7 Colonial comparisons. Concluding remarks

Transcript

7
Colonial comparisons. Concluding remarks
Au vrai, notre projet ne consiste pas à établir un inventaire
de tous les phénomènes d'expansion ou de colonisation, ou à
banaliser le phénomène colonial européen; mais bien, à
l'occasion, à le confronter à d'autres.1
Marc Ferro, Histoire des colonisations (1994), 8
7.1
History, Structure and Material Culture
Comparing the three colonial situations discussed in the
foregoing chapters may finally contribute to a better understanding of colonialism in a general sense. As the basic
instrument of modern anthropology, the comparative method
has been fruitfully used as a means to distinguish between
contingent historical circumstances and structural features of
the phenomena under study. With regard to colonialism in
particular, whether ancient or (early) modern, comparison
can help overcome monolithic representations. Moreover,
comparing the present three colonial situations clarifies
not only the structural properties of the three instances of
colonialism but also those of west central Sardinian society,
because they occurred in the same region and were historically related to each other.
In the case of west central Sardinia during the first millennium BC, the structural properties of the situations are in the
first place constituted by the region and its cultural background. They consisted of the physical landscape as well as
of the past of indigenous Nuragic settlement and external
contacts with the nearby islands and surrounding coasts of
the western Mediterranean and together made up Braudel's
longue durée time-scale. Contemporary wider historical
conditions, however, remained far from constant during the
first millennium BC, as has been amply illustrated in the
foregoing chapters. However, for any given moment in each
of the three situations the historical context constituted an
important structuring element, in particular because of the
involvement of the region in the wider colonial networks.
If the conventional distinction between history and structure
is therefore difficult to uphold, as Marshall Sahlins has
claimed (1985, 136-156), the succession of and historical
connections between the three colonial situations examined
are even more significant because they highlight how one
colonial situation rooted in its predecessor.
A cursory overview of the previous three chapters makes it
clear that close connections coexisted with salient discrepancies: the colonial situations of the Punic and Roman periods
presented many similarities, whereas the Phoenician period
and Nuragic Iron Age seem to have been utterly different
from the later two periods. Precisely because of the differences, the Phoenician/Iron Age period illustrates these
points: while this period can hardly be labelled as colonial,
since the Phoenician impact on and involvement in the
region remained rather limited, during this very same period
the foundations were laid for later Carthaginian and Roman
domination over the region. The role played by the originally
Phoenician settlements as the urban foci of the region in the
later periods is the most obvious example, as they not only
provided a bridgehead for later colonial intervention but also
largely structured subsequent regional organization. This
holds in particular for the tree-partite division of the region
in Punic and Roman times between Tharros, the coastal strip
with Neapolis and Othoca, and the interior of the central
Campidano and the Marmilla. It can be traced back to the
Iron Age, when Phoenician presence developed in two
stages from the Tharros and the S. Marco peninsula to the
Arborèa, while Nuragic settlement remained confined to the
interior, withdrawing even further inland at a later moment
(pp. 104-107). This case moreover demonstrates that it was
not the Phoenician presence alone which structured the
precolonial situation and gave rise to the later colonial ones
but rather that it was the entanglement of colonial and
indigenous elements which jointly (re-)organized the region.
The label ‘precolonial’ for the Phoenician and Iron Age
period is therefore a most fitting one, as the developments of
this time not simply preceded but more importantly also
paved the way for the later colonial situation of the Punic
period (cf. p. 71).
The structural role of history is exhibited most clearly by the
mismatch between the wider historical conditions and events
on the one hand and regional or local developments on the
other: the so-called conjonctures clearly evolved at a different pace when compared to regional trends, despite their
structuring of the wider conditions (cf. Braudel 1972, 899900). The discrepancy between the Roman dominance over
Carthage in the western Mediterranean and the persistence of
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Carthaginian influence in Sardinia is a clear case in point
(p. 161): since the discussion of this situation in chapter six
(pp. 146-157) has demonstrated the essentially local background of this phenomenon, it follows logically that the
structuring role of history is often mediated by the local
context. In order to bring out what Sahlins has termed
the ‘structure of the conjuncture’ which he defined as the
‘practical realization’ of the general trends in any particular
context (1985, xiv; 152-154), it is therefore necessary to
emphasize the specific local and historical circumstances ‘on
the ground’. In particular with regard to studies of colonialism, in which the interplay between wider structures and
local conditions should take a prominent place, this argument supports the local focus which I have proposed as a
defining feature of a postcolonial archaeology (p. 34).
A final critical element which has surfaced in all discussions
of the three (pre-)colonial situations regards the role of
material culture in society. More particularly, it has repeatedly been pointed out that material culture cannot be seen as
having some intrinsic value deriving from its foreign or
indigenous provenance. In this way it is for instance possible
to understand the ways in which individual imports circulated
in Nuragic Iron Age society: as the indigenous contexts of
the imports appear to correspond closely to those of indigenous elite items in general, it can be argued that Phoenician,
Greek or Etruscan imports in Nuragic Iron Age society were
perceived in terms of Nuragic values rather than exclusively
appreciated for their connections with the colonial worlds
(p. 111).
More spectacular perhaps was the role of material culture in
the Punic period, when colonial objects were massively and
whole-sale adopted throughout the region at the expense of
older indigenous products. Rather than interpreting this rapid
spread of Punic material culture as denoting a large-scale
Carthaginian occupation of and immigration into the region,
it was argued that the adoption of Punic material culture by
the local inhabitants was a much more ‘superficial’ development which affected only certain dimensions of society.
New forms of settlement and land use for instance occurred
exclusively in the coastal Arborèa and apparently important
indigenous values and traditions were shielded off from
colonial interference, as show the rituals performed in the
shrine of Genna Maria. The meanings attributed to Punic
material culture in the 5th and 4th centuries BC were therefore first and foremost constructed in the local context and
they were used to build up a new society in the colonial
situation (cf. pp. 151-156). In the ensuing Roman Republican period, material culture was used in basically similar
ways in order to make sense of the new situation. In the
circumstances of that time, Punic material culture could be
represented as ‘indigenous’ while the meaning of colonial
(Roman) objects was much more contested, as the objects
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were ignored by some people and adopted by others
(pp. 205-209). Again, the colonial situation has brought out
the different and shifting meanings attributed to material
culture, which were clearly related to the structural conditions
of the time but which at the same time were actively constructed and altered by the local inhabitants of the colonized
region.
While more detailed conclusions about particular issues of
each of the three (pre-)colonial situations can be found in the
concluding sections of the previous three chapters, in the
next two sections I shall now return to the basic issues
which were raised in the second chapter and which I have
repeatedly touched upon in the discussions of the specific
situations of west central Sardinia (chapters 4-6). These
basic issues can briefly be characterized with the terms
‘postcolonialism’ and ‘resistance and identity’.
7.2
On Colonial Categories and Cultural
Concerns
Both basic tenets of the postcolonial approach outlined in
chapter two are related to issues of categorization in colonial
situations: one concerns the importance of breaking down
dualist categories. As a result, particular significance is
attributed to the role of intermediate social groups. The other
pertains to the categorization of colonialism as an historical
phenomenon, which in practice means the shift in attention
from exclusively political and military matters to the cultural
dimensions of colonial situations. Together with the remarks
about the local focus in the previous section, the following
observations are intended to be an evaluation of the archaeological implementation of the postcolonial perspective as
proposed in chapter two (pp. 33-35).
The discussion of the archaeological literature on ancient
colonialism in the Mediterranean has made clear that onesided representations still abound, no matter whether of a
colonialist or nativist perspective, and that they have now
at best been replaced by a dualist approach (pp. 18-22).
However, chapters five and six on the Carthaginian and
Roman colonial situations have provided ample arguments
for abandoning these dichotomies and asserting the role of
intermediate categories emphasized in postcolonial theory.
The town of Neapolis in many ways epitomizes the intermediate categories of west central Sardinia under Carthaginian
authority, as it largely bridges the assumed colonial divide
between the colonial Punic and indigenous Sardinian inhabitants (cf. pp. 151-156). It does so in the first place as a
prominent feature of the coastal cultural landscape, situated
in-between the thoroughly colonial situation of Tharros
and Cape S. Marco and the more outspokenly indigenous
character of the interior. Within the coastal landscape,
Neapolis occupied a crucial place as the focal point of rural
settlement. Neapolis thus lay not only in-between in a literal
sense but also metaphorically, exemplified by the locally
created and produced figurines of the healing sanctuary
(fig. 5-18). The settlement itself was also typical of the
intermediate nature of Neapolis, as such large nucleated
settlements clearly represent a colonial innovation; this is
confirmed by the colonial origin of the town as a Carthaginian
foundation. However, it did not meet the more strictly colonial
and urban standards set by Tharros and the other colonial
cities, which consequently detracts from the colonial status
of Neapolis. The closer involvement of the town in the rural
hinterland and the relative absence of artisanal production
further curtailed the colonial dimension of Neapolis. Since
the general situation did not change much in the earlier
Roman period, the same arguments apply to Neapolis in
Republican times.
West central Sardinia in the Phoenician/Iron Age period on
the contrary appears to contradict the postcolonial repudiation of colonial dualisms, since the regional situation of that
period was defined by a sharp contrast between Phoenician
colonial presence along the coast and Iron Age Nuragic
settlement in the interior (pp. 104-107). In this case, however, the evident separation between colonial and indigenous
settlement should not so much be interpreted as a colonial
divide but rather as denoting a precolonial situation in which
both ‘sides’ essentially remained independent from each
other. Since the precolonial characteristics of this particular
situation have been deduced from other evidence, they cannot rebut the foregoing arguments about the later colonial
situations.
When considered in the wider context of the whole of
Sardinia, however, the separation between the Phoenician
foundations on the southern and western Sardinian coasts
and Nuragic Iron Age settlement in the interior and the
northern half of the island can be argued to have been much
less definite. Although the contrast between the two settlement systems was a significant characteristic of west central
Sardinian regional organization, the Phoenician foundations
did not constitute the exclusive contact points with the outside world for the indigenous inhabitants. On the contrary,
extensive networks had already been established long before
the Phoenicians set foot ashore in Sardinia and they continued
to function after these newcomers had founded their colonial
settlements. Although the importation of foreign objects has
for a long time been automatically ascribed to Phoenician
intervention, detailed study of the distribution of the imports
and their indigenous contexts has now shown that importation was anything but a colonial prerogative and that the
Nuragic Sardinians themselves were equally active in maintaining exchange contacts (Ugas/Zucca 1984, 58-86).
The ongoing contacts of Nuragic Sardinia with Etruscan
Tuscany throughout the 7th and 6th centuries BC clearly
show that the precolonial situation was not determined by a
dichotomy between colonizing Phoenicians and colonized
Sardinians alone but included Etruscans as well; from the
7th century BC onwards, a distinction can even be made
between northern and southern Etruscans (pp. 79-80). Since
this resulted in a divergence between the northern part of the
island where contacts with the Italian mainland were dominant, and the southern regions of the island, including west
central Sardinia, which interacted primarily with the nearby
Phoenician settlements, the island as a whole was characterized by three major groups, namely the inhabitants of the
‘two Sardinias’ in roughly the northern and southern parts
of the island (Gras 1985, 126) and the Phoenicians on the
southern and western coasts. If the general situation of
Iron Age Sardinia was thus far too complex and involved
too many participants to be reduced to a simple dualist
(pre-)colonial situation, the regional context of west central
Sardinia likewise resisted such a categorization: the contraction of indigenous settlement into the interior and the
increased distribution of Etruscan and Greek imports in the
central Campidano by the end of the 7th century BC similarly suggest that the local inhabitants were far from dependent on the Phoenician foundations for their contacts with
the outside world (p. 103; cf. Gras 1985, 113-244).
If the over-all precolonial and colonial situations cannot be
fitted into a dualist scheme, the shortcomings of these representations are perhaps still more convincingly demonstrated
by several minor instances of blurred colonial categories
which can be found throughout the region in each of the
three periods examined. A case in point are the villages in
the Marmilla during the Punic and Roman Republican period
which on the one hand denote an ‘indigenous’ way of settlement and land use, emphasized by the association with a
nuraghe, but on the other hand these villages also comprise
numerous typically ‘colonial’ elements such as domestic
pottery of exclusively colonial types, the use of ceramic roof
tiles and in some cases even the house type itself (as at Marfudi: fig. 6-12). Compared to these, the single farms of the
southern Arborèa and the towns of Neapolis and Othoca
represented a relatively ‘pure’ or outspoken example of
colonial settlement. However, it is precisely the relativity of
the colonial or indigenous nature of these sites which comes
to the heart of the matter: just as Neapolis seems much less
completely colonial when compared to Tharros or Carthage,
likewise the Roman villages of the Marmilla are much less
‘indigenous’ in comparison to contemporary settlements in
northern or north-eastern Sardinia which adhered much more
closely to older Nuragic traditions (cf. Lilliu 1988, 474-480).
Other examples of blurred categories are the Punic and
Roman shrines in Nuragic monumental constructions, usually
nuraghi but occasionally also well-sanctuaries. The intricate
nature of these cults and rituals has already been discussed
at length and need not be repeated here (see pp. 151-156,
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201-205). These cases show that hybridization processes
often played a critical role in the blurring of colonial categories and the transgression of colonial boundaries (see next
section).
The second postcolonial tenet concerning the categorization
of colonialism as an historical phenomenon is perhaps best
illustrated by the observation that despite habitual associations
with issues of power and domination, both the discussion
above and the interpretative sections of the chapters four,
five and six have only touched upon these issues in passing.
The cultural aspects of the (pre-)colonial situations have
been foregrounded, without, however, ignoring economic
and political elements altogether. Emblematic in this respect
are the questions of settlement location and land use, which
take a prominent place in this study: obviously, they have an
important economic dimension but cannot be reduced to it,
as I have argued by drawing attention to the apparent avoidance of nuraghi in the southern Arborèa. In fact, the very
notion of a cultural landscape presupposes that there is much
more to land use and settlement than merely tilling the soil
or selecting profitable site catchments (cf. Tilley 1994, 11-34).
Overlooking the discussions and interpretations of the three
(pre-)colonial situations, the postcolonial emphasis on cultural issues appears to be particularly significant for an
archaeological approach, since military events and political
regulations are notoriously difficult to detect archaeologically. The discussion of Sardinia under the Roman Republic
in chapter six illustrates this point most conclusively:
whereas the military interventions and the political exploitation
of the island are primarily or often exclusively attested by
literary evidence, the archaeological record sheds extensive
light on cultural aspects of the colonial situation. Moreover,
these have revealed the pervasiveness of colonial domination
or rather on the limits of it. In this way, the Neapolis figurines
(fig. 5-18) have for instance been interpreted as denoting a
local or popular (sub)culture which could be related to the
intermediate position of the town in the region. Apart from
the fact that these statuettes are another example of blurred
colonial categories, both the figurines and the fertility rituals
of the Genna Maria shrine show that the impact of colonial
culture touched virtually all parts of society. At the same
time, the attention for both economic and cultural aspects
of colonialism has revealed similarities and discrepancies
between different social ‘levels’ (to use the Dumontian
term). In the Punic period, for instance, the virtually complete domination of Punic norms at the level of daily life and
agricultural production contrasted markedly with the fertility
cult performed at Genna Maria, in which older ‘traditional’
forms were preserved and colonial influences were admitted
much more selectively.
Postcolonial attention for cultural aspects is, therefore, partly
founded on its contribution to the interpretation of the values
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of local society under colonial rule. Equally important is that
it provides a starting-point for examining the impact of
colonial authority not just as political or military domination
but also as a more subtle cultural hegemony. Precisely
because of this shift in attention, the postcolonial perspective
has a most promising archaeological potential for studying
colonialism.
7.3
Hybridization, local identities and resistance
As their repeated occurrence in the previous chapters has
already signalled, the terms ‘hybridization’ and ‘local identity’ are of critical importance to understand the ways in
which colonial categories can be blurred and boundaries
transgressed. They can in fact be regarded as key words in a
postcolonial approach to colonialism. In this final section, I
shall therefore consider these two terms and their implications
in the light of the archaeological analyses of the foregoing
chapters. To conclude, I shall dwell upon the frequently used
term of ‘resistance’, which necessarily comes to mind.
The clearest instance of hybridization observed in the three
periods studied is that of the cult celebrated in Roman times
in the reused well-sanctuary of Cuccuru s'Arriu (pp. 203205). In the first place, a more appropriate label than ‘hybrid’
is hard to find to characterize the multiple background of the
rituals performed, the objects used and the place occupied in
one and the same context. The thorough integration of the
diverse elements only adds to this. Secondly, the case of
Cuccuru s'Arriu most explicitly exposes the problematic
nature of terms such as ‘indigenous’, ‘colonial’, ‘Punic’,
Roman’ etc. In particular, precisely because of the entanglement of the elements involved, it is difficult to sustain the
essentialist meanings usually attributed to these labels: must
the rituals performed at Cuccuru s'Arriu be defined as ‘colonial’ because of their Punic background or as ‘indigenous’
given the contemporary widespread opposition between
Punic and Roman? Moreover, what exactly does the label
‘Punic’ cover in such a context? Does it refer to an ‘authentic’ Punic culture in North Africa or does it allude to the
local Sardinian version? A similarly intricate web of meanings and backgrounds was pointed out in the discussion of
the Neapolis figurines (pp. 154-155): given the diverse
backgrounds of the statuettes, it is unclear whether they
should be classified as colonial or indigenous.
As I have shown in the foregoing chapters, the way out of
this disarray is to abandon these essentialist questions and to
specify such qualifications within their particular setting.
To use the term which Foucault borrowed from Nietzsche, in
order to understand the hybridization processes it is necessary
to trace the genealogy of the individual terms and to consider
the various relationships between the separate components
and their backgrounds because these classificatory labels
‘have no essence or [...] their essence was fabricated in a
piecemeal fashion from alien forms’ (Foucault 1971, 142
quoted in Dreyfus/Rabinow 1982, 107; emphasis added).
It is this creative nature of hybridization processes which
explains the terms ‘local culture’ and ‘identity’ and which
leads to their recognition as social constructs (cf. Kellner
1992, 143-145).
Because local cultures and identities are part and parcel of
the contemporary social context, the meanings of their components necessarily refer to that very same context, whereas
their ‘origins’ may but need not play a part (Marcus 1992,
309-315). Given these references, identities can be labelled
‘local’ without being inherently linked to the actual provenance of their constituents (cf. Rouse 1995). Since identities
are above all situational, they are inevitably subject to historical changes and connected with aspects such as gender,
class, professional activities, religion etc. (cf. discussion in
Miller 1994, 257-290). In this light it is understandable that
the Punic rituals which were originally — but not essentially
— colonial could be reconsidered and recategorized —
‘fabricated’ in Foucault's words — as indigenous ones. The
general relevance of this process is illustrated by the modern
representation of the Sardinian language as the very essence
of indigenous Sardinian identity today. In the modern context of the Italian state, this language is sufficiently different
from its Italian counterpart to serve as a vehicle of opposition. The ‘fact’ that the Sardinian language ‘originally’
derived from Latin, which was the language of the Roman
colonizers, cannot, in this view, contradict its contemporary
social and cultural connotations.
As pointed out in chapter two (pp. 24-32), resistance as a
theme is the necessary companion of studies of power and
domination. As such, its repeated appearance in the foregoing interpretations of the three Sardinian (pre-)colonial
situations need not cause surprise; it is rather the limited and
only most recent attention for this theme in Mediterranean
archaeology which calls for explanation. The Sardinian case
studies have moreover demonstrated the close connections
between local culture and resistance, which I have considered from a theoretical point of view in chapter two (pp. 3133). The link between these two is what Homi Bhabha has
called the ambivalence of hybridization, which gives local
cultures a potential of subversion and resistance per se
(Bhabha 1992b, 66; cf. p. 25).
The colonial situation of the Roman Republican period has
demonstrated that resistance nevertheless remains a somewhat elusive concept because of its contiguity with the
construction of local identities. Apart from situations of
outspoken resistance which may be accompanied by armed
rebellion, such as the Sardinian revolt against the Roman
authorities in 215 BC, unequivocal examples of everyday or
cultural resistance have been difficult to identify. Rather
than trying to impose rigid classifications, it therefore seems
appropriate to acknowledge the inherent ambiguities and to
accept them as critical elements of the colonial situation.
A similar position has been taken by Lila Abu-Lughod in
her studies of Bedouin communities in contemporary Egypt
(1986; 1990). Citing Foucault, who has pointed out that
resistance can be used ‘as a chemical catalyst so as to bring
to light power relations, locate their position, find out their
points of application and the methods used’ (Foucault 1982,
211), she has argued that too narrow a focus on resistance
entails the risk of overlooking its implications and its relationships to power. Instead, she has proposed that resistance
should be regarded as a diagnostic of power which allows
probing its workings (Abu-Lughod 1990, 42).
In the case of Roman Republican Sardinia, the many possible
instances of cultural resistance among the rural and urban
communities of the island can thus be interpreted as a
response to equally tacit and veiled forms of Roman cultural
dominance. The significance of such a representation of Roman
rule is that it is by and large corroborated by archaeological
evidence from the Republican period. Roman domination
conceived as both cultural hegemony and economic exploitation explains why the Roman confiscation of Sardinian lands
and the imposition of heavy taxation could for a long time
remain without appreciable consequences for rural settlement
and land use: in this view, the local inhabitants of the region
complied with the imposed taxes but reacted in the first
place to Roman cultural hegemony by holding on to traditional
patterns of settlement and land use instead of ‘rationally’
adapting these to the imposed Roman political and economic
measures. With regard to Roman domination, this means that
the harsher economic and political aspects of Roman power
were complemented by a less strict cultural hegemony which
allowed the local inhabitants to preserve much of their traditional way of life. As shown in chapter six (pp. 205-206),
this only resulted in significant changes of rural settlement
in the course of the (later) 1st century BC.
With regard to the two colonial situations sensu stricto,
resistance has been fruitfully used in order to lay bare the
workings of colonial power and to gain some insight into the
hierarchies of values of local society. However, there is no
point in denying that awareness of this concept and the
recent surge in studies of resistance in both anthropology
and, albeit more reluctantly, archaeology are intimately
related to late 20th century ideas about colonialism, power
and local cultures, in short, to postcolonialism as a product
of Western (postmodern) society. Because of this link, which
is presumably just as strong as the one between imperialist
Western society and early 20th century archaeology and
historiography, it remains important to consider the reasons
why resistance is worth studying. Morality or political correctness to highlight the oppressed is surely not enough in
itself (Brown 1996). The extensive discussions of Gramsci's
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and Bourdieu's ideas about hegemony as a means of establishing and maintaining power in colonial situations and their
adoption in the detailed analyses of the three (pre-)colonial
situations of west central Sardinia have nevertheless shown,
I suggest, that cultural resistance does offer a useful tool in
order to probe the murky corners of colonialism and to
understand how people from different backgrounds can
make a colonial situation conceivable and bearable.
The value of these insights, and perhaps, as a corollary, of
this thesis, can perhaps most appropriately be illustrated by
referring to modern 20th century Sardinian representations
of ancient colonialism and indigenous values. As the earlier
remark about the Latin roots of the Sardinian language today
and its modern perception demonstrate, the past plays an
important role in the construction of contemporary Sardinian
identities. In order to stress the fundamental difference
between the island and the Italian mainland, proving the
authenticity of Sardinian indigenous culture has become an
important theme, in which archaeology has increasingly
become involved (cf. Clark 1996, 97-99). Cultural resistance
is a key term in this respect which is frequently used as a
means to indicate how the islanders managed to retain their
own ‘truly indigenous’ culture and identity under the long
succession of foreign occupations. Emblematic in this
respect are the last phrases of Giovanni Lilliu's overview of
Nuragic culture:
The romanization of the indigenous inhabitants of the interior of the
island was a matter of language and less so one of culture. Much
less was it one of spirit. Even Christian religion had to leave ample
space — as it still does — to an instinctive and magical spirituality.
The real transformation of these rebellious but generous people is
only taking effect in our days, in the face of resistances which go
back to ancient ethics, to a religion of tradition; resistances which
need to be understood, not repressed in order to allow for the rise of
a truly new world based on a modern Sardinian culture.2
Lilliu 1988, 481; original emphases
The observations and conclusions in this chapter may suffice
to put these claims into perspective. I explicitly do not wish
to imply by this, however, that such statements are merely
illusory or even false because they do not correspond to
academic representations. Nor do I intend to claim the representation of the past as a scholarly privilige which must be
defended against politically inspired distortions. I rather wish
to assert the very reality of such claims as cited above. As I
216
argued earlier in this section with regard to the Sardinian
language, there are ample historical and linguistic arguments
to dimiss the ‘authenticity’ ascribed to it, but these do not
detract from the very real connotations of Sardinian identity
and opposition to the Italian state which it carries nowadays.
The role of the archaeologist or historian in such a context
should therefore not be restricted, to my mind, to denouncing
the artificiality of claims about the past and to debunking the
‘invention of traditions’. Whilst recognizing that inventing
traditions is an historical process which has taken place time
and again, academic studies of the past should also, and
perhaps primarily so, be based on an awareness of the past
in its contemporary social setting. If we accept that ‘our
constructions of real pasts are not sacro-sanct, but [..] important elements in a continuing dialogue and dialectic’
(Keesing 1989, 37), then perhaps conflicts about the use of
and access to archaeological monuments such as described
by Odermatt (1996) for nuraghe Losa can be avoided. That
might not only contribute to a more nuanced understanding
of these monuments in contemporary society (cf. Herzfeld
1996, 120), whether local Sardinian or modern Italian, but it
could also preserve the more recent cultural biographies of
these monuments, which have continuously occupied a
prominent place in the Sardinian landscapes since their
construction. With this study, I hope to have contributed,
among other things, to reflection on the role of colonialism
and local identities in the Sardinian past.
notes
1 Naturally, our project does not consist of making an inventory of
all instances of expansion or colonization, or of belittling European
colonialism; it does, on the contrary, include comparing it to other
examples.
2 ‘La romanizzazione delle genti indigene del Centro isolano fu,
del resto, un fatto di lingua e in minor misura di cultura. Tanto meno
fu un fatto di anima. La stessa religione cristiana fece — come fa
ancora — larga concessione a una spiritualità istintiva e magica.
E, in fondo, una vera trasformazione di quelle genti ribelli ma
generose, sta cominciando ad avvenire soltanto oggi, con resistenze
dovute a un'etica antica, a una religione della tradizione, resistenze
che hanno bisogno di essere comprese, non represse, perché sorga
veramente un mondo nuovo, fondato su una moderna cultura
sarda.’
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233

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