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Sanctorum
rivista dell’associazione per lo studio
della santità
dei culti
e dell’agiografia
6, 2009
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AISSCA
associazione italiana per lo studio della santità, dei culti e dell’agiografia
Per ogni notizia relativa all’Associazione (elenco soci onorari e ordinari, modalità d’iscrizione,
iniziative scientifiche) è possibile consultare il sito internet www.aissca.it
e-mail: [email protected]
Consiglio direttivo
Sofia Boesch Gajano (presidente), Anna Benvenuti, Tommaso Caliò, Ada Campione, Amalia
Galdi, Paolo Golinelli, Gennaro Luongo, Francesco Scorza Barcellona, Serena Spanò Martinelli
SANCTORUM
rivista dell’associazione per lo studio della santità, dei culti e dell’agiografia
Copyright © 2009 associazione italiana per lo studio della santità, dei culti e dell’agiografia
Prima edizione (ebook): maggio 2012
ISSN 1824-2367 ISBN 978-88-8334-398-8
ISBN 978-88-8334-805-1
Rivista annuale, anno 6, 2009
Registrazione presso il Tribunale di Roma del 87/2004 del 5/03/2004
Direttore responsabile
Sofia Boesch Gajano
Direzione
Anna Benvenuti, Sofia Boesch Gajano, Gennaro Luongo, Raimondo Michetti, Valerio Petrarca,
Maria Pliukhanova, Roberto Rusconi, Francesco Scorza Barcellona, Andrea Tilatti
Comitato scientifico internazionale
Peter Brown, Maria de Lurdes Correia Fernandes, Simon Ditchfield, Bernard Dompnier, Robert
Godding, Gabor Klaniczay, Lester K. Little, André Vauchez
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Indice
Il tema
Plasmare il suono. Il culto dei santi e la musica (secc. XVI-XVIII)
a cura di Simon Ditchfield
Introduzione Robert L. Kendrick
«Honore a Dio, e allegrezza alli santi, e consolazione alli putti»:
The Musical Projection of Litanies in Sixteenth-Century Italy
Stefano Patuzzi
Cantare la santità negli anni di Sisto V (1585-1590)
Drew Edward Davies
St. Peter and the Triumph of the Church in Music from New Spain Dinko Fabris
Gennaro, Rosalia, Teresa e gli altri…
I santi nel teatro musicale sacro del Seicento a Napoli
Summaries
7
15
47
67
91
126
La discussione
Il corpo e il sacro. Confronti culturali
a cura di Francesco Scorza Barcellona
Introduzione Tonino Griffero
La materia sottile e i suoi paradossi. Note sulla corporeità spirituale
Maria Giovanna Stasolla
Riflessioni storiografiche in margine alla lettura
di Le corps et le sacré en Orient musulman
Biancamaria Scarcia Amoretti
Il corpo nell’Islam: un’entità ambigua
Giovanna Calasso
Il corpo, il sacro e la gerarchia dei sensi nell’agiografia islamica.
Appunti in margine
Barbara Fiore
A proposito del velo maschile
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136
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Indice
Ricerche e rassegne
Giuseppe Cuscito
Il culto di sant’Augusta e le origini cristiane a Ceneda
Guy Philippart
Les Passions des martyrs d’Aquilée et d’Istrie.
Une contribution majeure à leur étude
Paolo Cozzo
Il culto di san Giorgio nel Piemonte sabaudo,
fra osmosi agiografiche e riflessi politici
Paolo Fontana
Eremiti, pellegrini e controllo degli spazi nella Repubblica di Genova
in età moderna. Note attraverso le fonti giudiziarie
Maria Carosio
Un esempio di agiografia contemporanea: il racconto del martirio
di Eugenio Bossilkov, vescovo nella Bulgaria comunista
Alessandra Moro
Agiografia, storia e multimedialità nel progetto CUSTOS
177
203
227
241
257
277
Profili e ricordi
Per ricordare Évelyne Patlagean
Sofia Boesch Gajano
Scritture, parole, gesti
289
Rosa Maria Parrinello
Évelyne Patlagean, ovvero la storia senza gli idoli del sentimento
292
Incontri con l’agiografia
Intervista a Luigi M. Lombardi Satriani
a cura di Sofia Boesch Gajano
297
Eventi
305
Italia Sacra. Le tradizioni agiografiche regionali (F. Laddaga); Le immagini del Francescanesimo (P. Mocciaro); Il Liber di Angela da Foligno e
la mistica dei secoli XIII-XIV in rapporto alle nuove culture (A. Marini);
Reliques et culte des saints des premiers siècles. Dévotions et identités du
XVIe au XIXe siècle (A. Serra); Centro Europeo di Studi Agiografici, Scuola di studi agiografici, Prima settimana di studio (F. Di Pira, V. Mattaloni,
A. Panariti, L. Porceddu, S.A. Robbe, L. Rossi, A.A. Verardi, F. Veronese,
V. Zanghi).
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Notizie bibliografiche
321
La Croce. Iconografia e interpretazione (secoli I-inizio XVI), a cura di B.
Ulianich (S. Cavallotto); San Gennaro nel XVII Centenario del martirio
(305-2005), a cura di G. Luongo (M. Caffiero); A.M. Piredda, Passio Sancti Fabii. Testo critico con introduzione e traduzione italiana (F. Laddaga); A. Campione, Il culto di san Michele in Campania. Antonino e Catello (A. Galdi); M. Re, Il codice lentinese dei santi Alfio, Filadelfo e Cirino:
studio paleografico e filologico (F. Laddaga); R. Denaro, Dal martire allo
shahīd. Fonti, problemi e confronti per una martirografia islamica (M.
Campanini); R.E. Guglielmetti, I testi agiografici latini nei codici della
Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana (P. Golinelli); G. Ciappelli, Un santo
alla battaglia di Anghiari. La “vita” e il culto di Andrea Corsini nella Firenze del Rinascimento (I. Gagliardi); D. Lett, Un procès de canonisation
au Moyen Âge. Essai d’histoire sociale (L. Pellegrini); I. Gagliardi, Sola
con Dio. La missione di Domenica da Paradiso nella Firenze del primo
Cinquecento (S. Boesch Gajano); Direzione spirituale e agiografia. Dalla
biografia classica alle vite di santi dell’età moderna, a cura di M. Catto,
I. Gagliardi, R.M. Parrinello (S. Boesch Gajano); P. Stella, Il libro religioso in Italia. Studi e ricerche, a cura di M. Lupi (C. Coletti); Santuari di
confine: una tipologia?, a cura di A. Tilatti (M. Marcotulli).
Notizie AISSCA
Progetti: Bilinguismo, biculturalismo e produzione agiografica (V. Milazzo e F. Scorza Barcellona); Per un «Indice dei motivi delle narrazioni agiografiche latine» [«Motif-Index of Hagiographical Latin Narrations»] (P. Golinelli).
Pubblicazioni
Nei prossimi numeri
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Plasmare il suono.
Il culto dei santi e la musica (secc. XVI-XVIII)
One of the great challenges facing historians of saints and sanctity in
any period of history is to communicate the degree to which cults and devotions engaged all the senses. The kissing and stroking of relics and statues
combined with the smell of candles and incense and the sight of representations of holy men and women to overwhelm the worshipper. In addition, the
deployment wherever possible of materials with the most splendid refractive
and reflective properties – from silver and gold to jewels and mosaic – ensured
that the devout beheld a vision that was as magnificent as it was otherworldly.
If we add to this mix the fact that the period under study in the essays which
follow witnessed the deployment of an unprecedented range and richness of
strategies to engage the Roman Catholic worshipper, then we can begin to appreciate the scale of the task facing historians.
Although the main focus of recent research into precisely how the embattled Roman Catholic Church regained and extended its hold on worshippers
has been into the Society of Jesus, it was as long ago as 1932 that the French
art historian, Emile Mâle acknowledged the overwhelming power of baroque
evocations in sculpture, fresco and paint of miraculous visions and images of
ecstasy in Rome’s new churches with the observation: «Ces saints du Moyen
Age faisaient des miracles; les saints de la Contre-Réforme furent eux-mêmes
des miracles».1 Yet, despite the inclusion of individual chapters on music in
essay collections dedicated to the Jesuits, there has been no comprehensive
1. E. Mâle, L’art religieux après le Concile de Trente: étude sur l’iconographie de la fin
du XVIe siècle, du XVIIe, du XVIIIe: Italie, France, Espagne, Flandres, Paris 1932 (repr. 1951),
p. 143; The Jesuits: cultures, sciences and the arts, 1540-1773, 2 vols, eds. J.W O’Malley, G.A.
Bailey et al., Toronto-Buffalo-London 1999-2006; J. Chipps Smith, Sensuous Worship: Jesuits
and the Art of the Early Catholic Reformation in Germany, Princeton-Oxford 2002; E. Levy,
Propaganda and the Jesuit Baroque, Berkeley-Los Angeles-London 2004.
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attempt, to date, to integrate the findings of musicologists into our understanding of the ways in which the cult of saints was reshaped and refurbished in
the face of the double challenge of the Reformation and the Global Missions.
We therefore await a single-volume study of the global “sounds of sanctity”.2
In the meantime, I hope that the following four essays will provide the reader
with an awareness not only of how central sound was – and remains – to
the cult of saints, but also the important role it played in the making of this
planet’s first (and only) world religion.3
The author of the first article in this section, Robert Kendrick, from the
University of Chicago, is one of the few scholars who have taken up comprehensively the challenge of understanding the sonic landscape of the Catholic
Reformation. His milestone 2002 study, The Sounds of Milan, 1585-1650,
directly addressed the issue by means of a tripartite approach.4 Having first
examined the various urban spaces for music – from Cathedral to convent;
procession to palace – Kendrick went on in part two to study the specific rites
and rituals which framed musical composition and performance. His final section was devoted to the analysis of the various genres of music which has
survived; from motet and madrigal to psalms and sacred concerti. In the article
which follows, Kendrick examines what must have been the most common
and widespread and pervasive “sound of sanctity” – the Litany. To borrow a
phrase from his article: «one of the most characteristic sounds of processions
in the early modern world must have been the high, often untrained voices of
children singing the Litany». Litanies – repetitive invocations of saints or of
attributes of Christ or Mary – have been a regular kind of collective prayer in
Christianity since late antiquity. Their additive Latin texts and simple chant
formula were among the most familiar prayers for early modern Catholics,
even to the illiterate faithful. Litanies were used for personal protection (of the
sick and dying, and also in exorcism rituals) and collective penance. They also
expressed sanctoral/Marian invocation, Eucharistic devotion and even political purpose (as a form of civic consciousness and/or princely identity). In
Kendrick’s own formulation: «their association with processions marks them
2. ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������
«To match the Jesuits’ truly global presence, acknowledgement of local cultural circumstances, and ability to affect cultural change, we have to wait for the twentieth century, for
the globally iconic Music Television (MTV) networks and their propagation of the cult of a
very different Madonna». L. Clossey, Salvation and Globalization in the Early Jesuit Missions,
Cambridge 2008, p. 251.
3. Cfr. the imminent Musica e strategie pastorali di età moderna, Atti del Convegno (Roma,
17-18 febbraio 2006), eds. S. Nanni, B. Dompnier. The book will be published by Viella.
4. R.L. Kendrick, The Sounds of Milan, 1585-1650, Oxford 2002.
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as sonic components in the formation of sacred space». Finally, their link to
the thaumaturgic powers of Mary and the saints ensured that the sung projection of litanies had a wide variety of musical forms. Indeed, Giorgio Caravale
has reminded us of this fact as it relates to the attempts made to control their
production and use.5 By means of the apostolic decree of 1601, Sanctissimus
(sometimes referred to as: Quoniam multi), Clement VIII tried (unsuccessfully) to reduce the enormous number of litanies in circulation down to three
permitted for public recitation: the Litanies of the Saints, of Loreto and of the
Name of Jesus. This was not the first attempt to introduce some order. In 1594,
the Jesuit General, Claudio Acquaviva had tried to standardise sanctoral litanies used in the missions to India, which reminds us of their role and relevance
to the globalising Church. For example, as Kendrick notes, the Jesuits celebrated the Portuguese military conquest of Damao near Goa in February 1559
by ritually sanctifying the new litany with polyphonic litanies sung by Indian
children in procession. The Jesuit exegete and polymath, Nicolaus Serarius
(1555-1609), in his theological justification of litanies, the immensely learned
Litaneuticii, sive de Litaniis libelli duo (1609), specifically noted their global
efficacy; as used by Francis Xavier in Japan or in wars against the Turks.
Stefano Patuzzi, an independent scholar living in the Mantovano, is author of the standard work on the Sacre Lodi a diversi santi (1587) by Giovanni
Giacomo Gastoldi (1555-1609), maestro di cappella at the Palatine basilica of
S. Barbara in Mantova.6 Composer of several well-regarded balletti for court
entertainments, Gastoldi’s most popular work was his setting of frequently
encountered psalm texts, the Integra omnium solemnitatem vespertina psalmodia, which was reprinted as late as 1705. Something of his eminent reputation can be seen by the fact that in 1582 no less a person than Carlo Borromeo
sought, unsuccessfully, to recruit him to his musical establishment in Milan.
Patuzzi’s article forms a useful complement to that of Kendrick since it reminds that as a counterpart to the particular, local and regional variants to such
universal devotional practices as the litanies, wherever there was the patronage, there also existed specific musical settings for vernacular texts in praise
of saints who enjoyed particular local devotion. Interestingly, with perhaps
the exception of S. Barbara – to whom the basilica where Gastoldi worked
was dedicated – all the saints being commemorated: including S. Giovanni
Battista, S. Pietro, S. Silvestro, S. Adriano, S. Maria Maddalena and S. Franc5. G. Caravale, L’orazione proibita: censura ecclesiastica e letteratura devozionale nella
prima età moderna, Firenze 2003, part III, ch. 1.
6. S. Patuzzi, Madrigali in Basilica. Le Sacre Lodi a diversi santi (1587) di G.G. Gastoldi:
un emblema controriformistico, Firenze 1999.
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esco, did not have particular association with either Mantova or the Gonzaga.
Instead, we seem to have an attempt to provide a musical structure to a devotion – articulated by interior processions – centred on six side altars as well as
the main altar of the basilica, which was intended as a Mantuan counterpart to
devotion to the Seven Churches in Rome as reflected in the papal bull Egregia
populi Romani pietas (1586). Patuzzi sees the overall liturgy as an affirmation
of the veneration of relics and images which had been hastily adumbrated
during the final weeks of the Council of Trent. Finally, he notes how the date
of the Sacri lodi coincides with the very eve of the recommencement of papal
canonization in 1588 after a sixty-five year hiatus (since the canonization of
SS. Benno of Meissen and Antonino of Florence in 1523).
Dinko Fabris, from the University of Basilicata, is uniquely qualified to
write about the sounds of sanctity in seventeenth-century Naples. As well as
his well-received book on the composer Francesco Provenzale (1624-1704),
Fabris has worked extensively as musicological consultant with the conductor
Antonio Florio, who has for several years led the consort of musicians and
singers dedicated to the Neapolitan baroque: the Cappella de’ Turchini.7 Perhaps the best known project that Fabris has been associated with has been the
preparation of a performing edition of the “Dramma armonioso” about the life
of S. Rosalia, La Colomba ferita (1670), which was only rediscovered in 1980
in the library of the Naples conservatory where it was known simply as Santa
Rosalia by an anonymous composer.8
In several respects, Provenzale’s career encapsulates the opportunities for
and context of sacred music in early modern Naples. He began his career
writing secular works for the theatre. Between 1652 and 1678 we know he
composed at least six operas, of which just two scores have come down to
us, as well as two azioni sacre. With his appointment as maestro di cappella
at the Conservatorio di Santa Maria di Loreto in 1663, Provenzale appears to
have begun to engage the interest and patronage of the court of the Spanish
Viceroy. After a work entitled: Il martirio di San Gennaro (1664), for which
he probably wrote the music, success came with La colomba ferita. Two years
later, in 1672, Provenzale went on to performe, La fenice d’Avila, Teresa di
Gesù, the music for which has unfortunately not come down to us. The fol7. D. Fabris, Music in seventeenth-century Naples: Francesco Provenzale (1624-1704),
Aldershot-Burlington (VT) 2007. Cfr. the website of the Centro di Musica Antica Pietà de’
Turchini at www.turchini.it (accessed 16 March 2009).
8. F. Provenzale, La Colomba Ferita. Opera sacra di Santa Rosalia, Capella de’Turchini,
Antonio Florio, OPUS 111 OPS 30-208/9 (1997).
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lowing year he left the Conservatorio di Santa Maria di Loreto and became the
maestro di cappella of another of Naples’ music-making institutions, the Pietà
dei Turchini, a post he held until 1702. He followed his success with a work
devoted to the life of the recently canonized S. Rosa di Lima (1679). In 1680
Provenzale crowned his career by assuming possession of the post of director
of the most prestigious Tesoro di San Gennaro, (which although he had been
offered the post years before he had been unable to take up until the death of
its incumbent, Filippo Coppola, in that year).
Interestingly, rather than drawing on local saints, musical and theatrical
representations of saints in Naples 1650-1700 were inspired by such outsiders
as Rosalia of Palermo, Teresa of Avila, Rose of Lima and, most exotically, the
Irish princess S. Timpna, a mistranscription of S Dinfna (Lat. Dymphna) who,
according to a twelfth-century life, having been secretly baptised had fled her
pagan father in the company of a priest Gerberno to the forest of Gheel, in the
province of Antwerp, only to be martyred at the orders of her enraged father.
Common to all these texts – aside from the common authorship of the libretti
by Giuseppe Castaldo – was the theme of fuga dal mondo e dal matrimonio
terreno. Fabris concludes his survey with a valuable corrective to the judgement of Benedetto Croce, who had mistakenly believed that the sacred works
of Provenzale and his contemporaries was merely a Neapolitan appropriation
of Spanish comedias de santos, in which music played a subordinate role. By
contrast, Fabris argues convincingly that Provenzale and Castaldo had drawn
on Venetian operatic conventions to create a specifically and uniquely Neapolitan sacred musical genre. Fabris’s article closes with an invaluable census
of sacred dramas which were performed in Naples between 1651 and 1700.
Turning to the final article in this section, by Drew Davies of Northwestern University USA, we see how the cult of that pre-eminently papal saint
– the apostle St Peter – was appropriated some eight thousand miles from
the Eternal City – at a time when one might expect such links with the Head
Quarters of Roman Catholicism to be attenuated by the desire of the Spanish
authorities to reassert their coincidence of religious and political authority:
the patronato real. Research for this article, which has been further developed out of Davies’s award-winning doctoral dissertation: The Italianized
Frontier: Music at Durango Cathedral, Español Culture, and the Aesthetics
of Devotion in Eighteenth-Century New Spain (University of Chicago, 2006)
reveals how more vernacular religious works survive dedicated to St Peter
than to any other saint in the cathedral archives of Durango and Oaxaca.
This mostly took the form of villancicos (sacred compositions in the vernacular) and cantatas written for Mattins services at the feast of Saints Peter
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and Paul. Davies notes how the literary archaism and musical conservatism
of the texts should be interpreted as an attempt to emphasise the timelessness of Rome’s authority, adding that the metaphor of Peter as rock enabled
authors of the texts to these villanicos, who included such significant literary
figures as Suor Juana Inés de la Cruz, to play with the notion of the Saint as
the foundation stone of the Church and with neoplatonic notions of Peter as
divine architect. Moreover, Suor Juana’s texts (for which we unfortunately
lack the music) from the 1670s, 1680s and 1690s went as far as likening
Mexico’s citizens to (early Christian) Romans. This strong tradition of local
composition in honour of St Peter continued right down to the end of the colonial period on the Latin American mainland, as exemplified by the career
of the violinist-composer, José Bernardo Abella Grijalva (b. ca.1740), who
became maestro di cappella at Durango during the 1780s and who wrote
several dozen Petrine villancicos. All of this took place within the context
of institutional musical patronage which was exclusively ecclesiastical and
markedly conservative, as exemplified by the prominent Congregation of St
Peter in Mexico City. There were no secular courts or Opera houses competing for musical compositions.
This observation concerning the essentially conservative nature of the
New World musical establishment is important to bear in mind in the light
of the current vogue for Latin American baroque music in which a degree
of cultural exchange and syncretism is somehow assumed.9 The Argentinian
musicologist Leonardo Waissman has gone so far as to describe this process
in terms of: «a take-over of South American mission music by that beloved
stepson of musicology, the [imperialist] early music movement».10 As Geoff
Baker has forcefully reminded us:
What did Latin American Church music sound like? For most of the colonial period in
Latin America, formal musical interactions between colonisers and colonised were lim9. E.g. Missa Mexicana, The Harp Consort, Andrew Lawrence King, Harmonia Mundi
HMX2907293 (2002); New World Symphonies: baroque music from Latin America, Ex Cathedra, Jeffrey Skidmore, Hyperion CDA67380 (2003); Bolivian Baroque. Baroque music
from the missions of Chiquitos and Moxos Indians, Florilegium, Channel Classics CCS SA
22105 (2004).
10. �������������
L. Waissman, The Challenge of Mission music today, a revised version of a talk given
in La Habana to the Coloquio Internacional Musicología y globalización in October 1999. I
am immensely grateful to the author and to Bernardo Illari for forwarding me a copy of this
unpublished manuscript. Cfr. H.M. Brown, Pedantry or Liberation? A sketch of the historical
performance movement, in Authenticity and Early Music: a symposium, ed. N. Kenyon, Oxford-New York 1988, pp. 27-56.
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ited in scope; the latter were often brought in to play the instruments in churches […] but
creative interactions, in the true sense of the word, were virtually non-existent in the field
of élite culture. The cultural transfer occurred in one direction only in this realm. Spaniards taught native Americans (and more rarely Africans) to sound like Spaniards […].11
This is not to say that we should abandon attempts to use research into
music making on the Roman Catholic missions in the New World to help us
understand how the cult of saints was produced and consumed in this planet’s
first religion. However, we need to be much more aware of the uneven power
politics which obtained during the colonial period. Any reciprocity between
the colonial powers and the indigenous peoples was conducted on profoundly
unequal terms. If we are to trace the contours of the sonic landscape of sanctity in the first century and a half after the Council of Trent with greater accuracy then we shall have to be alive to the socio-political conditions under
which such music making took place.
Simon Ditchfield
11. ����������
G. Baker, Latin American Baroque: performance as post-colonial act, in «Early Music», XXXVI/3 (2008), pp. 441-448 (quote at 443). Cfr. G. Baker, Imposing harmony: music
and society in Colonial Cuzco, Durham (NC)-London, 2008.
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