Quaderni d`italianistica : revue officielle de la Société canadienne
Transcript
Quaderni d`italianistica : revue officielle de la Société canadienne
LAURIE SHEPARD SIENA GENESIS OF A EUROPEAN HEROINE 1531: In Gl'Ingannati, Isabella, a wealthy nubile woman of Modena, lures Fabio, the home and page of a local merchant, into the entryway of her exchange a kiss and the promise of a tryst. there they In the sixteenth-century comedy, the kiss took place off stage, recounted and embellished by Crivello and Scatizza, two servant-voyeurs. Fabio wooing her bidding, supposedly for is to his "master's dish," as Scatizza puts she lusts after near Flamminio of the kiss, in men, one as a who Lelia, is who with Isabella master Flamminio's at his him, but quite obviously helping himself \0 Isabella deceived: the young man male order to be is has disguised herself in courted and then abandoned her. attire in The erotic volatility sixteenth-century performances exchanged between two dressed as a woman, the other playing the role of a man, has captured the imagination of more that woman one modern young dressed critic, as Gl'Ingannati continues to generate interest and pleasure.- The comedy the first is important to the Anglophone world because Lelia Viola of Twelfth Night, an ingenue in the service who streets sue and win the love of a man. In this article be read as who of her beloved. Lelia inspired a long line of heroines with gender, not merely to pass through the I is disguises herself as a page play unmolested, but to pur- argue that Lelia, who may a stock comic character, also defies the notion of the "theatre- gram."^ To account fully for the genesis of this transgressive bourgeois ^The kiss occurs in Act II, scene vi. Here I am using Penman's translation, but all other translations of the Gl'Ingannati are from Giannetti and Ruggiero. comedy has been and Maggie Giinsberg. The 2003 ^Most recently the Ruggiero suggests that the kiss translation of the comedy Shakespeare's day, warns against the staged kiss is like the kiss of 'certain by Giannetti and be staged, a more dangerous proposition, in the sixteenth century. John Reynolds (or Rainolds), a boy Newman, studied by Laura Giannetti, Karen spiders': 'if they because "the don kiss at at least Oxford in of a beautiful do but touch men only with their mouth, they put them to wonderful pain and make them mad'" (Greenblatt, Will in the World, 27). ^The term was developed by Louise George Clubb units of plot or character to describe the basic theatrical which Renaissance comic writers production of comedies where innovation recombined in the understood as variation Quaderni is of stock elements. d'italianistica. Volume XXVI, No, 1, combined and for the 2005, 3 most part Laurie Shepard who commands heroine, audience allegiance as she struts between her female and male identities, requires an examination of the her personal story the is bound up with in which the political situation in Siena during half of the sixteenth-century. first First performed during Carnival third play of Gli Intronati (the emy way in 1532, Gl'Ingannati sometime between 1525-27. The established by the Sienese elite group met with the intention of banishing dedicating itself entirely to Greek and Latin literature the second or \s Thunderstruck or Dunderheads), an acad- all thoughts of politics, and arts: philosophy, law, music, arithmetic, and the edification of the Tuscan language the do intrude in the composed by an anonymous committee of the academy: / Aurélia, and Gl'Ingannati.^ My concern is not the explicit politi- (Petracchi Costantini, 42). Nevertheless, matters of state three plays Prigioni, content of the comedies, which has already been cal Newbigin and Celse-Blanc, but the way in which the Siena in the years immediately following the Sack of tributes to the genesis addressed by political situation in Rome (1527) con- of Lelia. According to the prologue of GVIngannati, the comedy was composed in three days ["che, quasi in tre dì put this comedy hanno Newbigin proposes early as the winter V postponed. of 1529-30, in Siena Two una commedia" that a version of the play character of the Spanish soldier Giglio Charles fatto (that they've together in barely three days)], for Carnival in 1532.5 "Politics", which did not include the have been in preparation as in expectation (Newbigin, years later the may of the 131) arrival —which of Emperor eventually was academy dusted off the comedy and with minor revisions organized a performance, perhaps in great haste as the pro- logue states. My interpretation of Gl'Ingannati, which places particular emphasis on the scene in which Lelia explains her predicament to the pub- Precise dating on difficult: / Prigioni, the first is Plautus's Captivi, 125). Aiirelia, is comedy of Gli Intronati, and based dated by Newbigin between 1529-30 ("Politics," 124- based on Decameron V.5, was composed in the middle of 1531 according to Newbigin, with the exception of the prologue that was added later (Newbigin, "Polidcs," 128). Celse-Blanc, who edited Amelia, argues on the basis of internal evidence that the comedy was composed in the summer of 1532 (Accademici, Aurélia, 26). Gl'Ingannati was first performed during Carnival in 1 532. This date panion piece, is supported by the comedy's prologue which II Sacrifìcio, attribute quite cleady to "refers to its comwhich the 1534 manuscript and all the early edidons Epiphany (6 January) 1532" (Newbigin, "Polidcs," 130-131). -"All citations of the play are from Borsellino's 1962 edition. —4— Siena 1531: Gf.nhsls of a European Heroine me convinces lie (I.iii), that the play tainment for the emperor and would not have been suitable enter- Spanish king, Charles V, with or without the character of Giglio. The plot, drawn from Plautus's Menaechmi and Bernardo Dovizi's La Calandria, as well as vernacular prose works like the Decameron, concerns the erotic adventures of apparently identical twins female.^ In what der roles are confused: old woman are in fact men male and brag about their sexual prowess, a young aggressively pursues her lover, not realizing that he two male for only who standard fare for comedies, culturally determined gen- is lovers are passive, one settling for Isabella is whom a woman, and known he has an hour and found attractive and wealthy, the other not courting for himself and in the end, entrapped woman maid, marrying a ond ingenue, whom for by a pathetic tale he has avowed of an elderly nurse- his loathing. Isabella, barely has a voice at all in the The comedy. She sec- pre- is sented through the eyes of servants and her foolish father Gherardo, and the portraits are crude: Gherardo, in a recital rife with unintended irony and sexual innuendo, imagines his daughter to be a meek and pure "colombina" who spends her day before an altar (III. vi), and the servant Pasquella complains that there is nothing worse than serving a young woman in love "so lathered up that she cant find any peace, day or night [...] always scratching between her legs, stroking her thighs, or running up onto the porch or over to the window" who ressembles the cannot (II. ii). a man tricked by a pretty face and Isabella accepts as her she loves; she is from brother. Most interesting sister tell woman husband Lelia, is who not only dresses as a male, but also adopts, at certain points, a detached ironic voice is strictly the privilege of male protagonists. Gllngannati inspired more plays and prose works than any other that in Italian literature teenth-century Italian comedy. Its six- authors have never been identified, although the academy's comedy committee probably included the play- "Comic twins are already different sexes in Bibbiena's La Calandria. Examples of novelle that Decameron as may have in II. 3, come an abbot on a pilgrimage to Scotland, and Decameron guises herself as a the villain who man 1 1. 9, Rome to escape marriage with the to survive in a hostile world and are disguises herself aged king of where Ginevra, wife of Bernabò Lomellin, dis- finally bring to justice has ruined her reputation. Another story in the Decameron that might have inspired the authors of Gllngannati is III.9, Shakespeare's All's Well that Ends Well in which Giletta of pursues the comedy into play in the conception of the which the daughter of the king of England man an analog of Nerbona heroically she loves, despite his disdain for her. Cerreta cites Bottasso, sees the influence of Ariosto's I Supposti on the Gllngannati; in this who comedy the student Erostrato assumes the role of a servant to gain access to his beloved (Cerreta in La commedia degli Ingannati, 1980, 23). — — 5 Laurie Shepard wright and letterato Alessandro Piccolomini (1508-1578). Information about early performances only other on commedia also scarce. After the initial is record in Italy took place in Naples performance, the 1545 (Cerreta in La in comedy was published La commedia degli attributable to a number 1980, 17). However, the degli Ingannati, seventeen times in the sixteenth-century (Cerreta in Ingannati, 1980, 34-35). Its publishing success is who of factors. The French humanist and theorist Charles Estienne, lated the comedy admired its into French as Les Abusez zna^ published trans- in the 1540s, complexity and elegant dénouement. In his translator's intro- duction, he praises the intrigue of Les Abusez and its Italian model which "changing themes, introducing things unexpected and hidden, then offers disclosing them, leaving the it first one matter to take up another, then returning again, leading everything dexterously and to stylishly to the conclu- sion" (Salingar, Shakespeare, 187). Estienne also praised the scenery and the idiomatic use of Tuscan prose in his play's model, which he tried to imitate in his translation. All this for the spectators' "plaisir incroyable" (Estienne, Les Abusez, exemplary Lelia iii). Girolamo Ruscelli included Gl'Ingannati volume of comedies in 1554. Italian is in his responsible in large measure for the comedy's success; unlike the majority of unidimensional characters in Renaissance comedy, Lelia becomes, by turns, confused, desperate, reckless and witty. Melzi explains that "from this prototype a new figure the Italian and subsequently, the self-effacing "From Lelia woman who Lelia," 70). is "a major is born that is European will spread stage: the throughout demure, sometimes ready to sacrifice herself for love" (Melzi, Not demure and according to Giannetti, self-effacing, player, a female character who is courageous, clever and strong." Giannetti reads Lelia's transgression in terms of the situation she faces: Lelia, "the daughter of the rich Virginio, brought up in an upperclass household in Modena, cross dresses and takes on the identity of a page named Fabio with father and the twofold goal, to escape the marriage plans of her to be near her beloved (Giannetti, "On Flamminio, Deceptions," the 59-60). who has forgotten her" Cerreta observes that d'Ingannati Sidvânced the potential of the comic ingénue on the European from the standard stage, retiring (and riageable daughter to that of a afiier not Gl'Ingannati, theorists were come to speak on Ingannati, 1980, 24, indeed often entirely absent) mar- prominent still recommending man and a that the stage" (Cerreta in Accademici, and quoting Giovan translation). Finally, Gl'Ingannati offers a play a character, although woman in the "maiden La commedia Battista Giraldi Cinthio; [. in all . .] degli my young man the opportunity same show, —6— two decades to likelihood to great comic ' Siena 1531: Genesis effect cìf and personal Thespian triumph or as the page Fabio, never appears The comic potential of the role the swagger of Fabrizio — Although her strong in the comedy we Act one, Scene Modena ter is the flustered confusion of Lelia/Fabio, will and immediate Lelia distress are indisputable, early different than the typical ingénue. In is wanders the three, Lelia, disguised as Fabio, young coxcomb is, then, the name of virgin?) il nome massimamente in questa terra. Del Spaniards who mouth of a held me Modena. For in resto many the prisoner in Rome.) comic heroine, been shared by si nome, no, reveal a Italians in rest, you'll The ch'io vuol domandarne — not gli as far as have to ask the from the words, startling mental landscape that may well have 1529, the setting of the comedy, in the aftermath of the catastrophic Sack of Rome. Here ingenue hinting have you Lelia responds with an oblique but stark spagnuoli che mi tenner prigiona a Roma." (The name, no know, especially here of lat- Clemenzia di vergine?" (But reference to events that are already familiar to her nurse: "II I streets trying to catch her in fact, her charge, Lelia. Reacting to Lelia's attire, demands: "Adimque, hai tu perduto sappi, e Fabrizio). looking for her nurse Clemenzia whose advice she seeks; the attention lost, (the heroine Lelia, dressed as herself on the scene with her twin mortified to discover that the is Heroine written into the script. why learn — a Fairopean at a personal history that is we meet a comic anything but protected and innocent. Lelia explains her decision to diguise herself as a of the pain she suffers. CLEMENZIA: Oh! Se tuo padre il Death might be preferable in terms Io vo' saper perché tu vi vai e perché sei uscita del monistero. sapesse, LELIA: Mi cavarebbe non t'uccidarebbe, povera te? d'affanni. (CLEMENZIA: I want you young man to her present situation. to Tu credi forse ch'io stimi la vita know why you're running around un gran che? like this and why Oh, if your father knew, he'd have your head, poor child! LELIA: That would solve my problem, Do you think I value my life all that left the convent. much?) Lelia insists that her misery is the consequence of her thwarted love for Flamminio: "Oh chi non mi (Oh, me. I che sorte è I help la mia! Amo chi m'ha in odio, chi conosce; ed aiutolo, per più dispetto, ad sempre mi biasma; servo amare un'altra." how unlucky am! I love someone who hates me, who is someone who doesn't even recognize me. And to make I serve him in his pursuit of another woman). —7— always cursing matters worse, Laurie Shepard Flamminio Nevertheless, Lelia's devotion to is bound intimately to the Rome. moved her despair and humiliation she suffered during and after the Sack of Flamminio saved her from her morbid depression and to again take an interest in LELIA: cosa dopo Sai che, insieme con e, la il tolse dai servizi della signora mio fratello, marchesana con ne tornamo a in casa nostra per fuggir quella [...] CLEMENZIA: Perché mi dici tu quel ch'io so meglio di LELL\: anco quanto, Sai [...] in que' tempi, fu aspra e pur lontana dai pensieri amorosi, che, per essere io stata in vivere mano ma (LELL\: You know that te? dura quasi da ogni pensiero di soldati, che onestamente che bastasse a sì everything, including far che la [...] la mia vita non e, umano: pensando ognuno m'aditasse, né credevo poter gente non avesse che dire. after the horrible sack my brother Fabrizio, of Rome, not to in order my father, live having alone took lost me away had left me earlier. Our poverty Modena to escape our evil fortune and to as well as we could with what little we had. [...] CLEMENZIA: Why are you telling me what I know better than you do? [...] LELIA: [...] You remember also how difficult and hard my life was then. My from the Lady Marchesana forced us to return to our thoughts were not only I quale prima m'aveva posta; e la Modena fortuna ed a viver di quel poco che avevamo. live Roma, mio padre, perduta ogni per non restar solo in casa, mi miserabil sacco di robba, Fabrizio costretti dalla necessità, ce his love life. was afraid that having pointing at me. I in whose home service he here in from love but far far from virtually everything been in the hands of Spanish was certain that no matter human. For would be soldiers, everv'one how honorably I lived, people would never stop talking.) Lelia describes her experience in terms The extended around her would probably be decribed stress by modern psychologists. But Lelia goes on to recount how began to pay attention to how the The riority, ter typical his scene recounts is and even seemed her, Lelia's never deceived in comic a post-tramatic young woman. She to fall in love with her, and tragedy and establishes her intellectual supeloss and G I'Ingannati, character. Calandrino, own confused is a résiliant love that he inspired rekindled her desire to live. who love. Lelia she is is the only charac- the opposite of the archi- constantly conflates reality with reading of signs and his inflated opinion of himself space between reality and sign she symptom of as a is the merchant Flamminio, a friend of her father, an intelligence sharpened by who of isolation and morbid shame. period of alienation from people and events taking place woman. Dressed as a is painfully clear to Lelia. Dressed as a man in the manner of a prostitute, she The man, is not Siena 1531: Genesis of a European Heroine woman. A virgin engaged to the wealthy old merchant Gherardo, may be virgin in name only. She knows the most intimate thoughts of man she serves with heart and hand; he does not know she exists. Still, a fallen she the and transforms pain with her Lelia parries with reality CLEMENZIA: LELIA: mondo? per me, Io, mai diventata femina Saresti che Si, mondo? son del mondo. Quante femine hai tu vedute fuor del io non (CLEMENZIA: del wit. mi fu mai, ch'io ci ricordi. become oh, Lelia, have you [...] a woman of the world, a whore? LELIA: of the world. Yes, I'm How many women outside the world? As far as I'm concerned, I don't have you seen from remember ever being outside the world.) most Lelia recognizes herself and she Her mind Guido to vi piace" you er ^The text Cavalcanti's "Signori, voi mi potete (Gentlemen, tells fallen world lit- signifiers calls dire a casa vostra ciò own house you may your in say to me whatev- the audience that she has personally suffered both and shame, and is of this the absurdity of the and metaphorical wish). 7 Lelia violation woman mock ironic collapsing of literal eral phrase. che definitely as a detached enough to intellectually is yet she virtuous. Referring to the ranks of is from Boccaccio, Decameron, 757 and the translation from Boccaccio, Decameron, trans. Musa and Bondanella, 401. This kind of detached irony is a trope reserved for male protagonists in Italian literature. Lucrezia in the final scene of the Mandragola, is scornful rather than playful or aloof Other female Donato protagonists exaggerate irony to the point of sarcasm. For example, in Giannotti's // Vecchio amoroso {Commedie del Cinquecento, ed. Borsellino, 1-83), an angry Dionora Lanfranchi greets her husband a smile in III. vi, explaining, tornano, mostrarsi loro di quale ricompensino wives, when husbands pleasure from it, return home, to show a (And " happy by which means they make up home [my I to Poggio, trial of John of Prague when John quidam: atqui aiunt is home quando i that with mariti face, so that all translation]). la it is a duty of they may draw the irksome business A parallel to Lelia's Leonardo Bruni in 1416 Council of Constance. According asked about transubstantiation, he responds: te dixisse apud pistorem remanet at the know for for rhetorical wit occurs in Poggio Bracciolini's letter to about the heresy door of their acciò che essi ne piglino allegrezza, con che hanno fuori they attend to while away from at the ch'egli è obligo delle mogli, lieta cera, fastidi i "E so post consecrationem remanere panem;' panis,' inquit" (Prosatori, 232). "Tum tum ille: [Then someone: But they claim that you said that bread remains after the consecration; then he: Bread remains at the bakery, [my translation]). —9— Laurie Shepard who roam the city she demands, "Oh! Fra tante ribalde non ne può andare una buona?" (Oh well, among so many wicked women isn't there room for one good one?). Giannetti's reading of the same scene focuses on the ambiguous pleasure female transvestites that Lelia discovers in playing "her masculine "On masquerade" (Giannetti, the Deceptions," 61). Giannetti writes that Lelia, "fascinated from the with her gioco, reserved for and/or ily seems willing men, that we play in the public space of the honour risking her young male as a Musing on her to young woman of good fam- as a chaste "On page!" (Giannetti, plight, Lelia reveals the the Deceptions," 61). same lucid and tirandomi in qualche casa, volesse chiarirsi (Oh, would it serve me right if one s'io mi "Oh come mi pigliasse per forza son maschio o femina!" of those young rogues forced of these houses to see for himself whether my ironic perceptiveness hear in her subsequent conversation with Clemenzia: starebbe bene che qualcun di questi gioveni scapestrati e, I first normally city, was a boy or a girl!). me into one However, in reading of the scene, Lelia risks losing the "name" of virgin in this city not only because she ing to gamble mind ("For with her gioco-" she is will- own was I from the "fascinated because she has already has lost her reputation in her is afraid that everyone would be pointing first having been in the hands of Spanish at me."). Lelia the desperation of her plight and, like so soldiers, does not flinch in her analysis of many characters in the Decameron, from Melchisedech and the Marchioness of Montferrato has the wit to transform self-pity and fear into a to Chichibio, she game that is ultimately pro- fiiture and is in ductive. The Sack of Rome ondary defines Lelia's past The to the plot of d'Ingannati. French army at Pavia in 1 525 and the and no way sec- event occured after the defeat of the failure of Pope Clement VII's anti- The army of Emperor Charles V, at that point unpaid, hungry, and essentially leaderless, moved rapidly south towards the opulent and fabled Eternal City. The soldiers entered Rome at dawn on 6 May 1527, did not encounter much resistence, and began the imperial League of Cognac (1526). brutal destruction of the city words at and to express the desperation one another expecting any homeland like Rome and resignation of many to see penned up our resources, our hands of barbarous and limit for our riches Sack of inhabitants. Luigi Guicciardini frightened sheep moment in the its Italians: found "We look in the slaughterhouse, families, and our beloved bestial nations thirsting beyond all and our blood" (Guicciardini, The Sack ofRome, 61). The end of any illusion that Italian leadership might signaled the possess the political will or intelligence necessary to restore authority. Yet, the Sack of Rome was only the most traumatic point in a long season of war. — 10 — Siena 1531: Genesis of a European Heroine Between 1492 and 1527 Italy became and Spain a battlegtound as France fought for sovereignty over the peninsula: was an era of it political turmoil, famine-as armies pursued a scorched-earth policy, disease-recurrent plague, the arrival of syphilis from the New World, and precipitous demographic decline. Given the reduced circumstances of Lelia's money ural desire to preserve the have survived, Virginio is father, Virginio, and only too happy to marry his daughter, been in the hands of the Spanish his nat- that remained for his son, should Fabrizio who Gherardo. In soldiers, to the elderly has Lelia's unblinking assessment of her situation, the anonymous playwrights suggest more profound consequences of the ongoing of a return to normality chaos: despite the appearances in the years following the Sack, the carnivalesque world-upside-down has become permanent in Italy. Virginio has abdicated They his paternal role by not protecting his daughter from the soldiers. stand in his place: uneducated, brutal, peasant-soldiers who, as prison guards, have been granted the authority to protect Lelia's her person. Virginio's late iar name was probably intended Roman story of Virginius, the daughter's breast from the In lust when he of the (quoted by French and as Carlyle Fuller, he would not be able to defend her fell victim to a military strategy based all men alike Without conscription, Spanish, 83). were composed of mercenaries: professional common and diers as well as peasants, debtors when ran a dagger through his remarked, gunpowder "makes Armament, Italian armies to vio- magistrate Appius Claudius. traditional feudal warfare Italy, on gunpowder. And tall" realized that Roman who father honour or to evoke the famil- sol- criminals granted amnesty they enlisted. Italians had long resisted the arming of peasants and workers, fearing social upheaval; they relied instead on an old military organization tied to the system of the "condotta" traditional feudal forces (Lenzi, II sacco Italian wars, 6). army was composed of infantry noted the change: "nowadays armour, but by 1528 full (Fuller, A Military History, four, six, to At the beginning of the armies were composed mostly of cavalry, that wealthy enough to afford a horse and ni which assigned prominence di Roma, is, of 90% men of the 91). Guicciardi- or twelve thousand untrained for- consume, and over- eigners, poorly armed and lacking power The Sack of Rome, Gl). the operative word here: teaching a man to shoot a musket country of ours" this "Untrained" is leadership, harass, (Guicciardini, took almost no time compared to training a long bowman, traditional knight. Emperor Charles V, who Italy as a training ground diers to the invaded Italy in of course, a 1516, used new recruits, before dispatching Germany (Hale, War and Society, 164). for his Netherlands or first or, — — 11 the sol- Laurie Shepard Rome, In the complex political realignment that followed the Sack of V could not ignore Siena, a strategically important, pro-imperial His principal concern seems to have been that urban violence among Charles city. the Sienese political factions or monti, and particularly between the pro- compromise imperial Popolani and pro-French Nove, might there (Celse-Blanc, "Alessandro," 20-22, 33). Charles ordered Soria to the city as don Lopes de interests and, fol- ambassador and protector of imperial Duke of Amalfi, lowing the ouster of Alfonso Piccolomini, his interests November The emperor in 1530, elevated don Lopes to be the de facto ruler of the city.» of soldiers plus a small number of cavalry to Siena. also sent a garrison Dandelet has recently suggested that the portrayal of the Spanish soldier crude and violent as best understood as a literary topos (Dandelet, Spanish is Rome, 37), but there is plenty of literary and archival evidence of the hard- ship suffered by the Sienese in this period at the hands of the Spanish troops.9 presence of the occupying garrison of armed foot soldiers must The have underscored the political impotence of the citizens, their anxiety "Under don Lopes and the military captain don Ferrante Gonzaga, the exiled Nove were restored to power in Siena. The important point is that internal and exterwere inextricably bound nal politics French support means as a monti used imperial intervention or as the to acquire power in the city. ^In Aurelia, for example, there are various complaints: the servant Famelico (naturally) laments his terrible hunger Spanish do not allow planting to go on burning don down homes Lopes's request of the heart (I.viii). is, (I.iv; V.i), giorno danegia, cial sachegia trascorre e 300 la città la paga et li tutto similmente si il The entry on many soldiers causes: altre infinite spese a la nostra con quaranta "et perché sono a Don Lopez Signor trova a servirlo di V. S. bargello Accademici, Aurelia, 33, in guardia cen- tempo denari per essere il capitano Morale con vin- il concorrendo Republica, et trovandosi exaustissima di denari per si può; di modo i che se di non n. 87). — 12 — al supremo sen- può trattenere li subbito non ci si provede quali può, nascere scandolo tanto grande quanto immaginare in ogni li disordinate spese et straordinari] travagli passati. Ricorriamo né senza loro fare la ne menarà fanti et dieci cavalli et ato per aiuto in tanta necessità di denari, senza stipendiati, lo exercito Dominio" (Celse-Blanc quali bisogna di subbito provedere il that 8 January 1531 addresses the finan- fanti et lo illustrissimo ticinque cavalli et is whether in military matters or affairs n. 42). hardship the billeting of so tocinquanta a le and of course the principal complaint Sienese Consiglio generale, 247, 13 October 1530, calls Accademici, Aurelia, 21, de Spanish soldiers are accused of reform and the return of peace to the city "tanto più quanto for de (I.iv). command, in fact, a The perhaps caused by the fact that the (I.ii) si si possa" (Celse-Blanc Siena 1531: Genesis of a European Heroine aggravated by the disdain and fear that bourgeois and patricians had always felt A towards the urban and rural lower problem of class degli Intronati Emperor Charles de Soria was more than welcomed V made garrison of 300 armed Lelia captures most common Spanish Italian or foreign. 'o nationality, the Sienese and the Accademia the Spanish nobility, and in turn the Spanish concessions to loyal Sienese." Even initially received Accademici, Aurélia, 19). whether classes, The with great pomp and honor Don Lopes (Celse-Blanc in daily reminder of the Spanish victor was the of soldiers. In Gl'Ingannati the suggested violation of and hatred for the viscerally the Sienese's fear soldier. Hostility the character of a miles gloriosus also directed is who roams towards the soldier in the streets and bullies the citi- zens (or at least their servants) with impunity. Giglio pursues the servant Pasquella, speaking a Spanish interspersed with Italian words, responds in Italian. They understand one another perfectly: and she both are peas- ants lying through their teeth to cheat each other. Giglio threatens to burn Gherardo's (IV. vi), home and he if later Pasquella does not return a rosary he has given her swears to slash her face for the same reason (V.v Disdain for the poor is a staple in Italian cia plebeia" minuto Petrarch literature. Boccaccio's Lectura dantis as a prostitution of the Muse for the sake ).'2 criticizes of the "fec- (Garin in Umanisti, 17-18). Coluccio Salutati describes xhe popolo who participated in the Ciompi ribellion as "pestis ilia" and "truculen- tissime belue" (Garin in Umanisti, 26). Evidence of the lack of hostility towards the emperor, fact that the Intronati of the arrival were commissioned by the of the emperor in Siena in 1 March 1531, restored a Piccolomini, the is the honour 529-30. Charles V, importuned by Don prominent Sienese, removed the inimical at least in principle, city to prepare a play in Lopes de Soria from power in Marchese del Vasto, to command the troops there, and reduced the size of the garrison to a hundred soldiers (Celse- Blanc in Accademici, Aurélia, 23). Cerreta pushes the idea of class further, seeing the soldier Giglio as a scapegoat for the humiliating presence of the Spanish soldiers billeted in the city; Giglio courts and barrasses the servants by turns, but the bourgeois and noble characters are spared the boarishness of the common "Questa scissione sembra provenire da un inconscio desiderio di non contaminare mondo idealistico e sentimental dell'eroina con elementi mondo inferiore della gente meccanica, più volgare e farseschi, propri del il Accademici, La commedia, 30-31). In treats the painful memories expressed by Abusive competiveness is Lelia in and I.iii too (Cerreta in lightly. Isabella, buttress their intentions and none more than the disappointed off his [Fabio's] lips rozzo" opinion, however, Cerreta's reading not limited to Giglio and Pasquella. All the characters, with the exception of Lelia and threats, my soldier. his ears lover Flamminio, and cut out one of his — 13 — eyes, with violent who will "cut and give them all Laurie Shepard A survey of the works inspired by Gl'Ingannati reveals the some of ehmination of those aspects of the Sienese convention or international politics. work and any translation of the first The comedy most soldier Giglio disappears in the reference to the violation of Lelia by we know from Spanish soldiers shortly thereafter. Although to Cecchi's L'Assaiuolo that the Sack of Rome and personal disarray of financial inimical to comic became the prologue a topos to explain the opening of a comedy,^^ a family at the the actual horrors of the sack are not considered comic material by other and there writers, is certainly no similar account of personal pain from the mouth of a comic ingenue. As a theatregram, the specificity of Lelia's pain is blunted; the many cross dressing heroines she inspired are motivated by love, but not by the desperation to renew a love that had rescued Lelia from her shame and perception of being "far from virtually everything human." As Andrews observes "the dramatists saw point precisely what might be felt their task as to generalize, to pin- and by said languishing heroines, all make them and their language (Andrews, Scripts and Scenarios, 63). rather than to individual" startlingly mentioned Estienne's early translation of Gl'Ingannati into French, above, very faithful to the original, but Giglio and the scenes in which is he appears are eliminated. The Spaniard Lope de Rueda love intrigue of Gl'Ingannati in los Lelia's Enganados are cut. The Italian Lelia Spanish Lelia a child. A was thirteen decade at the but the obnoxious Giglio time of the sack young woman as a later, (editio princeps 1567), Rome and imprisonment during the Sack of uses the essential (Li), the in love, the Spanish Lelia does not have the intellectual audacity or detachment of her Italian counterpart. In the scene Lelia addresses not her defend her decision to dress to her [Isabella] lence to comic on where she as a man on the basis of fortune and love. a plate" (IV.viii). Perhaps excess, reveals her ploy, the Spanish nursemaid, but her tutor Marcelo and proceeds to but it we should The attribute the verbal vio- lends a tone of aggressive lutiliry to this "mirror" of the foibles ol the upstanding citizens of Modena and their servants. an incongruous reference to the fact that the governor who will There is also not countenance the bearing of arms by citizens (IV.ix). Né sia chi creda, l'assedio di famiglie, o che questa commedia Firenze, da o da spandimenti si cominci o dal sacco di altro così fatto accidente'" (Cecchi, L'Assiuolo, del Cinquecento). ("And don't di Roma, o anyone think that this comedy 113 in Commedie originates from the Sack of Rome, or from the Siege of Florence, or because persons became placed, or families Owl, had to flee, or some other such 3). — 14 — dal- persone, o da sbaragliamento di event", Cecchi, The dis- Horned Siena 1531: Genesis of a European Heroine playful ingenue has been transformed into a timid en. She does not Sack of refer to the retribution for Christian sin.''* Rome and embarrassed maidbut in personal terms, had raped interested in repeating the accusation that Spanish soldiers young as just Lope de Rueda could hardly have been girls. The lapsed Dominican monk Matteo Randello (1485-1561) story of Lelia as part of his collection of tales published in on the horrors of the sack almost twenty elaborates And retells the 5 54. '5 Bandello 1 years after the event. more of your time, I say that here in this dear and honcompany there is not one of us who does not fully recall that the Germans and the Spanish sacked Rome so cruelly in the year of our Lord to not take orable 1527, and although the sins of that city merited punishment, neverthethose less, although Be Jews. who sacked it, being Christians, did not do a good thing, understand that the majority were Lutherans, converts, and I that as may, they behaved worse than Turks and committed it such enormous and cruel acts against sible to recall opere, God and His saints that it is impos- without great pain (my translation from Bandello, Tutte le 287). Despite his attempt to rationalize the event, Bandello does not spare the leadership that allowed soldiers to Although the majorit}' commit of the sacrilege, pillage, pillagers and robbers and rape. ol both sacred profane things and the rapists of the holy virgins consecrated to and Mary were, as has already been said, enemies of the faith of Christ, nevertheless, of could those sacrilege, incest, many who "Bien tendréis en saqueada... " (I.ii). sins..."; -'There is rape, homicide and other crimes, and la Tutte le opere, many (my translation memoria comò, cuando por nuestros pecados Roma my translation). The Spanish first acts realized that 287). ("You well remember how, interpretation of the sack retary, in his governed (them) not have prevented so practiced the violated religion suffered harm? from Bandello, of our who articulated when Rome was Lelia is fue sacked because repeating the widely diffused by Alfonso de Valdés, the imperial sec- Dialogue of Lactancio and an Archdeacon. a link between Gl'Ingannati and the Bandello tale that tigated yet. In his introductory letter Bandello invokes the I have not inves- good memory of Count Guido Rangone, a soldier and Modenese noble who served both Pope Clement VII and the French. In GFIngannati, Lelia refers to the fact that her father was a friend of Guido Rangone, which made him persona non grata to some people in Modena (I.iii). — 15 — Laurie Shepard The heroine of his tale, two Spanish thani<;s to renamed Nicuola, does not who wager soldiers more generous ransom offer a she if is Siila," constituent parts of daughter of the lord of Cyprus, Siila, who had with Apolonius, a duke of Constantinople, guest in her father's court. probably the most accessible many of the source of the story for Shakespeare, reflects the original Italian comedy. weakhy father might him intact. that her restored to Barnabe Riches "Of Apolonius and When spent now to Constantinople, ship. in love as a boards a ship for Constantinople in Siila ty of preserving her virtue, Siila prepares to storm that destroys the falls some time pursuit of Apolonius, her beauty captivates the captain. Seeing a violent LeUa suffer the fate of commit no suicide, but is possibili- by foiled She reaches land and resumes the trip disguised as her brother, Silvio. Riches inclusion of may the threat of rape suggests that Shakespeare's choice of names, Viola, actually be a distant evocation of Lelia violata or violée.'^' we Generally century as elite read Italian comedies of the its cultural superiority produced and consumed comédie mold. We edy be near her as well as the to save herself pinea's, when lover, to dress in men's clothes the most transgressive character in the is most virtuous. She from itself as but detatched account of woman Lelia, the first and entertain Gl'Ingannati breaks the teatricals. rarely hear a voice like Lelia's painful imprisonment and shame. in order to half of the sixteenth- entertainment: the product of the hedonistic, indulgent society that sought to display it first dresses as a com- to save her life might be compared despair. Lelia's audacity the latter suggests to her small man to Pam- band of young and unmarried female friends that they leave the corruption of Florence to seek their survival in the countryside. a good (and/or lascivious) tale, as must be understood own Although the Decameron was often pillaged Gherardo himself suggests scene of Gl'Ingannati, one of its essential messages virtue and in personal is for in the first that in troubled times terms and that in such times virtue often transcends convention. '7 "This idea was suggested to me my colleague by Matilda Bruckner. 'In the Decameron, Dioneo reminds us in the conclusion to the Sixth Day, of the need " for unconventional solutions in times — Donne, io conosco ciò che imporlo non mi potè tempo è tale che, uomini gli e le li giudici hanno umane, tacciono? E ampia lasciati i tribunali? Le la insufficient: la da conceduta vostra onestà nel favellare, — 16 — il perversità di questa leggi, cosi le divine licenzia per conservar la vita è Per che, se alquanto s'allarga is facciate voi, e donne d'operar disonestamente, ogni ragionare è conceduto. Or, non sapete voi che, per stagione, virtue che voi mi volete mostrare, pensando che istorre quello guardandosi e when common ho imposto non meno che io come le a ciascuno? non per dover con Siena 1531: Genesis of a European Heroine Another way we might such as Lelia as a is 1531: colonized but, despite appearances, undefeated, intact. The comedy may attempt to heal the wounds of the body Lelia, on the we playfulness its politic. virtue and wit may it Whether an also be useful or not it is of the genesis of a heroine such as recognize that as a comic ingenue she is political significance imperative that is it its in be a political allegory for occupied Siena in the period following the Sack of Rome. In to speculate comic character interpret the invention of a symbol of her authors, the intelHgentia of Siena unique: in her pain, in her personal evocation of a tragic event in Italian history, and in her ironic wit. MA Boston College, Works Cited Accademici Intronati . Gl'Ingannati, l'opere mai alcuna cosa sconcia seguire la ma del and by maculerà con per dar diletto a voi e a altrui, non che di' non mi pare che ci si sia infino a questa ora stata in atto si sia mac- non conosca ma ragionamenti sollazzevoli i alcuno Appresso, chi è colui che l'aiuto di Dio. vostra onestà? La quale trans, possa nello avvenire riprendere vi nostra brigata, dal primo onestissima, per cosa che detta si Commedie Penguin, 1978. non veggio con che argomento da concedere ulata né in in Five Italian Renaissance Comedies, ed. New York: alcuno. Oltre a questo 195-289 Borsellino. Milan: G. Feltrinelli, 1962. 193-287 Bruce Penman. con di Siena. Gl'Ingannati, vol. 1, pp. Nino Cinquecento, ed. il la terrore della morte non credo che potesse smagare'" (Boccaccio, Decameron, 776-777). ["Ladies, tion I am you have aware, no raised is less that you insufficient to are, of what move me that times are such that as long as ladies immorally, every form of speech is I have ordered, but the objec- change to my mind, and gentlemen take permitted. Now, are for I believe care not to act you not aware that because of the corruption of these times, judges have abandoned their tribunals, the laws, both of God and man, have fallen silent, and everyone is granted free own life? And so, if you were to stretch the bounds of your rein to protect his chastity somewhat with your storytelling, never meaning to follow this with improper actions, but only with the intention of providing pleasure for yourselves and for others, I do not see how in the future any plausible argument could be used to criticize moment, our company said here, and it anyone. besides, has behaved most does not seem to honor, nor, with God's help, will how And virtuous you are, and in my it me first day until this very honorably, regardless of what has that any act whatsoever has opinion no amusing make you any Musa and little stories less our knows or even the virtuous than you are" Bondanella, 401). — 17 — been sullied ever be sullied. Moreover, everyone terror of death, for that matter, could (Boccaccio, Decameron, trans. from the Laurie Shepard La commedia Florindo Cerreta. Florence: Leo degli Ingannati, ed. Olschki, S. 1980. Aurelia (comédie . Université de anonyme du XVIe siècle), ed. Mireille Celse-Blanc. Paris: Sorbonne Nouvelle, 198L la GVlngannati, pp. 205-285 in Five Comedies from the Italian Renaissance, ed. trans, by Laura Giannetti and Guido Ruggiero. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins and University Press, 2003. Andrews, Richard. Scripts and Scenarios. The Performance of Comedy in Renaissance New York: Cambridge University Press, 1993. Cambridge, UK, and Italy. Randello, Matteo. Tutte le opere, ed. Francesco Flora. 2 vols. Alessandria: Edizioni dell'Orso, 1993. Boccaccio, Giovanni. Decameron, ed. Vittore Branca. Turin: Einaudi, e. 1980, 1984. Boccaccio, Giovanni. The Decameron, trans. New York: Giovan Maria. Cecchi, Mark Musa and voi. L'Assiuolo, 121-194 pp. 1, in Cinquecento, ed. Nino Borsellino. Milan: Feltrinelli, 1962. The Liorned Owl (L'Assiuolo), . Peter Bondanella. Penguin, 1982. Konrad trans. Commedie Eisenbichler. del Carleton Renaissance Plays in Translation. Waterloo: Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1981. Celse-Blanc, Mireille. 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Gunsberg, Maggie. Gender and the Italian Day. Cambridge, Guicciardini, Luigi. Italica Press, Hale, J. R. From the Renaissance to the Present Cambridge University Press, 1997. The Sack of Rome, trans. James H. McGregor. New York: UK, and New Stage. York: 1993. War and Society in Renaissance Europe, 1450-1620. Montreal: McGill- Queen's University Press, 1998. Italian Tales from the 1996. Age ofShakespeare, ed. Pamela J.Benson. London: Everyman, — 18 — Siena 1531: Genesis of a European Heroine Lenzi, Maria Ludovica. Il sacco di Roma del Lope de Rueda. Los enganados. Mederà, 1527. Florence: La ed. Nuova Italia, 1978. Fernando Gonzales Olle. Madrid: Espana-Calpe, 1973. Melzi, Robert C. "From Newbigin, Nerida. Lelia to Viola." Renaissance "Politics and Comedy Intronati of Siena." pp. 123-134 9 (1966): 67-81. of the Accademia degli in // teatro italiano del Rinascimento, ed. Comunità, 1980. Maristella de Panizza Lorch. Milan: Edizioni di Newman, Drama in the Early Years Karen. 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