fitness or finally a
childless person who wanted to get over sterility with the aid of the god of fertility and new birth.
Pl.
1
2
3
Amulet representing Harpocrates and a cynocephalus:
Amulet representing Harpocrates seated on the lotus flower with a cynocephalus.
Amulet representing Harpocrates seated on the lotus flower with a cynocephalus.
E.S. HALL, Harpocrates and other Child Deities i ιi ancient Egyptian Sculpt ιιre,JARCE14,1977, pp. 55-58, p1s. 24-29
(HALL 1977).
A.W. BUDGE, The Gods of the Egyptians, Dover edition,. vol. 1,,. New York 1969. (BUDGE. 1969), p. 459.
10
.
`
According to PLUT., De Is/de et Osińde, 19, 65, Harpocrates was prematurely born weak ín his lower limbs.
W. WEBER, Die δgyptisch-griechischen Terrakotten, vol. 1, Berlin 1914 (WEBER 1914), p. 52.
WEBER 1914, p. 71 ff.; P. DERCHAIN, Observations sur les Erotica, in G. Ι. MARTIN, The Sacred Animal Necropolis at North Saggara, London 1981 (DERCHAIN 1981), p. 169, figs. 301, 302, 306.
S.A.B. MERCER, Horus, Royal God of Egypt, Grafton-Mass. 1942 (MERCER 1942), pp.140,190, 222, 275.
MERCER 1942, pp. 121, 127, 180, 181.
(5) BUDGE 1969, p. 495.
(9) MERCER 1942, pp. 211, 213; 216:
(ί 0) E. BRECCIA, Terrecotte figurate greche e greco-egizie del.Museo di Αlessandrιa, Monuments de,l'Égypte grécoromaine, vol. 2, fase. 2, Bergamo 1934, p. 21; HALL 1977, p. 57. Harpocrates was called Carpocrates too, a name that
conveys the conception of fertility, see P. PERDRIZET, Les te rres cuites grecqués d'Égypte de la collection Fouquet, vol. 1,
Nancy-Paris-Strasbourg 1921 (PERDRIZET 1921), pp. 28, 29.
A. ERMAN, Α Handbook of Egyptian Religion, translated by A.S. Griffith, London 1907 (ERMAN 1907), p. 255;
HALL 1977, p. 56.
WEBER 1914, p. 52 ff.
PERDRIZET 1921, p. XIV; DERCHAIN 1981, p. 166.
C. BONNER, Studies in Magical Amulets, chiefly Graeco-Egyptian, Ann Arbor-London 1950 (BONNER 1950),
pp. 7, 285-290, pls. 9, 10.
W.M.F. PΕTRIE, Amulets, Lòndon 1914 (PETRIE 1914), p. 5.
PETRIE 1914, p. 11; BONNER 1950, pp. 1-3, 9.
(17)" BONNER 1950, p. 9.
After LIMC IV,1988, vol. 1, p.431, no. 223; vol. 2, p. 252, fig. 223.
It is worth mentioning that Harpocrates whose lower part takes the shape of a crocodile is identified with Sobek. This representation appears on the coins of Alexandria and the nomes in the Roman Imperial period but not in
ithyphallic form as depicted iii the amulet. For Harpocrates-Sobek see R.S. POOLE, Catalogue of Greek Coins, Alexan.drna and the izomes, London 1892 (POOLE 1892), p. LXXXV.
After LIMC IV, vol. 1, p. 434, no. 256; vol. 2, p. 256, fig. 256.
After LIMC IV, vol. 1, p. 433, no. 240 a; vol. 2, p. 255, fig. 240 a.
MERCER 1942, pp. 204, 226.
BUDGE 1969, p.. 401.
MERCER 1942, pp. 205, 206, 212, 221.
BUDGE 1969, p. 267 ff.; HALL 1977, p. 56.
BUDGE 1969, p. 267; ERMAN 1907, p. 161
MERCER 1942, pp. 211, 213, 216.
S. MORENZ, Egyptian Religion, translόted by Ann K. Kéep, London 1973, p. 179.
R.T. RANDLE CLARK, Myth and Symbols in Ancient Egypt, Guilford-Sunnay 1978, p. 239.
O. KELLER, Die antike Tierwelt, Leipzig 1909,. p. 8.
MERCER 1942, pp. 206, 211, 222. In the stages of his conflict with his enemies, Horus used a boat to attack
them, see BUDGE 1969, p. 411.
E.A.W. BUDGE, Egyptian Magic, reprinted, New York 1975, pp. 61, 95.
This letter form was much used on stone amulets from the second century A.D. on. However, it was used on the
Alexandrian coins of Roman Egypt in the first century, see J.G. MILNE, Catalogue of Alexandrian Coins, Oxford 1933,
pp. 1, 14, 16.
1 am indebted to Prof. Lucia Criscuolo for correcting the reading of this inscription. The Alexandrian coins of
the Roman Imperial period depicted Sarapis in pantheistic types with the attributes of other gods such as Zeus Ammon,
Hellos, Poseidon, Asklepios and Nilusbut the legends of coins include Helios Sarapis for the type with the radiate diadem and Zeus Sarapis for the type without, see POOLE 1892, pp. LXII-LXIII.
Similarly we find on amulets signs which imply a magical significance called "characters". The sign 1_I on the
second amulet might be one of them. Sometimes certain stones are preferable as they represent a part of the magical
ceremony, see BONNER 1950, p. 11 The amulets discussed are made òf jasper, therefore, it seems that the jasper is
connected with the objective for which these amulets are made.'
ERMAN 1907, pp. 153, 154.
Up till now similar formulas are used in magic in the Egyptian villages.
This is to be distinguished from another kind of magic that depends on the law of contact or contagion which is
called "contagious magic". In this, the magician tries to influence certain parts of the body by using a piece of it like a
lock of hair or nail clippings, see J.G. FRAZER, The Golden Bough, abridged edition, London 1963, pp. 11 ff., 37 ff.
We know that wax figures were used in the performance of imitative magic as love spells in Graeco-Roman
Egypt, see BUDGE 1969, pp. 96, 97; N. LEWIS, Life in Egypt under Roman Rule, reprinted, Oxford 1985, p. 96.
'
ll
/Ζeηηοηη
in Syd aind Ρ~ι flestig υne
MOHAMED ABD EL GHANI
Zenon, the well-known agent of Apollonios, the reputed finance minister of the King Ptolemy II
Philadelphos is too famous among the papyrologists and scholars of the history of the Hellenistic period in Egypt to be introduced here. He and his master Apollonios became in the limelight after the
publication of the huge Archive of Zenon papyri. But considerable light has been shed by scholars on
the activities of Zenon during the period of his work in Apollonios' estate in Philadelphia in the
Fayoum (1) while his activities and career outside the Fayoum and Egypt did not receive - in my opinion - the due and thorough study it requires although some scholars have given a valuable contributíon in the topic many decades ago ( 2). This is the reason I attempted to study Zenon's career in the
Egyptian Delta (s), and this is my second attempt about Zenon's activities outside Egypt, in Syria and
Palestine, as the representative of Apollonios
Zenon appears for the first time as a member of the court circle of Philadelphos in a document
dated the 13th or the 14th year of Philadelphos ( 4). Then we encounter in Zenon's Archive two letters
from Apo llonios to two of his agents in the Syrian coast to carry out his instructions concerning the
regulations of exporting grain from Syria. Both letters are dated the 25th year of Philadelphos (261
B.C.) (5). This denotes that at that time Zenon was promoted as agent or secretary of Apollonios and
so kept copies of his master's correspondence. In the following years, by the end of the year 260 B.C.,
Zenon was entitled by his master Apollonios to travel to Syria and Palestine as his chief agent there to
superintend and co-ordinate the missions entrusted to various other employees as shall see. Zenon
spent there the period from the end of 260 to the spring of 258 B.C. continuously without interruption (6).
Let us now turn to Coele Syria to shed some light on its history annexation to the Ptolemaic state
and its importance for the Ptolemies, an information which is not new and can be found in the textbooks, but my aim here is just to remind of the background of the research in a brief sketch. After
Alexander's death in Babylon in 323 B.C. his generals distributed his vast empire among them as satraps under the high authority of Perdiccas who was regent and guardian of Philip Arrhídaeus and the
infant king Alexander IV. Egypt was the lot of Ptolemy son of Lagos in this distribution. There ensued
a struggle among the διάδοχοι of Alexander during which Perdiccas was murdered by Seleucus in 321
B.C. and Antipater was nominated by Alexander's successors in his stead. Till Antipater's death in 319
B.C. Alexander's empire retained its unity, but after his death the fight between the successors raged
once again. From the beginning of this long and bitter fight Ptolemy I cast a covetous eye on the region
of Coele Syria (including Palestine, Phoenicia, and southern Syria) and he took hold of it for the first
time in 319 B.C. immediately after Antípater's death. Owing to the bitter struggle between him and the
other satraps (who became later kings) Lysimachos, Cassandros and Seleucus on the one hand and
Antigonos Monophthalmos and his son Demetrios Poliorketes on the other, Ptolemy I was compelled
three times to withdraw his troops from Coele Syria. After the defeat and death of Antigonos at Ipsos
in 301 B.C. by the coalition of the other kings, a redistribution of the territories ensued in which Coele
Syria was assigned to Seleucus instead of Ptolemy as the latter did not participate with them in defeating Antigonos. Ptolemy, however, ignored this redistribution and annexed Coele Syria for the fourth
time in 301 B.C. This situation created what was called the "Syrian question" between the two kingdoms of the Ptolemies and the Seleucids. Seleucus at first did not demand the restoration of Coele
Syria from Ptolemy I as he always kept in mind that he owed to Ptolemy both his life and kingdom
after he was maltreated and driven from Babylon by Antigonos the One Eyed in 316 B.C. when he took
,
12