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The Power of Symbols in the Duce’s Cult: the Exhibition of the Fascist Revolution (1932)
Caterina Toschi
At the end of the twenties in Italy a civil alternative to the Catholic religion and its symbols
grew with the Fascism. It was based on a new perspective of the relationship between religion
and politics that conferred to the country a religious character, creating the condition of a
“religion of a nation”, of which the State was interpreter. The “fascist religion” created a context
of terror and fear, masked by a rethoric and a liturgy which repeated, in the language and in the
manners, the Christian ritual. This social phenomenon had two different phases: the first
related to the action squads’ logic (squadrismo), the second to the Duce’s cult. Fascism
educated the community to the cult of the country by means of precise forms of control of its
symbolic universe. It institutionalized a system of beliefs and values regulated and directed to
the cult of the Lictor, a symbol of the Italian fascist rebirth and declared State emblem. This was
explained by the reflection of Aby Warburg about the fate of classical symbols at the beginning
of the twentieth century, on the occasion of an exhibition of stamps which he set up in Summer
1927. The axe of the Lictor was actually the instrument of execution, the death of his subjects;
proposing it to Italians, in every context public and private, Fascism aroused in them an
emotional dualism of attraction and repulsion. Italians unconsciously perceived as attractive,
but at the same time frightening – in a mixture of respectful distance and religious terror –,
fascist emblems, such as Roman eagles and fasces. The presentation will focus on the Exhibition
of the Fascist Revolution (Palazzo delle Esposizioni, Rome, 1932) inaugurated by Mussolini for
the tenth anniversary of the March on Rome: the most impressive plastic and figurative
synthesis of the mytical and symbolic universe of Fascism produced by a dictatorship.
Fascism
Civil Religion
Dictatorship
Cult
Rethoric
Liturgy
Symbols
Masses
Lictor
Exhibition
In Summer 1927 Aby Warburg set up an exhibition of stamps where he tried to demonstrate
how classical symbols could be used as a political instrument of consensus. On this occasion he
exhibited two stamps, one English and one Fascist, which represented two symbolical images
of power derived from the classical antiquity. The stamp of Barbados depicted the King of
England on a chariot pulled by sea monsters, in imitation of Charles II seal, but above all of the
iconography of Neptune on his triumphal chariot. The Fascist stamp instead represented its
emblem: the Roman fasces combined with the Lictor’s axe. Two images derived from the
The Power of Symbols in the Cult of the Duce: the Exhibition of the Fascist Revolution
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classical heritage, but – as Warburg explains – radically reinterpreted in a different way: in the
first case, «the symbol does not want to be real: it is shown in grisaille» respecting the
metaphor contained in its message that compares the king’s power to that of Neptune, without
really identify them. In the second, «fasces with the axe have classical origins, but Mussolini’s
stamp is not nearly a metaphorical symbol – the axe is real and a real threat».i
Fascism exploited symbols' intrinsic polarity with the specific aim to revive in the
audience what Warburg defines a “Mythopoietic” mentality, a primitive mentality, incapable of
distinguishing the symbol from its meaning, and of understanding the metaphor. The Lictor’s
axe in Rome was actually the instrument of execution, of death sentence issued by magistrates
ad imperium, such as consuls or praetors. Proposing this symbol to Italian people everywhere,
in every context public and private, Fascism aroused in them an emotional dualism of
attraction and repulsion. Italians unconsciously perceived as attractive, but at the same time
frightening – in a mixture of respectful distance and religious terror – fascist emblems, such as
Roman eagles and fasces.
Primitive thought is unconsciously guided by the laws of personification and
identification, it is unable to read in images, and then in symbols, their inanimate nature.
Warburg defines the phenomenon a «projective and empathetic» symbolism, which induces
“simple minds” to project instinctively life in images. Masses believe unconsciously to their real
nature, and therefore not to their metaphorical character. For the German scholar Fascism i.e.
did not respect «the ethical aspect of a “metaphorical distance”». ii Symbols and emblems, such
as Roman eagles and fasces, that covered urban and rural landscapes with Duce’s lapidary
sentences, were based exactly on the same mechanism.
Mussolini indeed had fully understood the three paradigms – theorized by Gustave Le
Bon at the end of 19th century– to evoke by symbols «impressive images through rudimentary
associations of ideas».iii For Le Bon, in a collective mass reality – dominated by the logic of
“contagion” between individuals – an idea acquires greater incisiveness if synthetic:
«Assertions more are concise, devoid of evidences and demonstrations, greater is their
authority. Sacred texts and codes of all ages have always proceeded by assertions». Assertions
continuously repeated, the most possible, and always in the same terms: «Napoleon used to say
that there is only a serious figure of speech: the repetition». iv Fascism started from the
conviction that in a mass society the sentiment was predominant, not the reason. It chose to
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incite people formalizing their desires in myths embodied in symbols, to rouse public opinion
provoking in them emotions and enthusiasm.
Mussolini created a cult around his figure, founding a sort of civil religion masked by a
rethoric and a liturgy that repeated, in its manners and languages, the Christian ritual. All
religions – Gentile explains quoting Durkheim– are «a social phenomenon which originates
from a state of collective enthusiasm and is founded on a system of obligatory beliefs and
external practices, obligatory too, relating to their cult, which confer a sacred nature on
symbols that represent the object of the belief». v
The role of the “sacred” in power forms was the subject of Roger Caillois’ analysis read
by Bataille on February 19, 1938 at the Collège de Sociologie in Paris. Here he describes the
different systems of power succeeded in human history, and concludes that the historical
model more effective in a domain logic is that characterized by «the institutional union of a
sacred force with a military power in a single person who uses them for his own personal
benefit». He cites the Italian political situation, where «a Caesar was sentenced to become a
God», whose symbol, the Lictor, had defeated that of Christianity with a consequent
metamorphosis of citizens in believers. While the crucifix was the symbol of an ethic of sin, but
also of redemption, the fasces did not accept the compromise: Fascism raised «against the
threat of crime the threat of the executioner's axe».vi
This perspective implied a cultural policy that during the thirties increasingly favoured
the ancient epic tradition in terms of style as well as contents. All the artistic production
inspired to Roman world identified the Imperial Rome with Mussolini’s Rome, taking advantage
of a repertoire of historical and mythological formulas congenial to “manufacturing consent”.
Since masses – as Freud explains – are «fundamentally conservative, they have a deep loathing
for all news and progress, and an unlimited respect for tradition». vii The most significant
expression of fascist loyalty to the Imperial Rome was the diffusion of the Roman architectural
language, largely used in the Foro Mussolini, in the University City, in new urban centres as
Latina, and in the 1942 Universal Roman Exposition’s projects. It seems that Mussolini himself
had contributed to sketch the Victory monument erected in Bolzano by Piacentini: a triumphal
arc consisting of fourteen columns fasces-shaped with the axe in place of the capital.
On October 28, 1932 for the tenth anniversary of the March on Rome, Mussolini
inaugurated the Exhibition of the Fascist Revolution at the Palazzo delle Esposizioni.viii In
February 1928 the Fascist Institute of Culture in Milan and its president, Edoardo Dino Alfieri,
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had proposed an exhibition at the Castello Sforzesco to celebrate the tenth anniversary of Fasci
of Combat’s constitution. This exhibition project should have deepened five historical moments
entitled: Neutrality and Intervention, the War, the Origins of Fascism, the March on Rome, the
Rebirth of Italy.ix However, it was decided to abandon this project, by moving the exhibition
from Milan to Rome, focusing it not on the origins of Fascism but on the March on Rome, and
so on the central role of Mussolini. The exhibition was then officially announced on April 30,
1932; Dino Alfieri was commissioned to form the organising committee and Luigi Freddi,
Alessandro Melchiori and Cipriano Efisio Oppo were called to collaborate. The leadership of arts
was entrusted to Oppo, supported by the young architects Mario De Renzi and Adalberto
Libera (authors of the renovation of the Palazzo delle Esposizioni’s façade), by Pagano, the
rationalist Terragni, the futurist Valente, as well as by a copious group of painters, including
Sironi, Funi, Prampolini, Dottori, and the Roman school (Esodo and Pratelli).
The exhibition was supposed to stay open from October 1932 to April 1933, but, due to
the large number of visitors, the closing date was extended to October 28, 1934. Dino Alfieri
and Luigi Freddi looked after the catalogue, whose beginning explained the show’s aim: «It
addresses fantasy, excites the imagination, awakes the spirit. Visitors will be conquered and
captivated into their soul. So we have faith that the educational aim of the Exhibition of the
Fascist Revolution is happily reached».x The purpose was to propose an epic and mythical
transfiguration of Fascism as educational tool for the Italian people that Mussolini likened to «a
mass of valuable mineral. You have to melt it, clean it from the dross, you have to knead it». xi
The exhibition’s aim was to give aesthetic legitimacy to fascist opera – its historical and
political reality had to be sublimated in an expositive dimension – communicating that sense of
inaccessibility and “uniqueness of a distance”, described by Benjamin for cult images, which
rose in visitors who were unwittingly turned into believers. In January 1933 Margherita
Sarfatti wrote an article in which she compared the exhibition to a sacred place, a «laic and
ephemeral cathedral», not «a collection of historical materials, but history in action, through its
mythical and even true transformation in symbol and allegory». xii
It was also promoted a policy of discounts and incentives: the entrance was only about 2
lire, which included a 70% reduction on the train’s ticket cost, as well as the 30% or 50% on
the price of navigation. The exhibition was actually compared to a ritual place and the path to
get there likened to a pilgrimage, in parallel to that organized for the special Jubilee,
announced on April 2, 1933 for the nineteenth centenary of the death of Christ.
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The audience, which was estimated about 4 millions, could visit a veritable temple
dedicated to the cult of the Lictor: «A cathedral where the walls talk. For the first time in
modern times, it brings a fact of contemporary history in the ardent climate of religious
statements and events».xiii The expression “the walls spoke” was metaphorical only in part,
since numerous walls of the Palazzo delle Esposizioni were transformed in frame for one of the
most powerful medium of the time: the photomontage. The purpose, in the use of this medium,
was political, but not in a Dadaist or Constructivist sense, it was directed towards Mussolini’s
consent policy and propaganda.
The huge photomontage built by El Lissitzky in the Soviet Pavilion for the International
Press Exhibition (Köln, 1928) was evoked by Italian photomontages, developing its character
more representative: the monumentality. On a monumental scale, the technique lost its critique
incisiveness to charm and seduce the audience. The project was realised by different artistic
groups and movements, such as Novecento (Funi e Sironi), Futurism (Prampolini and Dottori),
Rationalism (Libera and Terragni) etc., which subordinated their creative freedom to
Mussolini’s propaganda. Art had undergone a transformation – and Benjamin describes this
historical passage very well –, it gradually became an instrument of consensus in a context of
mass exposure.
The exhibition’s aim was to show documentary materials not subordinating the
architectural container to its content, but creating a dialogue between historical data and
exhibition’s space that «could complete and enlarge them, transforming the fixity of documents
in a vital and emotional suggestion which acts on the visitor’s mind». xiv
The “cruel reality” of the 3127 photos applied on the walls – grouped by the Istituto
Luce – was combined with several other choreographic elements: such as steel, glass and
copper details or lights and colours, which conferred a strong visual impact to the exhibition.
There was a common pattern in the rooms set-up, which divided walls in three parts: on the
top, the theme chosen for each room was synthesized by enormous letterings, reliefs or
graphic motifs, whose size was directed to their communicative incisiveness. On the bottom
were placed some documentary cabinets containing letters, heirlooms and pennants.
Photomontages were then realised between this two extremes with an amazing formal
homogeneity beyond the presence of many artistic personalities. xv
The nineteenth-century and Umbertinian palace, on the main street, in few months was
transformed by Adalberto Libera and Mario De Renzi into a cube of thirty meters on each side:
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«Rome required a similar gesture of healthy violence», Alfieri commented. xvi Its symbolic
importance was underlined by the red colour chosen for the façade that represented the «Spirit
of Revolution in action» as background of Lictor’s symbols: «four fasces naked and ascending,
smooth and austere, stylized in a mechanical and metallic form, 25 meters high, fabricated in
copper sheet burnished and oxidized on a steel scaffold by Officine Savigliano». xvii
According to the pattern repeated also in the interior rooms, next to symbols there were
some letterings, which interpreted images and conveyed their message in a repeatedly and
synthetic way – as Le Bon had explained – thanks to the use of the infinitive tense that had on
the audience a most communicative impact. On either side of the façade’s headline, Libera and
De Renzi built two huge “X” (six meters high), made of sheet iron painted in red and white. The
entrance hall was dominated by a fifteen meters high arch, covered by sheet metal which gave
it a «metallic sense which creates harmonies, appropriate to our time, arousing a cold will and
a thoughtful passion».xviii
In addition to colours, symbols and signs there was a further element of signification:
the light, whose atmospheric character blended choreographically the environment in a circle
of “emotional power”, so intensifying the symbols’ resonance. Valente – inspired by Bragaglia –
hid some lamps screens among the props, starting from the five scarlet arches that guided to
the exhibition’s entrance from which «descended a light which seemed originated by an
invisible sky that framed the black backdrop dominated by a huge X consisting of three
tricolour elements».xix
Another protagonist of the exhibition was the Press, an immediate political tool for its
social impact, which simulated Mussolini’s voice thanks to the continuous quotations from his
journal, “Il Popolo d’Italia”, and to the headlines enlargements and newspaper articles that
towered above the photomontages.
The Shrine of Martyrs represented the exhibition’s pathetic cornerstone. It was
designed by Libera and Valente and symbolized «the Altar of sacrifice for hundreds and
hundreds of Blackshirts», the sancta sanctorum of the fascist revolution. In a circular crypt was
erected a blood-red pedestal dominated by a metal cross, «symbol of sacrifice and faith», on
which appeared the fascist ritual formula well known as the “appeal”. It symbolically seemed
that the “martyrs” would respond with the word Presente, illuminated by a blue light and
repeated all along the hall’s walls. Joseph Goebbels after his visit to the exhibition described the
installation:
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The funereal squads' cry of honour addresses the political secretary, when named on the coffin the comrade killed
in an ambush, repeating in the circular concavity of the dome: present, present, present. xx
The Exhibition of the Fascist Revolution represented the plastic and figurative synthesis
of the symbolic universe of Fascism summarised in the cult of Mussolini. During the thirties,
this social phenomenon instigated a mixture of fear and attraction in Italian people giving to
them a “sense of belonging” to something, in a society which was vulnerable in its basis since it
had achieved just sixty years before its national unity, and so a social identity. George Bataille in
March 1938, during a conference at the Collège de Sociologie in Paris, explained this point: «The
whole society establishes only feeble relationships between people. It does not give them
particular tasks or a raison d’être»; instead the established bodies typical of national militarism
propose, or impose, deep ties between men, disciplining and organizing them in a unique body
under a «sacred emblem», whose role is often played by a person who possesses them as a
soul.xxi
Notes
i E.
H. Gombrich, Aby Warburg. Una Biografia Intellettuale (London, 1970), "Le
Comete", Feltrinelli, Milan, 2003. Translated by the author.
ii Ivi.
iii G. Le Bon, Psicologia delle Folle (1895), Tea, Milan, 2004, p. 153. Translated by the
author.
iv Ivi, p.159.
v E. Gentile, Il Culto del Littorio. La Sacralizzazione della Politica nell’Italia Fascista,
Laterza, Rome-Bari, 1993, p. 42. Translated by the author. Cfr. E. Durkheim, De la
definition des phénomènes religieux, “Année sociologique”, II, Paris 1899.
vi R. Caillois, Il Potere (The Power), conference read by Bataille in Paris on February
19, 1938, in Il Collegio di Sociologia 1937-1939, D. Hollier (curated by), Bollati
Boringhieri, Turin, pp. 164-168. Translated by the author.
vii S. Freud, Psicologia delle Masse e Analisi dell'Io (1921), in idem, Opere, Bollati
Boringhieri, Turin, 1989, vol. IX, pp. 261-330. Translated by the author.
viii At the Palazzo delle Esposizioni had been already set up, in addition to the 1931
Quadriennal, the exhibition for the fifties anniversary of Garibaldi’s death in January
1932.
ix The Acts relating to this first project are in ACS, PNF, Direttorio, Ser.amm,, b. 274,
"Mostra del Fascismo"; ibidem, Prima Bozza del Piano Generale per la Mostra del
Fascismo, Istituto fascista di cultura, Milan (1928); in Partito Nazionale Fascista.
Mostra della Rivoluzione Fascista, G. Fioravanti (curated by), Archivio di Stato, Rome,
pp. 16-17.
x Mostra della Rivoluzione Fascista, D. Alfieri e L. Freddi (curated by), catalogue of the
exhibition, Rome, Palazzo delle Esposizioni, 1933, anastatic fac-simile, IGIS, Milan,
1982, p. 9. Translated by the author.
xi Ivi, p. 13.
xii M. Sarfatti, Architettura, Arte e Simbolo alla Mostra del Fascismo, "Architettura",
January 1933. Translated by the author.
xiii Ivi.
xiv Mostra della Rivoluzione Fascista, quot., p. 72.
xv We have only one name of Istituto Luce’s photographers: Armando Bruni.
xvi Mostra della Rivoluzione Fascista, quot., p. 65.
xvii Ivi, p. 67.
xviii Ivi, p. 71.
xix Ibidem.
xx P. J. Goebbels, Der Faschismus und seine praktischen Ergebnisse, in J.T. Schnapp,
Anno X. La mostra della Rivoluzione fascista del 1932, Istituti Editoriali e Poligrafici
Internazionali, Pise-Rome, 2003, p. 121. Translated by the author.
xxi G. Bataille, Struttura e Funzione dell’Esercito (Structure and Function of the Army),
conference read in Paris on March 5, 1938, in Il collegio di sociologia 1937-1939,
quot., pp. 172-175. Translated by the author.
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Maria Grazia Messina, Per una Nuova Lettura del Primitivismo di Sironi, “Ricerche di
Storia dell'Arte”, 1995, 57, pp. 84-94.
Metropolis. La Città nell'Immaginario delle Avanguardie 1910-1920, catalogue of the
exhibition, Maria Grazia Messina e Maria M. Lamberti (curated by), Turin, Galleria
d'Arte Moderna e Contemporanea, 2006.
Mostra della Rivoluzione Fascista, Dino Alfieri e Luigi Freddi (curated by), catalogue of
the exhibition, Palazzo delle Esposizioni, Rome, 1933, IGIS, Milano, 1982.
Anty Pansera, Storia e cronaca della Triennale, Longanesi, Milan, 1978.
Partito Nazionale Fascista, Mostra della Rivoluzione Fascista, Gigliola Fioravanti
(curated by), Archivio di Stato, Rome, 1990.
Jean-François Pelletier, “Art Action” et “Action Art” dans le Premier Futurisme Italien:
Henri Bergson, Friedrich Nietzsche et Georges Sorel comme Matrice Intellectuelle du
Mouvement, Québec, Univ. Laval, 2004.
Christine Poggi, Inventing Futurism. The Art and Politics of Artificial Optimism,
Princeton University Press, 2009.
Vladimir Poliakov, Le Manifeste Futuriste comme Forme Artistique, “Ligeia”, 21/24,
1997/1998, pp. 134-160
14
Elena Pontiggia, Carlo F. Carli, La Grande Quadriennale 1935. La Nuova Arte Italiana,
Electa, Milan, 2006.
Prima Mostra Internazionale d'Arte Sacra, Roma 1930, catalogue of the exhibition,
Rome, Palazzo Governatorale delle Esposizioni, November-December 1930, Edizioni
Enzo Pinci, Rome, 1930.
Prima Mostra Nazionale di Plastica Murale per l'Edilizia Fascista sotto gli Auspici di
S.E.Mussolini, catalogue of the exhibition, Genova, Palazzo Ducale, NovemberDecember 1934, Stile Futurista, Turin, 1934.
Prima Quadriennale d'Arte Nazionale sotto gli Auspici di S. E. il Capo del Governo,
catalogue of the exhibition, January-June 1931, Rome, Palazzo delle Esposizioni,
Edizioni Enzo Pinci, Rome, 1931.
Claudia Salaris, Artecrazia. L'Avanguardia Futurista negli Anni del Fascismo, La Nuova
Italia, Florence, 1992.
Jeffrey T. Schnapp, 18BL. Mussolini e l'Opera d'Arte di Massa, Garzanti, Cernusco (MI),
1996.
Idem, Anno X. La Mostra della Rivoluzione fascista del 1932, Istituti Editoriali e
Poligrafici Internazionali, Pise-Rome, 2003.
2a Mostra Nazionale di Plastica Murale per l'Edilizia Fascista in Italia e in Africa
organizzata dal Movimento Futurista, catalogue of the exhibition, Rome, Mercati
Traianei, October-November 1936, Edizioni Futuriste di “Poesia”, Rome, 1936.
Seconda Quadriennale d'Arte Nazionale sotto gli Auspici di S.E. Il Capo del Governo,
catalogue of the exhibition, February-July 1935, Rome, Palazzo delle Esposizioni,
Tumminelli & C. Editori, Rome-Milan, 1935.
Mario Sironi, Scritti editi e inediti, Ettore Camesasca (curated by), Feltrinelli, Milan,
1980.
Karel Teige, Arte e Ideologia 1922-1933, Einaudi, Turin, 1982.
Bernd Witte, Walter Benjamin (1985), translated by Petra Dal Santo, Lucarini Editore,
Rome, 1991.
Caterina Toschi is a Ph. D. student of the International Ph. D. School of the
Universities of Florence, Paris (Paris IV Sorbonne) and Bonn. Scholar in Residence at
the Getty Research Institute of Los Angeles in 2012. She is co-founder of the Cultural
15
Association Senzacornice and Editor at Senzacornice. Contemporary Art Magazine
Online www.senzacornice.org

Draft Conference - Inter

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