Veronese [Caliari], Paolo

Veronese [Caliari], Paolo
(b Verona, 1528; d Venice, 19 April 1588).
Italian painter and draughtsman. With Titian and Tintoretto he makes up the triumvirate of great
painters of the late Renaissance in Venice. He is known as a supreme colourist and for his
illusionistic decorations in both fresco and oil. His large paintings of biblical feasts executed for
the refectories of monasteries in Venice and Verona are especially celebrated. He also produced
many altarpieces, history and mythological paintings and portraits. His compositional sketches in
pen, ink and wash, figure studies in chalk, and chiaroscuro modelli and ricordi form a significant
body of drawings. He headed a family workshop that remained active after his death (see Caliari;
for Veronese’s adoption of this name see §III below).
I. Life and work.
1. Verona, to 1553.
(i) Training and first works.
Paolo was the son of Gabriele, a stonecutter (whose father was also a stonecutter, from
Lombardy), and Caterina. Borghini and Ridolfi named Antonio Badile IV as Veronese’s master,
and Paulus eius discipulus seu Garsonus 14 is recorded as a member of Badile’s household in
1541 (Verona, Archv Stato). Vasari named Giovanni Caroto as Paolo’s teacher, and it is likely
that training with Caroto followed the initial apprenticeship with Badile, since a ‘Paulus’ is no
longer a member of Badile’s household in 1544 (Gisolfi Pechukas, 1976, 1982).
Veronese’s earliest works confirm roles for both Badile and Caroto in his training and reflect the
richness of the artistic ambience of Verona during the 1540s. Verona was a Roman town and a
site of antiquarian studies during the Renaissance, including a book by Caroto (1546 edn and
original drgs; Verona, Bib. Civ.). Fresco cycles (c. 1500) by Giovanni Maria Falconetto and
Domenico Morone in S Nazaro, the cathedral and the library of S Bernardino offered Veronese
important examples of illusionistic cycles that intended to re-create ancient wall decoration.
Paintings by Francesco Morone and Cavazzola, executed in the first two decades of the 16th
century and shining with pure colours illumined by light that mimics sunlight, probably inspired
his palette. Nicola Giolfino’s decorations (in situ) of the 1520s in the Capella S Francesco, S
Bernardino (in situ), were examples that successfully orchestrated architectural settings with
background views, and Francesco Torbido’s translation in 1534 of Giulio Romano’s designs
offered a powerful illusion of the Assumption of the Virgin in the choir of the cathedral (in situ).
Other influences included a book of drawings by Parmigianino then in the Muselli Collection,
older contemporaries of Veronese such as Domenico Brusasorci and Battista dell’Angolo del
Moro, who adopted Mannerist conventions of anatomy, and Caroto, who worked in a High
Renaissance style well into the 1550s (Gisolfi Pechukas, 1976, 1982).
Veronese’s earliest known works are two oil sketches, similar to each other in size, technique and
style, for works described by Ridolfi as ‘beginnings’ (Gisolfi Pechukas, 1976, 1982): the Raising
of the Daughter of Jairus (c. 1546; Paris, Louvre, reserve), which is the bozzetto for a lost
painting formerly in the Cappella degli Avanzi, S Bernardino, Verona (original stolen and
replaced by a copy, 1696), and the Virgin and Child Enthroned with SS Louis of Toulouse and
John the Baptist (c. 1546; Florence, Uffizi, reserve; see fig. 1), a bozzetto for the damaged
Bevilacqua–Lazise Altarpiece (c. 1546; ex-S Fermo Maggiore, Verona; Verona, Castelvecchio).
The surviving works show morphological similarities to Badile’s documented works of the
1540s, while the clear light and colour are closer to Caroto (e.g. frescoes of archangels, 1530; S
Maria in Organo, Verona). Other decipherable influences include Parmigianino’s drawings,
Michelangelo’s Joel (via an engraving) and the altarpiece of St Nicholas (1535) by Torbido and
Battista dell’Angolo del Moro in S Fermo Maggiore.
The two oil sketches are at the centre of a group of very early works that may be dated to the late
1540s (Gisolfi Pechukas, 1982). This includes the Magdalene Laying aside her Jewels (London,
N.G.), the Lamentation (Verona, Castelvecchio), the Mystic Marriage of St Catherine (New
Haven, CT, Yale U. A.G.), the Holy Family with the Infant John the Baptist (Amsterdam,
Rijksmus.) and the Portrait of a Woman with her Son and Dog (Paris, Louvre). These works
share with the oil sketches their somewhat elongated figure types with mannered gestures, a
simple division of foreground ‘stage’ and background view, a cool palette and blue skies streaked
with thin white clouds, and architectural details derived from works by Sanmicheli. To this group
may be added another painting of the Mystic Marriage of St Catherine (Tokyo, N. Mus. W.A.),
datable to 1547 by the joint coat of arms (Gisolfi, 1995).
Three modestly sized canvases for a ceiling, possibly from a palazzo in or near Verona, may date
from c. 1550 (Gisolfi Pechukas, 1987). The allegories of Peace and Hope (Rome, Mus.
Capitolino) and the Allegory of the Arts (Rome, Pin. Vaticana) share the di sotto in sù
foreshortening of Veronese’s subsequent ceiling decorations, but the figures are still delicately
proportioned and simply clad, and the blue skies are streaked with thin clouds as in the earliest
pictures. The boldness of his later series is not yet evident.
(ii) First commissions outside Verona.
In 1551 Veronese’s first altarpiece for a Venetian church was installed: a Sacra conversazione for
the Giustiniani Chapel of S Francesco della Vigna. Compositionally it is a variation on Titian’s
Pesaro Madonna (1519–26; Venice, S Maria Gloriosa dei Frari) and on Badile’s Virgin and Child
Enthroned with Saints (1544; ex-Santo Spirito, Verona; Verona, Castelvecchio). St Catherine’s
gorgeous brocade mantle is an early example of Veronese’s rich overlaying of pigments. (See
Gisolfi Pechukas, 1976; Sponza in Paolo Veronese Restauri, 1988; Gisolfi, 1989–90 on the
modification of the background architecture in this painting.)
The surviving fresco fragments of 1551 from the Villa Soranzo (destr. 1816) by Sanmicheli
(about 14; Castelfranco, Cathedral sacristy; Venice, Semin. Patriarcale; Vicenza, Mus. Civ. A. &
Stor.) are not by Veronese only but by his compatriots Battista Zelotti and Anselmo Canneri as
well, and close study of early descriptions, records and related drawings indicates collaboration of
the three on an equal basis. Reconstruction of the decoration of the Loggia, Sala and two Camere
at the villa reveals a system of feigned architecture, statuary and reliefs in monochrome, setting
off ‘real’ landscape views and coloured figures (Schweikhart, 1971; Gisolfi Pechukas, 1987;
Gisolfi, 1989–90). As in the earlier examples of Falconetto and Morone in Verona, the intent was
probably to re-create ancient Roman illusionistic decorations. The large fragment of Time and
Fame (1551; Castelfranco Cathedral sacristy) was probably the ceiling of the ‘Camera C’
(Crosato Larcher, 1977) and demonstrates Veronese’s early mastery of di sotto in sù
foreshortening and effects of sunlight on fabric and flesh. The tumbling figure of Fame is
indebted to Giulio Romano’s design of angels, executed by Torbido (1534) in the vault of the
choir of Verona Cathedral. Fame’s elongated proportions recall Parmigianino’s figures, while the
muscular Time resembles Correggio’s figure of St Peter in the Vision of St John on Patmos
(1520–23; dome fresco, S Giovanni Evangelista, Parma). In addition, Veronese’s fragment of a
Putto Straddling a Baluster (Vicenza, Mus. Civ. A. & Stor.) is close in style to Correggio’s
boldly foreshortened putti in the Camera S Paolo, Parma, further suggesting that Veronese had
recently visited Parma.
In 1552 Cardinal Ercole Gonzaga commissioned Veronese, Domenico Brusasorci, Paolo Farinati
and Battista dell’Angolo del Moro to paint altarpieces for four altars in Mantua Cathedral.
Veronese’s resultant Temptations of St Anthony (1552; Caen, Mus. B.-A.), his first fully
documented commission, is unique among his early works for its warm tonality and sensuality.
The softness of flesh and atmosphere must have been inspired by Correggio’s canvases of similar
tonality, perhaps the Antiope (Paris, Louvre), then in Mantua.
2. Venice and Verona, 1553–60.
(i) Major decorative commissions.
In 1553 Veronese moved to Venice. He had been invited by Giovanni Battista Ponchino to
collaborate with him and with Giambattista Zelotti on the decoration of the Sala del Consiglio dei
Dieci in the Doge’s Palace (see Venice, §IV, 6(ii)). The themes of the three ceilings decorated in
1553–4—the Sala del Consiglio dei Dieci, and the adjacent Stanza della Bussola and Stanza dei
Tre Capi—were devised by Daniele Barbaro (Sansovino). Veronese’s work predominates. In the
large Jupiter Expelling the Vices (1553–4; Paris, Louvre), designed as the central oval for the
Consiglio dei Dieci ceiling, he developed the influence of Giulio Romano. The Vices, muscular
male figures who hurtle from the heavens, are sharply foreshortened though their descent, seen
through the oval frame, is not as threatening as the Fall of the Giants in Giulio Romano’s Sala dei
Giganti (1530–32; Mantua, Pal. Ducale). The violent action is held in equilibrium by precise
balancing and juxtaposition of forms, movements and colour areas.
The smaller oval canvas of Youth and Age (also known as the Rape of Proserpina, 1553–4; see
fig. 2), in a corner of the ceiling, is an outstanding early work. The female figure of Youth is
shown in brilliant sunlight beside a Michelangelesque figure of Age. The main colour areas of
blue, white and gold are enhanced by judicious touches of vermilion. Ideal forms are seen in an
ideal climate, in a perfect harmony of form, light and colour. The entire ceiling of the much
smaller Stanza della Bussola was entrusted to Veronese. The central canvas of St Mark and the
Theological Virtues (Paris, Louvre) recalls details of Correggio’s Assumption of the Virgin
(Parma Cathedral; see Correggio, fig. 4), but the motion is less frenzied because of Veronese’s
careful balancing of forms and juxtaposing of poses; the scene is characteristically suffused with
bright sunlight, reflecting on luminous flesh and shiny fabric.
Zelotti painted the central panel in the Stanza dei Tre Capi, and Veronese was responsible for two
smaller canvases with themes of virtue and vice, Peace Comforting the Innocent and the Allegory
of Nemesis (both in situ). In the former the female figure of Peace or Victory is seen from behind,
with a male figure in white discreetly placed below and behind her; the harmonious disposition of
form and colour creates the serenity for which Veronese is celebrated. The composition is an
elegant reversal of the Allegory of Nemesis, in which the victorious female looms over the
crouching male in the foreground.
In 1555 Veronese was employed by the Veronese prior Bernardo Torlioni (d 1572), who was
rector of S Sebastiano, Venice, from 1555 to 1572, to paint the ceiling of the church’s sacristy
and, in 1556, the ceiling of its nave (see Pignatti, 1966, regarding earlier monochromes). His
decoration of this church in fresco, secco and oil continued until at least 1570. The central canvas
of the sacristy ceiling represents the Coronation of the Virgin, and the four surrounding canvases
depict the Evangelists. The magnificent paintings of Esther Brought before Ahasuerus, the
Triumph of Mordecai and the Coronation of Esther on the nave ceiling show these scenes from
the Life of Esther in di sotto in sù foreshortening and bright sunlight. In each of the three,
background architecture is foreshortened to the extent that the receding element forms a vertical
division of the composition. The Coronation of Esther moves furthest in a new direction. The
chief change is in the more complex light: the sunlight not only illuminates different textures but
dances between metal, satin and shining locks of blond hair in a rich interplay. Tea (1920) noted
Veronese’s use of adjacent colours, not black, to create delicate shadows that depict colour as
seen in clear daylight, an observation that seems to have been inspired particularly by these
ceiling pieces. It is possible that Giovanni Antonio Fasolo collaborated with Veronese on this
project.
The Feast in the House of Simon (Turin, Gal. Sabauda), painted for the refectory of SS Nazaro
and Celso in Verona, is Veronese’s first surviving supper scene, and his first of several
commissions from the Benedictine of the Cassinese congregation (Gisolfi and Sindring-Larsen,
1998). Its dating is debated: Ridolfi and most later writers placed it c. 1559; von Hadeln (1914)
suggested 1553; and Sancassani (1973–4) argued that a payment of January 1556 referred to the
work as in progress. (This fits with a placement after the Anointment of David (Vienna, Ksthist.
Mus.) and the Presentation of Christ (Dresden, Gemäldegal. Alte Meister), which on stylistic
grounds belong to c. 1554 and c. 1555 respectively.) An architecture of Corinthian columns and
acanthus frieze sets the scene in the pharisee’s home. The space is rather shallow. Mary
Magdalene anoints Christ’s feet, while his discourse with Simon and forgiveness of her sins cause
amazement among the guests. The composition is more complex than in Veronese’s earliest
biblical paintings, the figures more robust and the costume richer. Ridolfi emphasized the beauty
of the architectural frame and of two satyrs that must then have adorned the framework covering
the now vacant upper corners of the canvas.
In 1557 Veronese was one of seven artists each of whom painted three roundels for the ceiling of
the Libreria Marciana (see Venice, §IV, 7(ii)), and he was awarded the gold chain for the finest
tondo, his allegory of Music. Titian and Sansovino were judges in the contest (Ridolfi); perhaps
this is why the frankly classical Music won. Recalling the fresh, relaxed classicism of early
Titian, it stands out among the generally mannered compositions of other competitors and differs,
too, from Veronese’s other roundels. In Geometry and Arithmetic the figure types remain close to
those of the S Sebastiano ceilings, the two females assuming poses that complement and reflect
the frame of the roundel; in the allegory of Honour, however, the experiments with Mannerist
devices, the elongated repoussoir figures and rather confused composition, are clearly intentional.
Around 1557 Veronese decorated in fresco the Palazzo Trevisano in Murano. This work is now
damaged and partially lost, but cleaning in the early 1980s revealed landscapes in fairly good
condition in the upper room, the Sala dell’Olimpo (Romano, 1981 and 1983). The illusionistic
complex includes the feigned architecture, landscape ‘views’ and Olympian visions (in the vault)
that were components of the decorations at the Villa Soranzo and in examples by Veronese’s
contemporaries, for instance the work of Brusasorci and the Caroto brothers at the Villa del Bene
(1551) at Volargne, near Verona.
During 1558 Veronese continued decorating S Sebastiano with the frescoes of St Sebastian
Reproving Diocletian and the Martyrdom of St Sebastian, which cover walls on the north and
south sides of the monks’ choir above the atrium of the church. Both scenes are conceived as
dramas enacted on a shallow stage and are framed by ornate painted architecture, possibly
executed by Veronese’s brother Benedetto Caliari. The foreground space in which the action
takes place is also defined by architecture, repoussoir figures directing the viewer’s attention and
architecture allowing room for a spacious expanse of sky as a backdrop. Also for S Sebastiano,
Paolo designed the organ (1558) and painted on the external shutters the Presentation of Christ
and on the interior the Pool of Bethesda (1560); he designed the high altar and painted (probably
in 1560) the altarpiece of St Sebastian with the Virgin and Child and Other Saints. The
architecture of both organ and altar is rich and apparently based on Sanmicheli’s style, as
demonstrated, for example, in the Cappella Pellegrini of S Bernardino in Verona. Painted and
actual architecture of the organ are coordinated so that, whether the shutters are open or closed,
painted architecture continues the organ’s exterior architecture in both perspective and
vocabulary (see Organ shutter, fig. 2).
(ii) Early portraits.
Veronese’s many portraits raise difficult problems of attribution and dating. The pendants
Giuseppe da Porto and Son (Florence, Pitti) and Livia da Porto Thiene and Daughter (c. 1554;
Baltimore, MD, Walters A.G.) are, together with the Portrait of a Woman with her Son and Dog
(Paris, Louvre), generally accepted as both early and authentic. The da Porto portraits are fulllength, standing portraits, which suggests that Veronese knew works by Moretto or Giovanni
Battista Moroni. Contemporary with these is probably the Budapest Portrait of a Gentleman
(Mus. F.A.; see Rearick, Venice, Cini, exh. cat., 1988, and Gisolfi, 1989–90). The Portrait of a
Gentleman (Los Angeles, CA, Getty Mus.), a full-length portrait of a sitter of nonchalant yet
restrained elegance against an architectural setting, develops the theme of the portrait of Giuseppe
da Porto. Gaetano Zancon (1771–1816) engraved it as a self-portrait of Veronese (see Ticozzi,
1977 exh. cat., pl. 91, p. 32) in 1802; if this identification is accepted, it suggests an early date for
the painting, as the man is far less bald than the self-portrait included in the Marriage of Cana
(1562–3; Paris, Louvre; see §3(ii) below), but Rearick (Washington exh. cat., 1988) gave a late
date of 1578 (see Gisolfi, 1989–90, pp. 32–3).
3. Maser, Verona and Venice, 1560–73.
According to Ridolfi, in 1560 Veronese was invited to accompany Girolamo Grimani, Procurator
of S Marco, to Rome. The greater monumentality of his work after this time, resulting from his
study of antiquity and masterpieces of the High Renaissance, supports Ridolfi’s dating. Smith
(1977) suggested that the visit may have been arranged by Daniele Barbaro and perhaps Andrea
Palladio to allow Veronese to study antique villa decoration in preparation for his commission to
provide frescoes at the Villa Barbaro (now Villa Volpi) at Maser, near Treviso.
(i) Decorative frescoes: the Villa Barbaro at Maser.
It seems likely that Veronese’s work on the decorations for the Villa Barbaro at Maser were done
c. 1561, after his return from Rome. Daniele Barbaro and his brother Marc’Antonio employed
Palladio as architect, perhaps Alessandro Vittoria as sculptor and Veronese as painter.
Undoubtedly the brothers devised the iconographical programme for the frescoes with themes
that celebrate the agrarian, pastoral, cultured and Christian life (see Ackerman, 1982). The
illusionistic effects are brilliantly executed in the main rooms. In the central Sala a Crociera a
painted arcade of Palladian proportion and vocabulary frames landscape views all’antica that
include ruins, travellers, animals and streams and recall Vitruvius’ description of appropriate villa
decoration (On Architecture, VII.v). The horizon of the painted landscapes coincides with that of
the living landscape seen through the front window from a middle point in the room, and the
feigned balustrades continue the stone balustrade framing the front window before each landscape
view. Painted banners and lances rest in corners, as if casually deposited; musicians playing
various instruments project from painted niches set between the arches.
In each of the five rooms adjacent to the Sala a Crociera the illusion is further developed. Ceilings
open up to offer views of appropriate deities and allegories; Bacchus teaches man the use of the
grape in the Stanza di Bacco; other pleasures are celebrated in Abundance in the Stanza degli
Sposi; Faith and Charity are above in the Stanza della Lucerna; and there is an allegory of
Abundance, Fortitude and Envy in the Stanza del Cane. The celebration of the virtues and
rewards of country life culminates in the vault of the main Sala di Olimpo at the end of the
Crociera, where Universal Harmony (Lewis, 1987; Crosato, 1983) or Divine Love (Jackson Reist,
1985) presides, surrounded by the key residents of Olympus and deities symbolic of the four
elements. The walls of each room have landscape views, feigned architectural elements carefully
coordinated with real ones and feigned statuary. These views, which often evoke the atmospheric
grandeur of Roman ruins, derive from prints by Hieronymus Cock (1551) and Battista Pittoni
(1561), the dates of which confirm the dating of the frescoes to c. 1561 (Oberhuber, 1968).
Humorous touches enliven every room: a dog and a cat occupy ledges in the Stanza del Cane;
cleaning utensils rest on a sill in the Stanza degli Sposi. In the Stanza di Bacco vines seen in
landscape views show their upper branches in lunette and cove ‘windows’ above; in the Stanza
della Lucerna a putto seen through a ceiling oval holds a real lantern. In the Sala a Crociera and in
smaller rooms visible from the main ones family members are depicted at doorways that match
the actual doors (see Illusionism, colour pl. IV) and, in the Sala di Olimpo, Signora Giustiniani
Barbaro, accompanied by a child, a servant and two pets, surveys her household from the balcony
(see fig. 3). Undoubtedly Veronese and his patrons knew Pliny the elder’s passage praising
humour in the decorations of Spurius Tadius, which included ‘splendid villas approached across
marshes, men tottering and staggering along carrying women on their shoulders for a bargain,
extremely wittily designed’ (Natural History XXXV.ix.116–17).
(ii) Subject pictures and altarpieces.
In 1562–3 Veronese painted the vast Marriage at Cana (6.69×9.90 m; Paris, Louvre), the most
ambitious of his banquet scenes, for the refectory of S Giorgio Maggiore, Venice. Vasari wrote
with enthusiasm of its dimensions and of its ‘more than 150’ figures, its ‘variety of costumes’ and
its ‘invenzione’. At the centre of the immense activity is the silent figure of Christ, and in the right
foreground are the servants, the water jars and the steward who tastes the new wine. Bride and
groom are seated at the left in splendid array, while in the centre foreground a quartet performs;
Boschini (1674) identified the players as Veronese (viola), Francesco Bassano (flute), Jacopo
Tintoretto (violin) and Titian (bass viol). The crowded composition is made possible by a deep
setting and relatively high viewpoint; this depth, the heavy grandeur of the architecture and the
complexity of the composition may reflect Veronese’s experience of Raphael’s Stanze in the
Vatican during his visit to Rome in 1560. Rosand (1973) stressed the symbolism of the lamb
being carved just above Christ’s head and considered the elaborate costumes to reflect
contemporary theatre, and Fehl (1981) related the rich yet decorous treatment of the subject to
Pietro Aretino’s La humanità di Christo (Venice, 1535). Cooper saw the choice of Veronese for
this commission by the erudite Benedictines of the Cassinese congregation as significant (Cooper,
1991).
In the middle of the 1560s Veronese produced a series of large subject pictures that unite noble
figures and stately architecture in compositions of theatrical grandeur. These paintings form a link
between the Marriage at Cana and the more elegantly structured banquet scenes of the early
1570s. They include the Martyrdom of St Sebastian and SS Mark and Marcellianus Led to
Martyrdom (both 1565; Venice, S Sebastiano, choir), the celebrated Mystical Marriage of St
Catherine (c. 1565–75; Venice, Accad.), one of Veronese’s most richly painted canvases, and
Christ Preaching in the Temple (c. 1565; Madrid, Prado; for debate on dating of this picture see
Levey, 1960, and Gisolfi Pechukas, 1982).
In 1566 Veronese returned to Verona to marry Elena Badile, daughter of his first teacher. Two
altarpieces for churches in Verona are assigned to this year, the Martyrdom of St George for S
Giorgio Maggiore and the Virgin and Child with SS Anthony and John for the Marogna Chapel in
S Paolo (both in situ). The pen sketches (Los Angeles, CA, Getty Mus.) for Christ Preaching in
the Temple and the Martyrdom of St George exemplify Veronese’s mature, rapid compositional
drawings (see §II, 2 below).
This work culminated in the Feast in the House of Levi (1573; see fig. 4), which, through a series
of adjustments unifying its greater width, improved on the composition of the quite similar
Supper of Gregory the Great (1572; Vicenza, Sanctuario di Monte Berico). In both paintings the
architectural setting, Palladian in proportion and detail, creates a triptych-like division of the
canvas, and steps leading past the side areas direct attention to the centre. The steps resemble
those leading to the raised sanctuaries sometimes found in Romanesque churches of North Italy,
thus associating the centre with the sanctuary and the table with the altar (Rosand, 1973). The
lighter and more elegant composition of these later banquet scenes is achieved partly through the
choice of a lower viewpoint than in the Marriage at Cana, so that the surface of the table is
barely visible and one rhythmic line of celebrants crosses the canvas.
The Feast in the House of Levi was commissioned as a Last Supper for the refectory of SS
Giovanni e Paolo in Venice. A tripartite arcade frames the whole, presenting the upper room as an
open loggia with the banisters of the lateral staircases leading the eye to Christ at the centre,
framed by the arch. The sacred figures are thus isolated from the wealth of incident around them
but the picture nonetheless attracted the attention of the Inquisition, which sensed heresy in
having ‘drunken buffoons, armed Germans, dwarfs and similar scurrilities’ present at the Last
Supper (see Fehl, 1961, for a complete transcript of the trial). In his defence before the tribunal of
the Inquisition on 28 July 1573, Veronese claimed for the painter the creative freedom of the
‘poet and the madman’, also pointing out that he had depicted the incidental figures and anecdotal
details outside the realm of sacred elements. That his depiction conforms to ideals of decorum
was reaffirmed by Fehl (1961). Yet Veronese was ordered to correct his composition, to which he
ultimately responded by changing its title to Feast in the House of Levi, a subject requiring ‘a
great company of publicans’ (Luke 5:29) (Fehl and Perry, 1984).
(iii) Later portraits.
A few portraits may be tentatively placed in Veronese’s mature period. The tender Portrait of a
Lady (‘La bella Nani’; Paris, Louvre) in cool blues and silvers, which resembles the portrait of
Signora Barbaro at Maser, and the three-quarter-length seated portrait of Daniele Barbaro
(Amsterdam, Rijksmus.), shown holding an edition of Vitruvius dated 1556, were probably
executed in the early 1560s. There may have followed the grander Portrait of a Man in a Fur
(Florence, Pitti) and the Portrait of a Man (Rome, Gal. Colonna), their later dating suggested by a
bolder brushwork and darker tonality (Gisolfi, 1989–90). It should be noted, however, that
Rearick (Washington exh. cat., 1988) placed the Portrait of a Lady and the Portrait of a Man in a
Fur around 1550.
Some of Veronese’s finest portraits are included within major subject pictures of his maturity,
such as the quartet of artists in the Marriage at Cana, noted above. An entire contemporary
family bears witness to the Supper at Emmaus (c. 1560; Paris, Louvre); while the somewhat stiff
group of family members at the right may have been executed by Benedetto, the two little girls
playing with a dog in the foreground are justly famous examples of Veronese’s sympathetic
portrayals. The Cuccina Family Presented to the Virgin by the Theological Virtues is one of four
canvases commissioned to decorate a room of the family palazzo on the Grand Canal (c. 1570–
72; Dresden, Gemäldegal. Alte Meister). The sitters are sumptuously dressed, shown with
gestures of affection and with the inevitable pet puppy. Veronese’s most significant contributions
to the art of portraiture may in fact be the skilful and sensitive group portraits incorporated in
biblical and votive paintings.
4. Late works, 1574–88.
(i) Further commissions for the Doge’s Palace.
Directly after the fire in the Doge’s Palace in 1574, Veronese received payments towards the cost
of paintings he was to do for the Sala del Collegio (Zorzi, 1953; Schulz, 1968). The ceiling
celebrates the Venetian State and her relationship to Ecclesia, the central canvases showing
Venice Enthroned with Justice and Peace, Mars and Neptune and the Old Testament Sacrifice
and the Eucharist (for discussion of the iconography see Sinding-Larsen, 1974 and 1988), while
the smaller surrounding canvases represent allegories of the Virtues. These allegorical figures and
scenes are set in the heavens and viewed through a rich gilded wood framework. The di sotto in
sù perspective and the palette recall the Consiglio dei Dieci ceiling but with the bright daylight
effect of Veronese’s pieces in the earlier decorations modified: the angle of light is lower, and the
pink reflections suggest an afternoon rather than a midday light. It is generally thought that
Benedetto Caliari assisted his brother in the Sala del Collegio, but the conception is certainly
Paolo’s. The wall painting over the tribunal representing an Allegory of the Battle of Lepanto,
with Christ at the centre (Sinding-Larsen, 1974), and the flanking monochrome niche figures of St
Sebastian and St Justine are also Veronese’s, executed, probably with Benedetto, c. 1581.
In 1579–82, after the fire of 1577 in the Doge’s Palace, a competition was held to select an artist
to execute the huge Paradise in the Sala del Maggior Consiglio. Veronese and Francesco Bassano
(ii) were awarded the commission jointly, presumably in 1582, but the piece had not been
executed when Veronese died in 1588 and Tintoretto (always resourceful in these matters)
obtained the commission. De Tolnay (1970) argued that Tintoretto’s painting is based to some
extent on the original oil sketches (Veronese’s: Lille, Mus. B.-A.; on this issue see also Schulz,
1980, and Sinding-Larsen, 1984). Between 1579 and 1582 Veronese and his assistants
(particularly Benedetto) executed the large ceiling canvas of the Triumph of Venice above the
ducal throne in the same Sala (see Venice, fig. 25). He prepared the complex vision with di sotto
in sù foreshortening, rich architecture and ebullient figures in a beautifully executed modello in
pen with white highlighting on brown paper (Harewood House, W. Yorks; see Cocke, 1984, no.
88). Here Veronese went beyond his earlier ceiling decorations: the motion, excitement and
activity are used to convey uplifting emotion, as in Baroque art.
(ii) Other mythological paintings.
New directions and a more complex development are seen in Veronese’s works of the 1580s. The
Triumph of Venice is proto-Baroque, and this direction was developed ultimately by Giambattista
Tiepolo (see §IV, 3 below). Related to this are such late mythological works as the Choice of
Hercules, the Allegory of Wisdom and Strength (both c. 1580; New York, Frick) and Mars and
Venus (c. 1580; New York, Met.). As with the contemporary Rape of Europa (Venice, Doge’s
Pal., Anticollegio), the sunny palette of the Doge’s Palace ceiling paintings is still operative, the
light is still full and the shadows delicate, but the paintings show a new richness of detail, as in
the worldly objects cast at the feet of Wisdom, and sumptuous treatment of drapery.
(iii) Other religious works.
A more radical change is evident in Veronese’s late religious works. Here he abandoned for the
first time since the Temptations of St Anthony (1552) the sunny palette and clear light learnt and
adapted from artists of Verona. In a series of depictions of the Pietà and in his last altarpiece, the
Miracle of St Pantaleon (see fig. 5), he experimented with chiaroscuro effects to heighten pathos.
Perhaps the most powerful of these is the Dead Christ with the Virgin and an Angel (c. 1581; St
Petersburg, Hermitage; x-rays show the head of a second angel on the left), originally executed
for the church of SS Giovanni e Paolo, Venice, and recorded there by Borghini in 1584. As in
other late religious works, Veronese has substituted nocturnal light for his usual daylight. A pale
light, which could be moonlight, enters from the right and gently highlights the angel’s blond
ringlets and rose drapery, the Virgin’s head and Christ’s knee, hand and loincloth. The setting is
reduced to a piece of drapery beneath Christ, and the viewer is asked to meditate on his sacrifice.
Veronese’s repetition of this emotional theme may reflect the instruction of the Council of Trent
that religious art should inspire piety. In pursuing this more profound religious feeling, Veronese
dispensed with the decorative richness of his secular pieces. He did not abandon his lifelong
research on the interaction of light and colour; rather he progressed to a new phase, the study of
nocturnal light.
Several other versions of the Pietà exist, usually assigned to the 1580s, and assistance from
Veronese’s shop has been suggested in each case. They include the Dead Christ with Two Angels
(Berlin, Gemäldegal.; Boston, MA, Mus. F.A.) and two versions of the Dead Christ with an
Angel and a Donor (Switzerland, priv. col.; Houston, TX, Mus. F.A.; see Pignatti, 1984). The
surviving late altarpiece that matches the St Petersburg Pietà in quality and character is not
thematically related. In the Miracle of St Pantaleon (1587; Venice, S Pantalon; see fig. 5),
commissioned by Bartolommeo Borghi, who is shown in the picture supporting the sick child, the
masterful brushwork, nocturnal setting and ‘moonlight’ entering from the right recur. The redrose drapery of the saint is the primary colour and this reflects the pale light, through a brilliant
use of lead white blending in highlights and red lakes for shadows.
II. Working methods and technique.
1. Paintings.
Veronese’s working methods were first described by Boschini (1660), whose account mentions
specific materials: orpiment; red lead; giallolino (probably lead-tin yellow) and lakes. Analysis of
pigment from Veronese’s work has confirmed use of these materials and shown the use of all the
other finest pigments then available in Venice—ultramarine, azurite, malachite, verdigris,
litbarge, realgar, vermilion, carbon black and lead white. In addition, it is clear that Veronese
used, particularly in fresco, all the earth colours and ochres. Tests show that his medium for
paintings on canvas was linseed oil and/or walnut oil (Mills and White, 1978, 1981 and 1983).
Study by Lazzarini (1983 and 1984) of paint layers in works executed in oil on canvas shows that
Veronese consistently used a preparation of gesso and animal glue, thinly applied. Boschini
described him as first laying out the composition, applying the middle tones for each area, then
adding shadows and highlights. The cross-sections of paint samples show, as Lazzarini stressed, a
complex variety of practice. In a few cases traces of burnt ochre or carbon black under the paint
layers indicate the remains of a drawing (see Spezzani, 1992). Sometimes there is a thin layer of
priming above the preparation, but not always. Some areas, such as sky, may show only the
preparation, a thin layer of pigment, and varnish. Other areas, particularly of brocades and other
types of drapery, may show preparation, four or five or even six layers of pigment, and varnish.
Boschini’s assertion that Veronese favoured the use of red lakes to shadow draperies seems well
supported: red lakes appear regularly in complex samples from draperies and are sometimes
mixed with other pigments, such as lead white or ultramarine and lead white. Plesters (1966)
noted that pure ultramarine was sometimes used as a glaze; Lazzarini (1983) published a crosssection from Veronese’s Giustiniani Altarpiece illustrating this. Penny and Spring (1995) show
examples in which the less expensive smalt or indigo are used as underlayers to a glaze of
ultramarine. Lazzarini emphasized Veronese’s liking for malachite and azurite; samples from the
Feast in the House of Levi show azurite used to model malachite, with yellow lead and white lead
mixed for highlighting (Gisolfi and Pechukas, 1987). In Veronese’s fresco painting the ‘cream’ of
slaked lime is used for highlighting (see Lazzarini and Nepi Scire, 1984). Sometimes the pigment
below it, still wet, was allowed to ‘bleed’ into the highlight. (See also Paolo Veronese: Restauri,
1988 exh. cat.)
2. Drawings and oil sketches.
Veronese used both drawings and oil sketches in preparing paintings; it seems that drawings were
also made in his shop to record completed compositions. The inventory of the house of the eredi
di Paolo Veronese mentions a small chest full of pictorial drawings (disegni pittoreschi) and oil
sketches (dipinti in carta) (Gattinoni, 1914). At least three kinds of preparatory drawing are
known. Chiaroscuro drawings on tinted paper include the Temptation of St Anthony (1552; Paris,
Louvre), which has been associated with the altarpiece for Mantua Cathedral (Rosand, 1966).
Black chalk studies, heightened with white, for individual figures include those for the allegorical
figures on the ceiling of the Sala del Collegio in the Doge’s Palace (London, BM; Paris, Louvre;
Rotterdam, Mus. Boymans–van Beuningen). There are also many compositional sketches in pen
or pen and wash. In these spontaneous drawings, such as the sheet of studies (c. 1566; Los
Angeles, CA, Getty Mus.; see fig. 6) for the Martyrdom of St George (Verona, S Giorgio
Maggiore), Veronese experimented with swiftly drawn figures and groupings, often patterning an
entire sheet with searching studies. In the late drawings, such as the sheet of studies (1587; Paris,
Louvre) for the Miracle of St Pantaleon, his touch is yet lighter and freer. In the very early
instance of the Bevilacqua–Lazise Altarpiece, two preparatory works survive, both the
chiaroscuro drawing and the oil sketch. Comparison of the compositions with the surviving
altarpiece shows that the oil sketch was the penultimate work (Gisolfi Pechukas, 1982). This
suggests a logical progression, from preliminary sketches to finished chiaroscuro drawing to oil
sketch to painting; as it is the only known instance in which both a chiaroscuro drawing and an oil
sketch survive for an extant painting, it is not clear that this elaborate process was always
followed. There are examples of preparatory works of all types from all phases of Veronese’s
career.
Chiaroscuro drawings seem to have been used in Veronese’s workshop not only as modelli, but as
ricordi of works completed (Tietze and Tietze-Conrat, 1944). The function of several such
drawings is disputed and a clear sorting remains to be done. The questions raised in regard to
authorship of chiaroscuro drawings of lesser quality are related to unsolved matters regarding
workshop practice.
3. Workshop.
Veronese ran a large family workshop in Venice, employing his brother Benedetto Caliari and his
own sons Carlo and Gabriele (see Caliari) as well as various other assistants and apprentices,
including his nephew Alvise dal Friso (1559–1611) and Francesco Montemezzano (1540–1602).
Benedetto’s assistance is first documented in 1556 at S Sebastiano (Pignatti, 1966, p. 124) and is
thought to have been considerable at Maser in 1561. Given their age, the earliest possible date for
Veronese’s sons joining the workshop is 1580. The degree of workshop participation in
individual works both before and after 1580 is, however, often a matter of dispute. Crosato
Larcher (1967, 1969 and 1977) made significant contributions in identifying the hands of
Benedetto, Carlo and Gabriele, but many, particularly late, works are clearly collaborative or are
of disputed attribution. Furthermore, Veronese’s family continued to produce works in his
manner under the label Haeredes Pauli after his death. These works made use of existing
drawings, stock figural types and typical compositions by the master. Thus the definition of a
work by Veronese can vary: sometimes it is entirely by the master’s hand; in other cases there is
some workshop participation; in others the design may be by Veronese but the execution largely
by assistants; in works signed Haeredes Pauli the entire execution is by others possibly following
or ‘recycling’ Paolo’s preparatory studies. Unsurprisingly, there is much disagreement about the
degree of Veronese’s authorship in many works and those where several versions of the same
composition exist. Works by associates and copyists further confuse questions of attribution.
III. Character and personality.
The picture given by early sources is appealing but not detailed. Vasari (2/1568) emphasized
Veronese’s youth and early success in Venice, implying that he was considered precocious.
Borghini (1584) drew attention to Veronese’s fame, his humble origins and his financial success,
aspects that are celebrated at greater length by Ridolfi (1648), who also described his important
patrons and quoted some ‘memorable sayings’ attributed to Veronese:
that it was impossible to judge paintings well without a good knowledge of the art; that the ability
to paint was a gift from heaven and that to try to paint without natural talent was to sow seed in
the waves; that the most worthy qualities in an artist were simplicity and modesty; and that saints
and angels must be painted by excellent artists since they should arouse wonder and emotion.
The same sayings are quoted by Boschini (1674), who also commented that Veronese had a
‘noble and open character, as is shown in his work; he dressed with dignity and bore himself as a
great lord’, adding that there were no scandals about Paolo. Boschini also reported that Veronese
liked to go to the Piazza S Marco to observe the exotic clothing of foreigners from all parts of the
world, especially the Armenians, from whom he got ideas for his vestments, turbans and ‘Persian’
shoes. Documentary evidence is purely factual and provides little concerning Paolo’s personality.
Contracts and statements about money are brief and to the point, indicating a businesslike and
straightforward approach. His financial success itself shows a talent for administering business,
while a couple of letters from the late 1580s show a real humanity and warmth. His testimony
before the Inquisition in 1573, besides demonstrating a practical ability to deal appropriately with
others and to protect himself, bears witness to his standing as a man of faith. Ridolfi and Boschini
reported that Veronese died after catching a cold in an Eastertide procession, and both writers
used this to give him a virtuous end. Ridolfi praised his character as trustworthy, caring and
circumspect and stressed that he instructed his children in the faith and in moral discipline.
According to the sayings attributed to Veronese, he recognized his gifts as God-given. He also
made the most of these gifts, sharing his success with his family and frankly enjoying his well-
being. The portrait of a sane and life-loving artist is consistent with the harmony and richness of
Paolo’s art.
Veronese’s adoption of the name Caliari might, like his love of finery, be considered vain. Fiocco
(1928) pointed out that the name was adopted, and Trecca (1940) noted that it belonged to a noble
family in Contrada S Paolo of Verona. It was used by Paolo and his family only after he had
achieved success in Venice. Trecca’s review of documents indicates that the name first appears in
a contract of 1555 for the Transfiguration at Montagnana (in situ), where Veronese is referred to
as ‘Mis. Paulo Caliaro Veronese’ but signs himself Paullo veronese. The use of Caliari in
signatures seems to begin around 1575.
IV. Critical reception and posthumous reputation.
1. Vasari, Ridolfi and other early sources.
Veronese’s commissions, from church and state, rulers and nobility, Venetians and foreigners,
attest to his recognition and fame during his lifetime. Vasari praised his work at Soranzo for its
disegno, the Feast in the House of Simon for its ‘life-like portraits and unusual perspectives …
two dogs so fine that they seemed alive … and further away some excellently painted cripples’,
the ceiling of S Sebastiano as a ‘most rare’ work and other works there as ‘most praiseworthy’.
He ended his account with a description of the Musica on the Libreria Marciana ceiling, using
Veronese’s winning of the gold chain to illustrate his youthful achievement of success. Borghini
said that Veronese’s works were ‘much praised by everyone’ and that Paolo did not ‘cease to
work with great profit to painting’.
Ridolfi’s Meraviglie dell’arte includes a long biography of Veronese and a catalogue of his
works. The account begins with a homage to painting as the mirror ‘in which all the works of the
Creator can be seen in brief’, and proceeds to describe Paolo as one of the most illustrious
painters of the ‘modern era’ and to praise Verona for its antiquities, its fine site and for having
produced this renowned artist. The initial emphasis on naturalism and on the significance of
Veronese’s birthplace is supplemented in descriptions of paintings by praise of colour,
particularly of vestments, and of perspective. Ridolfi especially admired Veronese’s Youth and
Age and quoted Palma Giovane as saying ‘in that case Paolo reached the highest degree of
perfection, drawing together the most learned ancient style with the nobility of his own’. In
summing up the merits of Veronese’s art, Ridolfi modified the creed of naturalism with which he
began, saying that painters must depart from the defects of nature and that Veronese painted
nature ‘più bella’. Beyond this approval of idealization Ridolfi stressed that Veronese had
profited by practising ‘the Venetian manner, which has given light to every painter improving the
way of colouring’. Boschini, in La carta del navegar pitoresco (1660), praised Veronese’s
intellect, invention, colour, drawing and brushwork. Other writers of the 16th and 17th centuries
admired his work for the prized qualities of disegno, invenzione and colorito.
2. Later writers and critics.
Joshua Reynolds, being essentially opposed to Venetian invenzioni, attacked Veronese’s art as
‘ornamental’ or decorative:
Such as suppose that the great stile might happily be blended with the ornamental, that the simple,
grave and majestic dignity of Raffaelle could unite with the glow and bustle of a Paulo, or
Tintoret, are totally mistaken …. The subjects of the Venetian painters are mostly such as give
them an opportunity of introducing a great number of figures; such as feasts, marriages, and
processions, publick martyrdoms, or miracles. I can easily conceive that Paul Veronese, if he
were asked, would say that no subject was proper for an historical picture, but such as admitted at
least forty figures; for in less a number, he would assert, there could be no opportunity of the
painter’s shewing his art in composition, his dexterity of managing and disposing the masses of
light and groups of figures, and of introducing a variety of Eastern dresses and characters in their
rich stuffs.
John Ruskin was more kindly disposed towards Veronese’s naturalism and humour. After
praising Veronese’s dogs, particularly in the Supper at Emmaus (c. 1560; Paris, Louvre), he
added, ‘Neither Titian nor Velasquez ever jest; and though Veronese jests gracefully and
tenderly, he never for an instant oversteps the absolute facts of nature’. Berenson emphasized that
‘Paolo was the product of four or five generations of Veronese painters’ and wrote of his
‘cheerfulness, his frank and joyous worldliness’ (1894). Over 60 years later he wrote a broader
appreciation:
When I contemplate Veronese’s paintings, I experience a satisfaction so full and perfect that I feel
seized by it in all of my being, in my senses, my feelings, my intellect, and then, all things
considered, I love him at least as much as I love any other painter who has ever painted (Ojetti
and others, 1960).
In his initial emphasis on Veronese’s origins and in his later appreciation of Paolo’s intellect,
Berenson anticipated the emphasis in later scholarship on the artist’s training and on structure and
decorum in his art.
3. Influence.
Prints after Veronese were executed during his lifetime by Agostino Carracci, including one after
the Mystic Marriage of St Catherine (see Ticozzi, 1977 exh. cat., pl. 5, pp. 11 and 63). His
influence on Annibale Carracci is apparent in such works as the latter’s San Lodovico Altarpiece
(c. 1588; Bologna, Pin. N.). Peter Paul Rubens, Anthony van Dyck, Mattia Preti, Pietro da
Cortona and Luca Giordano are among the many other 17th-century artists stylistically indebted
to Veronese; those who made prints after him include Nicolas Cochin, Giuseppe Maria Mitelli,
Valentin Le Febre (1642–80/81) and Charlotte Catherine Patin (b 1660). Andrea Zucchi (1679–
1740) was one of Veronese’s chief engravers in the 18th century (see Ticozzi, 1977). The artist
for whom his example was crucial, however, was Giambattista Tiepolo. Tiepolo re-created
Veronese in a late Baroque mode: the clearly recognizable models are lightened, the palette is
whitened, figures become less dominant, clouds more so, the illusion more unified. The oeuvre is
parallel: altarpieces, ceiling decorations, frescoed villas and supper scenes. While Reynolds
deplored Veronese’s ‘decorative’ art, he considered that Tiepolo used it with understanding, high
originality and appropriately brilliant technique to provide the last great chapter of Venetian
painting.
In 1797 Napoleon’s agents took some of Veronese’s finest works to Paris. The presence in the
Louvre of major works of the highest quality by Paolo is important in the history of French art.
Delacroix’s journals and correspondence include repeated musings on Veronese, and in a letter of
1859, he observed, ‘There is a man who makes simple that which we are always being told is
impossible—Paul Veronese. In my view he is probably the only one to have grasped the secrets
of Nature’ (A. Joubin, ed.: Correspondance générale d’Eugène Delacroix, Paris, 1936–8, iv, p.
94). Not surprisingly, John Rewald’s History of Impressionism (New York, 1961, pp. 76 and 462)
records Henri Fantin-Latour’s and Berthe Morisot’s copying of Veronese in the Louvre and
Auguste Renoir’s admiration of his work in Venice.
UNPUBLISHED SOURCES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
DIANA GISOLFI
UNPUBLISHED SOURCES
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(1926), pp. 213–42
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(1928), pp. 1–10
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sua singolare vicenda (Verona, 1953)
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123–51
U. Moussalli: ‘Le Processus d’élaboration et de création dans les grands ateliers vénitiens du
XVIIème siècle, notamment chez Véronèse’, Venezia e l’Europa: Atti del XVIII Congresso
internazionale di storia dell’arte: Venezia, 1955, pp. 285–8
E. Tea: ‘Paolo Veronese e il teatro’, Venezia e l’Europa: Atti del XVIII Congresso internazionale
di storia dell’arte: Venezia, 1955, pp. 262–4
S. Béguin: ‘La Fille de Jaire de Véronèse au Musée du Louvre’, Rev. des A., vii (1957), pp. 165–9
R. Brenzoni: ‘Architetti e scultori dei laghi lombardi a Verona’, Arte e artisti dei laghi lombardi,
ed. E. Arslan, 2 vols (Como, 1959–64), i, pp. 89–130
A. M. Brizio: ‘La pittura di Paolo Veronese in rapporto con l’opera del Sanmicheli e del
Palladio’, Boll. Cent. Int. Stud. Archit. Andrea Palladio, ii (1960), pp. 19–25
C. Gould: ‘An Early Dated Veronese and Veronese’s Early Work’, Burl. Mag., cii (1960), p. 489
[letter]
M. Levey: ‘An Early Dated Veronese and Veronese’s Early Work’, Burl. Mag., cii (1960), pp.
107–11; see also C. Gould, ibid., p. 489
P. Ojetti and others: Palladio, Vittoria e Veronese a Maser (Milan, 1960)
P. Fehl: ‘Veronese and the Inquisition: A Study of the Subject Matter of the So-called Feast in
the House of Levi’, Gaz. B.-A., 6th ser., lviii (1961), pp. 325–54
T. Pignatti: Le pitture di Paolo Veronese nella chiesa di San Sebastiano in Venezia (Milan, 1966)
J. Plesters: ‘Ultramarine Blue, Natural and Artificial’, Stud. Conserv., xi (1966), pp. 62–91
D. Rosand: ‘An Early Chiaroscuro Drawing by P. Veronese’, Burl. Mag., cviii (1966), pp. 421–2
L. Crosato Larcher: ‘Per Carletto Caliari’, A. Ven., xxi (1967), pp. 108–24
A. Caiani: ‘Un palazzo veronese a Murano: Note e aggiunte’, A. Ven., xxii (1968), pp. 47–59
L. Magagnato: ‘I collaboratori veronesei di Andrea Palladio’, Boll. Cent. Int. Stud. Archit. Andrea
Palladio, x (1968), pp. 170–87
K. Oberhuber: ‘Hieronymus Cock, Battista Pittoni und Paolo Veronese in Villa Maser’,
Munuscula Discipulorum: Kunsthistorische Studien Hans Kauffmann zum 70. Geburtstag (Berlin,
1968), pp. 207–25
——: ‘Gli affreschi di Paolo Veronese nella Villa Barbaro’, Boll. Cent. Int. Stud. Archit. Andrea
Palladio, x (1968), pp. 188–202
J. Schulz: ‘Le fonti di Paolo Veronese come decoratore’, Boll. Cent. Int. Stud. Archit. Andrea
Palladio, x (1968), pp. 241–54
L. Crosato Larcher: ‘Note su Benedetto Caliari’, A. Ven., xxiii (1969), pp. 115–30
N. Ivanoff: ‘La tematica degli affreschi di Maser’, A. Ven., xxxiv (1970), pp. 210–13
M. Kahr: ‘The Meaning of Veronese’s Paintings in the Church of San Sebastiano in Venice’, J.
Warb. & Court. Inst., xxxiii (1970), pp. 235–47
C. de Tolnay: ‘Il Paradiso del Tintoretto, note sull’interpretazione della tela in Palazzo Ducale’,
A. Ven., xxiv (1970), pp. 103–10
A. Ballarin: ‘Considerazioni su una mostra di disegni veronesi del “500”’, A. Ven., xxv (1971),
pp. 92–118
R. Cocke: ‘An Early Drawing by Paolo Veronese’, Burl. Mag., cxiii (1971), pp. 726–33
G. Schweikhart: ‘Paolo Veronese in der Villa Soranza’, Mitt. Ksthist. Inst. Florenz, xv (1971), pp.
187–206
R. Cocke: ‘A Preparatory Drawing for the “Triumph of Mordecai” in S Sebastiano Venice’, Burl.
Mag., cxiv (1972), pp. 322–5
——: ‘Veronese and Daniele Barbaro: The Decoration of Villa Maser’, J. Warb. & Court. Inst.,
xxxv (1972), pp. 226–46
D. Rosand: ‘Theatre and Structure in the Art of Paolo Veronese’, A. Bull., lv (1973), pp. 217–39;
rev. in Painting in Cinquecento Venice (New Haven, 1982), pp. 145–81
G. Sancassani: ‘Un autografo di Paolo Veronese per la cena in casa di Simone fariseo’, Atti &
Mem. Accad. Verona, xxv (1973–4), p. 85
M. Monteverdi: ‘Ipotesi su un modello di Paolo Veronese’, Crit. A., xx/138 (1974), pp. 33–8
P. Ticozzi: ‘Le incisioni da opere del Veronese nel Museo Correr’, Boll. Mus. Civ. Ven., xx
(1975), pp. 6–62, figs 1–180
D. Gisolfi Pechukas: The Youth of Veronese (diss., U. Chicago, 1976)
W. R. Rearick: Tiziano e il disegno veneziano del suo tempo (Florence, 1976), pp. 157–62
R. Cocke: ‘Three Fragments from the Villa Soranza’, Mitt. Ksthist. Inst. Florenz, xxi (1977), pp.
211–18
L. Crosato Larcher: ‘Nuovi contributi per la decorazione della Soranza’, A. Ven., xxxi (1977), pp.
72–9
R. Smith: ‘A Matter of Choice: Veronese, Palladio and Barbaro’, A. Ven., xxxi (1977), pp. 60–62
J. Mills and R. White: ‘Organic Analysis in the Arts: Some Further Paint Medium Analyses’,
N.G. Tech. Bull., ii (1978), pp. 71–6
J. Thornton: Renaissance Color Theory and Some Paintings by Veronese (diss., U. Pittsburgh,
1979)
R. Cocke: ‘The Development of Veronese’s Critical Reputation’, A. Ven., xxxiv (1980), pp. 96–
111
J. Schulz: ‘Tintoretto and the First Competition for the Ducal Palace Paradise’, A. Ven., xxxiv
(1980), pp. 112–26
P. Fehl: ‘Veronese’s Decorum: Notes on the Marriage at Cana’, Art, the Ape of Nature: Studies
in Honor of H. W. Janson (New York, 1981)
J. Mills and R. White: ‘Analyses of Paint Media’, N.G. Tech. Bull., v (1981), pp. 66–8
S. Romano: ‘I paesaggi di Paolo Veronese in Palazzo Trevisan’, A. Ven., xxxv (1981), pp. 150–51
L. Crosato Larcher: ‘Considerazioni sul programma iconografico di Maser’, Mitt. Ksthist. Inst.
Florenz, xxvi/1 (1982), pp. 211–56
D. Gisolfi Pechukas: ‘Two Oil Sketches and the Youth of Veronese’, A. Bull., lxiv (1982), pp.
388–413
R. Bacou: ‘Ten Unpublished Drawings by Veronese Recently Acquired by the Cabinet des
Dessins du Louvre’, Master Drgs, xxi (1983), pp. 255–62, pls 1–10
L. Lazzarini: ‘Il colore nei pittori veneziani tra il 1480 e il 1580’, Boll. A. (1983), suppl., pp. 135–
44
J. Mills and R. White: ‘Analyses of Paint Media’, N.G. Tech. Bull., vi (1983), pp. 65–7
S. Romano: ‘Gli affreschi di Paolo Veronese’, Boll. A. (1983), suppl., pp. 119–32
P. Fehl and M. Perry: ‘Painting and the Inquisition at Venice: Three Forgotten Files’,
Interpretazioni veneziane: Studi di storia dell’arte in onore di Michelangelo Muraro (Venice,
1984)
L. Lazzarini and G. Nepi Sciré: ‘Il restauro del Convito in Casa di Levi di Paolo Veronese’,
Quad. Sopr. Beni A. & Stor. Venezia, xi (1984) [whole issue]
T. Pignatti: ‘Una nuova Pietà di Paolo Veronese’, A. Ven., xxxviii (1984), pp. 146–8
S. Sinding-Larsen: ‘The Paradise Controversy: A Note on Argumentation’, Interpretazione
veneziana, studio di storia dell’arte in onore di Michelangelo Muraro, ed. D. Rosand (Venice,
1984)
I. Jackson Reist: ‘Divine Love and Veronese’s Frescoes at the Villa Barbaro’, A. Bull., lxvi
(1985), pp. 614–35
D. Gisolfi Pechukas: ‘Veronese and his Collaborators at La Soranza’, Artibus & Hist., xv (1987),
pp. 67–108
D. Lewis: ‘Classical Texts and Mystical Meanings: Daniele Barbaro’s Program for the Villa
Maser’, Festschrift für Erik Forssman zum 70. Geburtstag (Hildesheim, 1987), pp. 289–307,
531–4
D. Gisolfi Pechukas: ‘Paolo Veronese e i suoi primi collaboratori’, Nuovi studi su Paolo
Veronese: Convegno internazionale di studi: Venezia, 1988, ed. M. Gemin (Venice, 1990), pp.
25–35
S. Sinding-Larsen: ‘Paolo Veronese tra rituale e narrativo: Note a proposito di un disegno per il
Palazzo Ducale’, Nuovi studi su Paolo Veronese: Convegno internazionale di studi: Venezia,
1988, ed. M. Gemin (Venice, 1990), pp. 36–41
D. Gisolfi: ‘“L’anno veronesiano” and Some Questions about Early Veronese and his Circle’, A.
Ven., xliii (1989–90), pp. 30–42
T. E. Cooper: ‘Un modo per ‘La Riforma Cattolica’?: La scelta di Paolo Veronese per il refettorio
di San Giorgio Maggiore’, Crisi rinnovamento nell’autunno del Rinascimento a Venezia, ed. V.
Branca and C. Ossola (Florence, 1991), pp. 271–92
A. Augusti Ruggeri and S. Savini Branca: Chiesa di San Sebastiano: Arte e devozione (Venice,
1994)
R. Cocke: ‘Civic Identity and the Venetian Art Market: Jacopo Bassano and Paolo Veronese’,
New Interpretations of Venetian Renaissance Painting, ed. F. Ames-Lewis (London, 1994), pp.
91–7
L.. Gnocchi: Paolo Veronese fra artisti e letterati (Florence, 1994)
P. Humfrey: ‘Some Thoughts on Writing a History of Venetian Altarpieces’, New Interpretations
of Venetian Renaissance Painting, ed. F. Ames-Lewis (London, 1994), pp. 9–16
D. Gisolfi: ‘A New Early Veronese in Tokyo’, Burl. Mag. (Nov 1995), pp. 742–6
N. Penny and M. Spring: ‘Veronese’s Paintings in the National Gallery: Technique and Materials:
pt. I’, N.G. Tech. Bull., xvi (1995), pp. 4–29
R. Wollheim: ‘The Shape of the Story’, Mod. Painters, viii/3 (1995), pp. 56–9
J. Habert: Véronése: Une Dame vénitienne dite la Belle Nani (Paris, 1996)
N. Penny, M. Spring and A. Roy: ‘Veronese’s Paintings in the National Gallery: Technique and
Materials: pt. II’, N.G. Tech. Bull., xvii (1996), pp. 32–55
D. Gisolfi:‘The School of Verona in American Collections’, Artibus & Hist., xxxiv (1996), pp.
177–91
W. R. Rearick: ‘Cabinet of Wonders: Veronese’s Use of Drawing Paper’, On Paper, i (1997), pp.
2–3
D. Gisolfi and S. Sinding-Larsen: The Rule, the Bible, and the Council: The Library of the
Benedictine Abbey at Praglia (Seattle, 1998)