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34
RESERVATION
SEPTEMBER 2015 | FORWARD Press
HARIBHAU RATHOD
I
Getting Centre to
divide OBC quota
·Ô¤´ Îý ·¤ÚUð ¥ôÕèâè
·¤æ çßÖæÁ٠Ȥæ
THE PROPOSAL PUT FORWARD BY THE
NATIONAL COMMISSION FOR BACKWARD
CLASSES REGARDING BIFURCATION OF THE
CENTRE’S LIST OF OBCS IS A WELCOME
MOVE AND IN CONSONANCE WITH THE
PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL JUSTICE
ÚUæcÅþèØ çÂÀǸæ ß»ü ¥æØô» ·¤æ ¥ôÕèâè
·¤è ·Ô¤´ ÎýèØ âê¿è ·Ô¤ çßÖæÁÙ ·¤æ ÂýSÌæß
ÕãéÌ ãè âÚUæãÙèØ ãñ ¥õÚU âæ×æçÁ·¤
‹ØæØ ·Ô¤ çâhæ´Ìô´ ·Ô¤ ¥ÙéM¤Â ãñ
read Ashok Yadav’s cover story titled “OBC
Quota Division: States’ Job, Not Centre’s” in
the July 2015 issue of FORWARD PRESS, in
which he argues that the problem of disproportionate representation in the seats of
power cannot be solved by dividing the central OBC list and that, instead, this should be
done at the level of the states. He also said
that no purpose would be served if the Centre
draws up a separate list of EBCs but the states
do not do so. I disagree with his contentions.
I am of the view that the OBC list should be
bifurcated not only at the level of the states
but also at the central level.
It is believed that more than half (around
52 per cent) of the country’s population are
OBCs. In the present circumstances, bifurcation of the OBC category at the central as well
as state levels is not only necessary but
unavoidable. This becomes clear in the context of the reservation policy enunciated by
Babasaheb Ambedkar and the Constitutional
provisions for ensuring social justice.
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ȤæòÚUßÇüUU Âýðâ | çâÌ´ÕÚU 2015
The Preamble to the Constitution guarantees to all citizens
justice, whether it is social, economic or political; liberty; equality; and fraternity. Article 14 says, “The state shall not deny to any
person equality before the law or the equal protection of the
laws within the territory of India.” This means that “unequals”
cannot be treated equally. Measures are required to bring the
socially and educationally backward classes on a par with the
forward classes. Articles 16(4) and 15(4) of the Constitution
empowers the state to make special provisions for the advancement of socially and educationally backward classes, such as
reservations in jobs and in admission to educational institutions.
In 1955, the Government of India appointed the Kaka Kalelkar
Commission, in keeping with the provisions of Article 340 of the
Constitution. This Commission, in its report, included in the category of OBC, some castes which were worse off than the rest. These
were classified as denotified and nomadic castes. The Government
of India, however, rejected the report of the Commission.
In 1871, the British had promulgated a draconian law called
the Criminal Tribes Act to deal with the so-called criminal tribes
in the country. After Independence, in 1949, the Iyengar committee was constituted to study this law. On the basis of the report
of the committee, a bill was tabled in Parliament to repeal the
act. Participating in the debate on this bill, Shripal Singh, a
respected parliamentarian from Bihar, said that mere repealing
of the act wouldn’t suffice. He said we, as a country, would not be
doing justice to these communities till they were given reservations and educational facilities like those for the SCs and STs, as
well as a separate budgetary allocation.
Many of the states started implementing reservations for the
backward classes in appointments to government services as
well as in admissions to educational institutions before and
immediately after the Constitution came into force. The
Government of Maharashtra carved out a separate quota for
Denotified Tribes (DNT) in 1961 from the OBC quota. As the
reservations were not provided for such classes in the central
government services and educational institutions, the
Government of India appointed the Mandal commission under
Article 340 of the Constitution. The Mandal Commission recommended 27 per cent reservation for the socially and educationally backward classes in government services, apart from various
other recommendations such as educational concessions, financial assistance, structural changes, etc. The Mandal Commission,
while drafting the report, kept in view the Supreme Court’s pronouncement with regard to the maximum reservation allowed
for the socially and educationally backward classes under
Articles 15 (4) and 16 (4) and the sub-groups within the OBCs.
L.R. Naik, one of the members of the Commission, recorded a
note of dissent for the volumes VII onwards of the report. He was
of the view that the state-wise list of Other Backward Classes
should be split into two parts – the intermediate backward classes and the depressed backward classes. But the majority of the
members did not accept L.R. Naik’s proposal.
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35
36
RESERVATION
SEPTEMBER 2015 | FORWARD Press
Naik said that because the better off among the backward
classes would not allow the rest of the Backwards to progress in
the future, the most backward and extremely backward castes
would have to unite and build their own leadership.
Now, if the OBC list is not divided at the state as well as at
the central levels, the EBCs and denotified, nomadic and
depressed backward classes will not be able to take advantage
of the 27 per cent reservation for OBCs. In the case of
Maharashtra, on the suggestion and recommendation of Tata
Institute of Social Sciences and the Planning Commission, the
state government, in 1961, split the OBC quota to provide
reservation to these classes. That has helped the denotified,
nomadic and extremely backward classes to take advantage of
the OBC reservation.
In its judgment on the case Indra Sawhney versus Union of
India, the Supreme Court, referring to the Mandal commission’s recommendation of providing 27 per cent reservation to
the OBCs, said, “There is no Constitutional bar to classification
of backward classes into more backward and backward classes
for the purposes of Article 16(4). The distinction should be on
the basis of degrees of social backwardness. In case of such
classification, however, it would be advisable – nay, necessary –
to ensure equitable distribution amongst the various backward
classes to avoid lumping so that one or two such classes do not
eat away the entire quota leaving the other backward classes
high and dry.”
Paragraph 802 of the judgment says there is nothing in the
Constitution or the laws to stop a state from dividing the backward classes into backward and more backward classes. The
judges add that that they are not saying that it ought to be done
but only that if it is done, it will be valid. They have explained
their stand using an illustration of two occupational groups,
goldsmiths and Vaddes (traditional stone cutters). If both of
them are included in one category, goldsmiths will take away all
the reserved posts, leaving none for Vaddes. Therefore, the state
may have to think of carving out a quota for the more backward
from the quota for the backward classes so that the benefits
intended for them don’t go to others who can do without them.
The Department of Social Justice in the Ministry of Social
Justice and Empowerment, in its national conference held on
25 April 2005 in New Delhi, had passed a resolution to split the
OBCs into Backward Classes and Most Backward Classes. The
observation made was that since there were no subgroups in
the central list of OBCs, there was a possibility of comparatively less backward castes/communities cornering benefits of
reservation and other facilities. Thus, in the long term, quotas
within the quota were necessary to bridge the gap between different, unequal groups among the backward classes. According
to the resolution, as and when the states and union territories
completed drawing up categories within their respective lists of
backward classes, measures could be taken for the categorization of the central lists of backward classes for each state.
d that if two horses
Dr Ambedkar had once sai
weak – are fed
– one strong and another
m, the strong one
from the same basket of gra
ck, leaving little
will gobble up the entire sto
at is exactly
for the weak one. This is wh
C quota
happening vis-à-vis the OB
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ȤæòÚUßÇüUU Âýðâ | çâÌ´ÕÚU 2015
In 2006, the Balkrishna Renke Commission was constituted
to make recommendations for the development of the nomadic
castes. This commission submitted its report to the
Government of India in 2008, in which it recommended that
that the denotified and nomadic castes should be given 10 per
cent reservation. But this recommendation could not be implemented as the government did not have any credible figures on
the population of these castes. Given this state of affairs, the
government’s decision to conduct a caste census has been a
good one.
In 2015, Dadasaheb Idate Commission was constituted. It
was given the task of drawing up a comprehensive list of all
Denotified Tribes of the country and make recommendations
for their development and growth. The commission has begun
its work but it will take at least two years to complete the report.
We want that the Commission to submit its interim report. We
have raised this issue before the National Commission for
Backward Classes. We also want the 27 per cent quota for the
OBCs to be divided and the EBCs to be given all the facilities
and concessions provided to the SCs and the STs.
We have been saying this for the last 20 years and a big
movement has been launched in the country on this issue. An
article of mine published in the FORWARD Press November
2011 issue titled “DNTs need bifurcation of OBC” had won wide
appreciation. Since the implementation of Mandal Commission
report in 1993, it has been found that the IAS, IPS and IFS officers recruited by the UPSC under the OBC quota mostly belong
to a handful of upper backward castes of select states.
That is why I am in sharp disagreement with Ashok Yadav
and I want to emphatically state that the proposal put forward
by the National Commission for Backward Classes regarding
bifurcation of the central list of OBCs is a welcome move and in
consonance with the principles of social justice. The proposal
encapsulates the basic premises of the reservation policy of
Chhatrapati Shahuju Maharaj and Dr Ambedkar. I believe that
the leaders of the better-off OBCs should not politicize this
issue. They should allow the deprived and the oppressed from
among the OBCs to grow and prosper. We should also try to
ensure that Karpoori Thakur’s formula is implemented not only
in Bihar but all over the country.
Dr Ambedkar had once said that if two horses – one strong
and another weak – are fed from the same basket of gram, the
strong one will gobble up the entire stock, leaving little for the
weak one. This is what is exactly happening vis-à-vis the OBC
quota.
When I was a member of Parliament, I had tabled a private
member’s bill in 2008, calling for the bifurcation of OBC quota
at the central and state levels, arguing that this was the
centre’s responsibility. If this is done, it will be biggest
step towards social justice in the current decade.
Former Congress MP Haribhau Rathod is the national president of Vimukt
Ghumantu Mahasangh and a member of the Maharashtra Legislative Council
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