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Antrocom Journal of Anthropology
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11-1
Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology vol. 11. n. 1 (2015) – ISSN 1973 – 2880
Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology vol. 11. n. 1 (2015) 3 – ISSN 1973 – 2880
Summary
The Allegory of History: Memory, Terror and Control by Maximiliano E. Kornstanje
Anthropological Reflections on the Interventions on Genitalia by Franco Viviani
5
19
Type 2 Diabetes, Hypertension and Nutritional Status among an Urban 41
Population of Southern Rajasthan by Pulakes Purkait, Prem C. Suthar, Mithun Sikdar Mauritius: Culture Crossings and its Consequences 49
by Sylvie Maurer
Cognition of Communication Examined through Mobile Phone 63
by Soma Bandyopadhyay
Indigenous Knowledge on Medicinal Plants and their Socio-economic Condition
of the Hakkipikki Tribal Population of Western Ghats Areas, Karnataka, India
77
by Guruprasad, S. L., N. Ningaiah, Mamatha S. L., Dr. Vijaylaxmi Aminbhavi Effect of Gendered Norms on Women’s Labor Force Participation in Northern
Rural Bangladesh 87
by Ripon Kumar Sarkar
Rang Taiba’s Stone: A Study of a Megalith In Maram Khullen, Manipur, India 97
by S. Chongloi and Q. Marak
Potbelly Sculptures as False Mortuary Bundles 105
by Arnaud F. Lambert
Ciocche e trecce: la donna tra i suoi nodi 113
by Nadia Berti
Il matrimonio lucano e il suo universo culturale: lo specchio di una
società che cambia125
by Michela Forgione
Compendio e riesame delle indagini di superficie di un nuovo insediamento
nella Puglia centroccidentale: Murgia e Grotta San Pellegrino (Laterza - Taranto)
153
by Vincenzo Stasolla
Antropologia ed Evoluzione Umana nel Museo Sardo di Antropologia ed
Etnografia Finalità didattico-educative by Marco Sarigu, Rosalba Floris, Giovanni Umberto Floris, Valeria Pusceddu
169
Reviews/Recensioni
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Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology vol. 11. n. 1 (2015) 5-18 – ISSN 1973 – 2880
The Allegory of History: Memory, Terror and Control
Maximiliano E. Korstanje
University of Palermo, Argentina & International Society for Philosophers, UK
keywords
abstract
human rights
torture
evilness
terrorism
The problem of terrorism after the attacks in American soil in September 2011 has changed the philosophical
grounds in ethics and human rights fields. The question of torture and human rights violation was placed on the
tapestry of the discussion. Is good or not by torturing terrorists?, are terrorist simple demons who want to destroy
America or fighters for freedom?. This essay review explores in detail the problem of evilness and how history covers
what next generation must remind. In view of that our thesis is that terrorism is not an external threat, but an
internal stage of mind, enrooted in western civilization. Ideologically, history serves to keep the boundaries about
what is wrong and good. We often love some cultural aspects as labor, tourism, mobilities and hate others such as
terrorism, violence and torture. Both are inextricably intertwined. Our desire stimulated by the marketing campaigns
and advertising alludes to the formation of discourse (history) to discipline threats into tolerable and desired
objects. Basically, what inside we call strike, beyond the boundaries receives the name of terrorist attack.
Terrorism is the organization of labor by other means.
Introduction
Over recent decades, to what an extent history represents a simple discourse issued by elites to
keep the control, or whether it associates to the empirical facts of past are two of the points we
discuss in this essay review. Following the legacy and contradictions of Michel Foucault, we examine
the role of history to rememorize traumatic events such as ethnic cleansing or genocides. The current
literature rests on a great fallacy. If the genocides are perpetrated by evil-doers or demons, instead of
humans, also we are unable to invoke history to vindicate the suffering. This happens simply because
evilness is a universal and philosophical connotation which cannot be operationalized. Additionally,
we place the concept of justice under the lens of scrutiny. By formulating that all humans have
human rights, we are alluding that these rights are universal. The state, originally designed to serve
as police for to honor these rights, is at a position of privilege respecting to the rest. This idea that
Michael Ignatieff calls, the idolatry of Human Rights, is conducive to create an “imperialist” view
of the world. Geoffrey Skoll is vital to understand how empires manipulate not only the allegory of
history, the meaning of genocide but also the terror to keep internally its workforce and externally the
other economies under submission. It is safe to say, this review goes beyond the paradigm of cultural
studies to embrace many philosophical viewpoints. As Harvey put it, in a mobile world where the
project of truth diluted forever, understanding events is an almost impossible task.
Capitalism and the mediated truth
Since the contributions of D. Harvey, our existent understanding of modernity has changed.
Please cite this article as: Korstanje M. E., The Allegory of History: Memory, Terror and Control. Antrocom J. of Anthropology 11-1 (2015)
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Korstanje M. E. / Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, vol. 11, n. 1 (2015) 5-18
Harvey suggests that the essence of postmodernism upsurged after the Arabs-Israel wars through 70s
decades, whenever the oil embargo pushed Western economies between the wall and blue sea. Since
the economic rules have been radically altered, markets were circumscribed to abandon the current
form of production, adapted from fordism. If the weberian analysis rested on the fact that capitalism
is based on control, burocracy and linear calculation, Harvey adds, new capitalism (postmodernism)
segmented the demands to offer unique and exclusive products to be consumed only under the line
of sign. As a result of oil-embargo that jeopardized the industrial economies many factories appealed
to create a new alternative to continue with their productions. The logic of creative construction was
centered on the cyclical needs of destroying for creating and so forth. At a first glance, this worked
fine because the western capitalist economies survived by means of specialized consumption but
this engenders a serious risk for social life. Effects of postmodernism not only accelerated the social
fragmentation, denounced by Weber a century ago, but also introduced in social sciences a moral
relativism that created ultimately a state of anarchy and chaos. This new epistemological resistance,
which envisaged in Enlightenment a type of Leviathan, experienced serious problems to understand
the social world (Harvey 2004).
This means that the postmodern logic set the pace to incorporating a bunch of images, texts,
and knowledge in an incoherent framework (kitsch) to be appropriated, understood and consumed
depending on subject needs. Since, the self becomes in the epicenter of knowledge and technology,
uncertainty and ambiguity mined the time. F. Jameson (1984), in this vein, considers that one of the
main problems of poscapitalism seems to be the predominance of instantaneity over other forms
of relations. Under this conjectural collage, M. Foucault wrote the truth is a result of the exercise of
violence and power. Any society there is multiple flowing senses of powers that circulate elsewhere,
to be orchestrated in a monopoly of discourse. Nonetheless, this discourse not only oppresses other
discourse but also silences other voices. Under the lemma, economy of truth, Foucault argues that
any discourse should be understood as a text, constructed according to previous cultural value, which
is structured in a specific form of economic production. Even, the science, deemed for long time
as an instrument to unveil the truth, is a result of a genealogy of history that is imposed by ruling
groups. The monopoly of nation-state persists by means of disciplinary mechanisms whose ends
particularly are aimed at modeling the subject minds. The violence is exerted over the bodies while
the mind is conditioned by the morality. As the previous argument given, law, state and history are
inextricably intertwined. Starting from the premise any truth seems to be, in foucaultian terms, an
arbitrary construal functional to power, Foucault is strongly convinced, the jurisprudence absorbs
the negative aftermaths of uncertainty, making the social life safer and further stable. The dialectics
between the truth and history is given by the mixture violence and legitimacy. The authority of
state corresponds with the needs of extorting the war outside beyond the frontiers of society. The
history, as a mere ritual, works to strengthen the discourse of ruling elites. The history, narrated,
constructed and transmitted seems to be always the voice of victors over vanquished whose actions
are determined by the Empire of law (Foucault, 2001).
Although, this hot debate still remains in the science of jurisprudence between formalists and
instrumentalists (Minda, 1995), the interpretation of law sometimes is considered irrespective of
morality. C. Sunstein emphasizes on the application of jurisprudence adjusted to the social contexts
where facts evolved. Without this, the law is nothing. While problems of daily life are resolved using
the individual reasoning, the justice must accumulate a capital to make adequate decisions according
to the cases to be resolved. As Foucault, Sunstein acknowledges that the function of justice is the
reduction of uncertainty by the application of law. If the hobbesian lecture is right, adds Rawls, the
justice should be understood as a consequence of social perspectives, and opportunities respecting
to social change (Sunstein 1994). If people are aware about their real possibilities, sentences would
Korstanje M. E. / Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, vol. 11, n. 1(2015) 5-18
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have been rejected. Based on the idea that the veil of ignorance is the only instrument by means
people accept the law, Rawls describes not only how individual interests affect the societal order, but
to what extent the sense of security is radically shifted whenever the reality is de-codified. Sunstein,
to this argument, would reply that democracy is feasible under the condition citizens deposits certain
trust on the system, accepting their burdens and obligations seen the partial nature of constitution
(Sunstein 1996).
Following this, the pervasive nature of law seems to be one of the problems more interesting in the
study of human rights. At some extent, the law is changed by who takes the power (rulers). Ethnicity
cleansing, genocides and other atrocities have perpetrated by the approval of the law. D. Dworking
(1996) to resolve this quandary convincingly explains that judges, under excuse of impartiality,
conforms net of powers that are part of ruling elites. Their interpretation of constitutions, always
broader and open to many views, is the weapon judges employ when their hegemony is at stake. Their
sentences and the moral order where those sentences rest, are not only partial and disputable, but also
biased. This discussion, anyway, does not invalidate the trials to persons guilty of genocide, but sheds
certain light of conjuncture factors that mould to what an extent a group or a person is or not judged,
as well as under what circumstances, the sentences is influenced by the social context. .
The revisionism of Holocaust
AAs one of most important scholars dedicated to themes of genocide in Argentina, in his recent
book Daniel Feierstein discusses critically, on the needs to construct a conceptual framework to
expand the current understanding of genocide, as well as explaining how it operates in context of
instability and uncertainty. He reminds that genocide was a neologism, coined by Lemkin, which has
been legalized by the United Nations through 1948 as a deliberate attempt of systematic destruction
in whole population because of ethnics, racial or religious characteristics. This conception makes
very difficult to be extrapolated to Latin American conjunctures. In its original draft, this project
acknowledges that “argentine genocide” does not correspond with the classic definition of ethnic
cleansing in view of the military-forces were moved by ideological goals. In his efforts to adjust the
concept of crime towards the jurisprudence of genocide, Feierstein should force to a new definition
beyond the boundaries of that which has been formulated by United Nation half century ago. Most
certainly, this work shows the importance to formulate a new definition of genocide to add political
violence as a criterion of obliteration. The declaration of UN in 1948, in fact, has not contemplated
that a reason of genocide may be very well the ideology of victims. For that, it is necessary not only to
reopen a hot-debate on the tactics and technique of Juntas to keep the order, but also the ways these
types of events are repressed or memorized (Feierstein 2014).
In the same vein, Deborah Lipstadt delved in the impacts of Holocaust on public opinion as well
its denial. There are a number of scholars and pseudo-intellectuals who exerted considerable pressure
to tergiversate the history of Second World War, or at least its effects. Although the historiography
often seeks for new proofs to revalidate the survivor experiences, holocaust deniers focus on a theory
of conspiracy, elaborated by Zionism, where Germans are symbolically presented as monsters. These
types of tactics are aimed at affecting the reputation of Germany in some way. Lipstadt is strongly
convinced not only holocaust deniers keep neo-Nazi beliefs, but also this biased view only may be
possible in a time of moral relativism. One of the aspects that characterize the life in late modernity
is the lack of certainty about intentions and facts. The reality and truth set the pace to the text
and interpretation. From this point of view, many neo-Nazis are still vindicating their ideology
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approaching to nihilism or neo-pragmatism. If the falsehood or truth depends on the way things are
considered by people, the main point of discussion lies on the right to publish or not to publish. As
a result of this, facts are transformed in convincing fakes.
“The vast majority of intellectuals in the Western world have not fallen prey to these falsehoods.
But some have succumbed in another fashion, supporting Holocaust denial in the name of free speech,
free inquiry, or intellectual freedom. An absolutist commitment to the liberal idea of dialogue may
cause its proponents to fail to recognize that there is a significant difference between reasoned dialogue
and anti-intellectual pseudo-scientific arguments” (Lipstadt 1993: 71).
Most certainly, Lipstadt’s account should be duly interpreted. She is not against the true revisionists
or historians who have the opportunity to situate the sacred-facts under the lens of scrutiny. Morally
speaking, Six million civilians killed are the same than 200 thousand. The Holocaust is very well a
human disaster simply because unarmed groups have systematically assassinated without a fair trial,
this was not only true, but also an undeniable fact. Truthfully, what come after the Germany defeat
was not better… but this is not enough to say Holocaust never existed. Secondly, problems with
holocaust deniers are not surely epistemological, because these studies are not aimed at discovering
the truth. Carefully fabricated to misunderstand or distortion to the public opinion. The needs of
hearing another side or another voice, which are always valuable aspects of science, unfortunately
pave the ways for the advent of pseudo-intellectuals. After all, as Lipstadt put it, people who have
no suffered or experienced the atrocities of Nazi´s camps, have some problems to understand or feel
how racism works. Here begs a more than interesting question, why generations that has not lived
Holocaust should be familiar with this event?, is history a continuum of cruelty where the dog eat
the dog?. It is unfortunate that Lipstadt did not witness the tragedies of 9/11 and the Israel’s
siege to Palestine folk. S. Zizek who was aware of this issue, re-questioned not only the role of Israel
in international politics, but also given some conditions how lambs becomes in wolves (Zizek 2009).
N. Guidotti-Hernandez (2011) argues that nation-states have historically played a pervasive
role in the conquest of otherness. The racialized violence exerted on minorities was accompanied
by an unspeakable violence which wrote the history. Nation states are formed under process of
differentiation and its economic re-organization of territory. Far away of being a site of frank
dialogue, stability and understanding, US-Mexico border shows a legacy of territorial disputes and
conflict. At the same time, nation-states administrate racism and sexism to control their citizens, who
under some circumstances may defy on the economic conditions that sustain the class hierarchy, a
much broader selective memory narrates some events over-exaggerating certain aspects of politics
but silencing others. Following this argument, it is important not to loose the sight that borders are
spaces of multi identities that needs from violence to exist; in so doing, multi-racial communities
enact violence each other to perpetuate their own cultural values and amnesia. She presents an
innovative thesis respecting to the role played by selected-memory in silencing violence, but also
contrasts sharply to the old belief that portrays Anglos and Chicano under the lens of master/slave
game. Under some conjuncture, the law is tergiversated to protect the interests of elite. This slippery
matter will be treated in next lines.
Debating the roots of Evilness
Undoubtedly, catastrophe, genocide and moral disaster are strong terms which throughout
XXth century waked up the humankind from its slumber. One might speculate that evilness can
be narrated by means of the survivor’s testimony but this seems not to be the only one. The social
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imaginary weaves different versions and discourses respecting to a certain event. In addition, it is
clear how our own moral cosmology leads us to fabricate judgements about the meaning of events
that are often enrooted in the political discourse of dominants. M. Pia Lara argues that evilness can
be described whenever the people come across with a point of convergence between their needs of
justice, psychological trauma and moral stance about what the tragedy means. Events as Auschwitz
or even the bloody dictatorships in Latin America are examples of that. Most certainly, the existent
understanding of genocides is possible due to critical filters that accommodate events into the view of
morality. To some extent, she coins a new term for referencing those damages suffered by survivors
of these disasters: moral damage. Like in Auschwitz, the sorrowful and pain of victims cannot be
narrated by words. For describing their torment, new words must be certainly coined. This exactly
what did Lemkin by Genocide (Gen = ethnicity and cide = cleaning) or Arendt when created the term
Totalitarianism. Both coined two neologisms by referring to events that have no reference or further
specification in the language before. As the previous argument given, the reflexive judgement helps
philosophers and lay-people not only to understand the impacts of events and avoid similar disasters
in future but also to reconstruct a moral history precisely of what Adorno called “nie wieder! – never
again”. Even though, one might accept how sadism and passion for cruelty are two much deeper
sentiments that predominate in human nature, the reflexive judgement replaces the debate in public
sphere to the extent of orchestrating necessary collective efforts to comprehend the spectrum of
evilness. No matter than time or culture, human beings are underpinned in the belief that they are
able to control the evilness and above all contingency but in practice this way of thinking not only
does not allow changing the future but also condition our moral criticism to avoid a similar disaster
at a latter day.
Lara´s argument points out that imagination permits witnesses to express whatever is indescribable
recurring to new linguistic terminologies that certainly creates their version of history. Therefore, the
good stories, legends and myths are good simply because they restore the human condition and their
inevitable propensity to evil. They describe under what conditions the mythical archetype determines
human behaviour. Whether, Arendt has already demonstrated how the banality of evilness (in the
case of Eichmann) sedates the moral consciousness even in scholars. It is important to denote that
this exactly was the troubling role played by Heidegger during the Regime of National-socialism in
Germany. The fact is that the exacerbation of instrumentality works as a mechanism to shape the
moral view of events is often present in authoritarian governments. The fearful nature of Nazi’s
atrocities suggests that not only they have been planned but also executed with downright impunity
and moral indifference about what the suffering of others meant.
Around the human suffering, totalitarian regimes need of a radicalization of politics for gaining
more legitimacy and authority. The tergiversation of ethic and moral values are accompanied with
a much broader assurance what before was unmoral it becomes in moral now. These policies are
politically aimed at dissuading viewers and audience their own practices are the correct. The moral
basis for the radical destruction of otherness needs of certain complicity to the extent of localizing
to a palpable enemy who can be targeted of all collective frustrations. The process of construction
of a foe can be created by means of the articulation of a false-conspiracy where the other is gradually
dehumanized. In this conjuncture, our language plays a pivotal role in re-elaborating new meaning
and terms to legitimate the totalitarian policies. This means no other thing that the process of
dehumanization corresponds with a compulsory need to label the otherness according to certain
negative stereotypes to the extent of being a hazard for common-well being. Moreover, it is important
not to loose the sight that the process of dehumanization is enrooted in the cultural background of
society. Potential victims are targeted as enemies of State simply because they have been excluded
from their right as corporal body. One might speculate that the human rights of Jews (regardless their
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profession) were surely violated once they were divested from their rights as German citizens. This
would never have been possible without the previous historical background in XVII and XVIIIth
centuries that paved the ways for a wider sentiment of anti-Semitism which has been expanded
previously throughout Europe. Under this tragic conjuncture, a point that immediately surfaces is
¿what should be the role of philosophy in this process?, ¿should we take a proactive stance before a
totalitarian regime?
In sharp contrast with S. Zizek, Pia Lara acknowledges that it is strongly necessary to enhance our
moral current understanding of disasters to construct an archetype whose guidelines can illuminate
people in darkness. The moral evolution is the only way to prevent calamities as Auschwitz, but it is
important to say here that there is an implicit danger when officials in quest of further legitimacy,
manipulate politically the spectrum of moral damage simply because these policies created a showcase and spectacle of disaster that paved the ways for the advent of new stronger one. Reminders of
what Auschwitz or Argentine’s dictatorship were should be once again re-placed under the lens of
scrutiny, quite aside of the monopoly of one-sided vision. A debate should be done accumulating
different views and perspectives of involved social actors. Otherwise, we run the risk to prepare
the conditions for the surfacing of a new dictatorship; the cynical dictatorship of human rights.
The critical philosophy should examine and discuss to what extent the victims do not become in
executioners; simply because boundaries among ones and others seem to be very tight.
Under this context, most likely the book of María Pia-Lara (2009) corresponds with an innovative
project that explores the profundity of trauma with the needs of revenge and the social-structures
that allowed a moral-disaster may certainly take room. This represents valuable efforts to connect the
criticism of Frankfurt schooling with the postmodern nihilism of S. Zizek and Neomarxian School,
a point underexplored in specialized literature that will start scholars talking in next year, above all in
Latin America where the wounds of past will take some time before they get over. This is perhaps
one of the problems in the argument of Pia-Lara. Whilst Zizek calls to hold of reacting before the
moral cynicism of late-capitalism, she is convinced that scholars should take a moral stance based
on criticism. To what an extent, such a stance may exert influence in other minds to legitimate other
dictatorship is a troubling issue unresolved in the Lara´s argument. In order for readers to understand
further about this matter, let me clarify the argument of Zizek respecting to how symbolic violence
can be downrightly exerted by capitalism.
Following this, Zizek recognizes that the modern propensity to exercise violence under the figure
of sovereignty is circumscribed to the manipulation bio-power and the principle of shortage which is
based on the notion of uncertainty and contingency. That way, concepts such as risk, hazards and fear
seems to be functional to the monopoly of power of elite. From the Eichmann’s trial in Jerusalem
to the postmodern terrorism, the bourgeois culture characterizes by an excess of instrumentalism
and rationalization and of course by the spectacle of victimization. For that reason, the symbolic
imposition of meaning constitutes as the primary form of violence West cynically exerts over the rest
of globe. Charity, sympathy and victimization play an important role in order for elite to maintain
their status-quo. The shocking for disasters, calamities and tragedies prevent people to understand the
real causes which ushered into a situation of such a nature (Zizek, 2009: 12). The horror of violence
rests on what cannot be said. In this vein, academician’s thesis become in ideological discourses not
necessarily for what they stress but for what they silenced. Ideology works as a dream, whereas the
surface remains credible, the core is false.
The notion of false-urgency seems to be coined in observance of the last natural and made-man
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disaster ranging from the current Haiti’s earthquake or Katrina’s hurricane in US. Whenever these
types of tragic events whipped to poorer sector of the society, people donated their own properties
in assistance of victims or survivors. It is not surprising to see a considerable volume of financial
assistance has been bestowed to peripheral countries in moment of human-emergency but far-away
of reversing the miserable conditions these countries stand, these types of campaigns reinforces the
financial dependence that potentiated the crippling aftermaths of disaster. Concerns of corporations
for well-being and charity are aimed at enhancing their own profits. Nowadays, by consuming certain
products, one may contribute to scramble with poverty in Africa or Latin America. 1
From this perspective, Zizek distinguishes two sorts of violences, objective and subjective. The
former refers to indoctrination exerted by the system by means of ideology, police and State whereas
the latter denotes the possibility to indentify and demonize to whom we consider the source of
violence. For Zizek, subjective and objective violence are inextricably intertwined. One of Zizek
upshots is that postmodernity is blurring the boundaries between victims and culprits. The same
Israel that has suffered the Nazi´s oppression is replicating now these techniques of tortures over
Palestine’s population. It can be hypothesized that fear cut the phenomenological world in two, we
and others. For one hand, we show certain propensity to perceive the outsider world as insecure and
dangerous while home can be seen as safe or a source of intimacy with others like me. This means
that authenticity only is feasible by means of the ongoing articulation of what is fearful in external
world. The figure of evilness reinforces the solidarity of people. When the hurricane Katrina visited
New Orleans thousand of people were relegated to live in stadiums or even in streets. This natural
disaster showed the darkest side of American inequalities on black and Latin American population.
Nevertheless, the Mass-Media emphasized on the lootings and resurgence, larceny, assassinations,
rapes and other episodes of violence after-disasters. Wasp’s racism reappeared on agenda in US
declaring the inferiority of blacks to live harmoniously in moment of emergencies. Whatever viewers
were experiencing would be a supposed explanation about the aggression inherited to blacks. In this
vein, admits Zizek, language amplifies the differences between self and others. Similar remarks can
be observed in France after thousand of migrants pushed to security minister leave his appointment.
There is a hermeneutic temptation to comprehend the meaning of disrupting events always under the
moral shape of our own ethnocentrism. It is not surprising to see who is involved as main-responsible
of the disaster intends to provide with a “pseudo-scientific” explanations to clarify the facts. Problems
such as natural disaster, terrorism or even virus outbreaks involve West civilization as a primary liable
and of course as a primary victim. The process of victimization eludes the responsibilities for the
situation. This of course has been an issue that Pia-Lara should think twice.
Hannah Arendt Legacy
As a continuance of Hanna Arendt’s legacy, in this book Judith Butler (2011) poses the question of
violence and war beyond the boundaries of politics, to invent a new theory of ethics. The connection
between visual and mobile cultures and the violence is exhaustively examined by Butler across this
short research. In order for scholars to re-consider their stance respecting to the victimization and
vulnerability, she considers that the instruments of war that causes suffering to human beings are
originally created to make this life safer. An assumption of this caliber opens the door to discuss the
paradox of hegemony where the frontiers between oppressed and oppressors are blurred. The warstate not only accelerates the vulnerability of human beings but also confers legitimacy to governors. In
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The discussion about evilness and moral responsibilities are not finished. Nihilist and ethicists have debated long
time on the conception of power respecting to ethic. The former considers that the stronger says what is wrong and good,
while the latter ones signals to a more universal (Kantian) view of ethics.
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view of this, Butler (2011) adds, we must accept that mass-media are monopolized by the sate to exert
visual control over the population. The information that is circulated throughout the society remains
associated to the discourse of politics, functional to ruling elite interests. Epistemologically speaking,
whenever we hear or watch news related to battles, a frame of stereotypes is adjusted. The sense of
reality, broadcasted by the media reports acts of war, but this information corresponds with a subtle
tactics of violence as well. Most certainly, in the late capitalism, violence is commoditized and sold as
a visual product to maintain entertained to audience, but at some extent, this runs a serious risk simply
because lay-people understanding is framed on a biased view of facts. That way, the mediated frames
not only exhibits the acts of violence, inherited in all wars, but also contributes to create a biased
interpretation of the events. Therefore, the image becomes uncontrollable because of the velocity
of reproduction that alters its contours. In perspective, the circulation of news determines the social
bonds to the extent to control the loyalties of consumers. It is important not to loose the sight that
many soldiers are recruited in the army forces to escape from the poverty or the situation they live.
In this vein, war allows the professionalization of pour citizens and expands their possibilities, which
are subject to the exploitation of senses in order for viewers to commit. As actors, soldiers play a role
in the theatralization of battlefields. During the state of emergencies, wars wake up, citizenry confers
their loyalty to the system and social protest is temporarily controlled, mitigated and reduced.
As the previous argument given, Butler acknowledges that the current preventive war-state evokes
the rights to limit the daily life of people. Although there are, in some conditions, collateral damages
in any conflict, western states are aimed at agreeing to typify legally a controlled quota of violence,
decoding and controlling the violence by means of law and international covenant of human rights.
The resources are mobilized to cause certain damage to enemies, with some care not to violating the
grounding human rights. However, all wars, to some extent, violate the human rights. Similarly, the
war-state facilitates further identification about what lives should be exterminated and what should be
protected. Unless otherwise resolved, it is clear how war produces deprivation in order for Empires
to index new local economies, convert their inhabitants in workers and recycle their local resources
to stimulate the consumption in largest metropolis. One of most interesting sections of this book
refers to the way the bodies, victims are manipulated by armies to coin an ethnocentric discourse.
The statistics about casualties depend on how the information is presented. This process moulds
emotionally the reaction of people. While civilians are often considered as innocents, terrorists
refer to soldiers. Underpinned in the proposition that some tactics of war consists in creating false
information based on manipulation of words, Butler explores how the sentiment of victimization
may be politically re-channeled to install a dictatorship. This means that human right proponents,
sometimes, may support a bloody totalitarianism; a theme which may be studied in the contemporary
Argentina. Whatever the case may be, the main thesis of this valuable research is that some leftist
scholars should take attention not to be employed as proponents of a new subtle racism. Whether a
stronger state exerts pressure against its ethnic minorities, as Muslims in USA, public opinion may react
against these strategies denouncing constitutional rights. To solve this potential short-circuits, States,
in the late modernity appeals to victimization. Efficient policies entail to cut the individual freedoms
of Muslims, portraying their rejection to gays, radical feminists and lesbians. Some sexual minorities
are, under these conditions, framed to fight against Muslim-Americans. Ethnocentrically, the national
purity is used as a form of strengthening its own boundaries. Activists and left-wing scholars ought to
re-consider the practical application of some philosophical concepts such as liberty, democracy, equal
opportunities, racism, ethnocentrism, and fear. Secondly, it is important to situate the demands of
minorities in pro of an egalitarian assimilation of migrants. One thing is to accept the cultural values
of hosting community, and another is multiculturalism. Following this argument, if migrants are
accepted by means of the sacrifice of their cultural values and customs, the reactionary nationalism
would be a fertile source for terrorism. Rather, politicians should implement policies of acceptation
13
of strangers more democratic and hospitable. Last but not least, Butler warns on the international
business corporations that today control the mass media plays a pivotal role in the preventive war to
Middle East and the policies of US worldwide. She accepts the access of information is based on the
process of communication, but the coverage of wars seems to be framed following specific interests
to maintain the power of status quo. Far away of being, terrorism a question of religious belief
or fundamentalist values, terrorists attacks are result of the local resentment against USA and its
arbitrary intervention in Middle East. To put this in bluntly, terrorism has a political nature oriented in
a territory. The sense of the word, that usually is done by the media plays a crucial role in how news
are interpreted, stereotyped and digested by the rest of population. Why some deaths are desirable
while others are denied?
This book contains a lot of philosophical points, which trigger a necessary hot-debate to understand
the social construes and their influence on the dialectics of national borders. This daunting masterwork represents a vivid work that describes the problems and phantoms of American society post
9/11. The World trade center’s attacks exhibited a cynic omnipotence that led US to violate the
international rights in Iraq invasion. As a result of this, the frontiers were closed, and the country
insulated to the advance of other cultural penetrations. Furthermore, she claims that conservative
scholars validate the torture as a form of collating valid information to deter potential attacks in US
soil. As a pretext, national or homeland safety has transformed the ways Americans connect with
otherness. The role of left and its resistance to the negative effects of war-state are of paramount
importance to forge a more egalitarian society, in doing so leftist movements should keep their
critical view about the existent national stereotypes, enrooted in American culture. What is important
to remind here, in this debate, seems to be the role of those minorities, as femininity, queers, and
homosexuals, who have certainly fought in past by their rights, are now utilized to administer the
precarization of other ethnicities. Nor Islam, neither Muslim culture are staunch enemies of feminist
movements, as mass-media widely portraits.
Although this piece represents a good effort to understand how ideology is capitalized by the media,
her main argument rests on a false assumption, respecting to freedom and democracy. Basically, the
sense of democracy that characterizes our politics differs substantially in comparison with Greece.
Some intellectuals consider erroneously that democracy is the cure for all illnesses. As originally used
by Greeks, democracy was a resource by means a free citizen may call the assembly if a law was unfair.
The legitimacy of kings or the slavery as a form of production was accepted in ancient Greece. They
realized that justice and total freedom were incompatible. The access for all engenders an unabated
state of chaos only. The precarization was a necessary condition of humankind that excluded
the slaves. This created a stronger liaison between the master and its disciple. With the advent of
modernity, rather, this cosmology not only was radically altered by mobilizing the human resources to
change their residency, but also precarized the conditions of labor to reduce the salaries of workers.
As a result of this, the system needed from an ideology to design the new world. Democracy and
psychological needs were key factors to determine the introduction of capital, as a mediator between
state, representants and citizens. As the previous argument, the ancient Democracy was transformed
in other thing. Anglo-democracy worked to replicate the capital by building a symbolic wall among
human beings. Today what Butler ignores is that Anglo-democracy not only appears to be part of the
problem, not the solution but is based on capital, republicanism and business corporations. If Greeks
were able to derogate the unfair laws, modern citizens are circumscribed to exercise their liberty on
elections. International corporations in combination with ruling elites may exert considerable pressure
for the Senate to legislate in its favor. This means that Anglo-democracy protects and intervenes in
moments where the private interests are at stake. Her criticism against capitalism and its way of
framing terrorism depends upon the existent forms of politics. Democracy has dead forever!
14
The problem of terrorism has been approached by countless scholars from different countries
and in different tongues. What would be more than interesting to discuss is how it leads democracy to
vulnerate the human rights, they were originally aimed at protecting. 9/11 and international terrorism
has changed the world in many senses. The liberal scholar, Michael Ignatieff, acknowledges the
difficulties to ask the world to honor the human rights, when US commit systematic violations to
individual rights. US as a primary power, has created an state of exception where the doctrine of
self-determination is posed as a warranty of democratic life against the allegations and claims of
other countries alluding to human right violations. As a new constitutional agency, self-determination
closes the hermeneutic circle between US and the rest of the world. Americans reserve the right
to govern themselves at their discretion, the point is that they never are accounted by the crimes
committed abroad. Like Feierstein, Ignatieff places the UN human right declaration under the lens
of scrutiny. With the end of grating the freedom of isolationist groups, the negotiation should be
situated under the lens of scrutiny of other democratic states. Most certainly, the discrepancy between
self-determination and human rights are resolved in view of three key factors, a) the deliberative
democracy, b) the struggle of all state against terrorism, c) the right of intervention of democratic
states to respect the liberties of minorities.
Ignatieff goes on to say overtly that
““So Human rights might best fortified in today’s World not by weakening of already overburdened
states but by their being strengthened wherever possible. State failure cannot be rectified by human
right activism on the part of NGO´s. What is required when state fail is altogether more ambitious;
regional powers brokering peace accords between factions, peacekeeping forces to ensure that truces
stick, multilateral assistance to build national institutions, like tax collection, police forces, courts, and
basic welfare services” (Ignatieff 2001: 35)
Nonetheless, the act of violating human rights is always a lesser evil, in a context of terror and
uncertainty, Ignatieff adds. Terrorism not only enables the logic of dictatorship but evokes the need
to establish the lesser evil for society. The unjust act of war is impossible to prevent, but only in
democracy that cruelty can be regulated. The self control of democratic institutions outweighs the
abuse of some others in moment of uncertainty. The liberty of people is undermined because the
state should predict when the next blow will take form. The atmosphere of fear leads society to
embrace dictatorial policies otherwise would be neglected. In view of that, he alludes to this as lesser
evil. The suspension of liberties seems to be a collateral damage in the fight against terrorism 2.
Ignatieff´s view not only the liberal position respecting to the preventive war and terrorism, but also
the conceptual pretext to legitimate the military intervention in other autonomous countries.
In the opposite pole, Geoffrey Skoll, professor emeritus from SUNY at Buffalo has explained
convincingly that the priorities of states is keeping the order and preserving the interests of status quo.
In times of stability, states rest its legitimacy in the market because it provides to citizenry a reason to
belong. The mass-consumption works in this stage as a mechanism of self-indoctrination. At the time
the conditions of exploitation changes to instable forms, and chaos surfaces, states monopolize the
use of violence to re-establish the lost order. It is hypothesized in Skoll´s view, the market functions
as a mediator between democracy, market and people. Terrorism should not be defined as an external
threat to West, as many studies emphasize on. Rather, terrorism is the organization of labor by other
means. Far way of being, ill-minded persons who like to obliterate our civilization, terrorists earned
2
Michael Ignatieff a liberal writer has known by his thesis of lesser evil. He justifies that violence regulated by
democracy is not a bad thing to struggle against terrorism.
15
Ph doctorates, and masters at the best western universities. The ways 9/11 was planned doubtless was
copied by a management guidebook. As James Piazza (2005) put it, it is common to think terrorism
is the staunch enemy of democracy, but reality shows the reverse. Democracy and terrorism are
inextricably intertwined. What anyway Ignatieff has right is that terrorism blurs the boundaries of
causality covering the reasons of terrorism to be incorrectly remembered. To set a present example,
the allegory of US as the fighter of justice does not say too much on the US as the primary violators
of human rights in Guantanamo and Abu Ghraib. To understand this, we have to delve into the
history of terrorism and the capitalized organization of labor. This poses an interesting dilemma,
what is the difference between a strike and a terrorist attack?
The history of workers’ unions is fraught with violence, death, and blood. Now these organizations
seem to be legally recognized. Most of them were historically aligned to leftist political movements
coming from Europe, Germany, and Italy. The industrial revolution and industrial capitalism were
prerequisite for workers to think in terms of collective organizations. The US American Federation
of Labor was founded in 1886. One of the main strengths was the power of negotiation with the
owners of capital. James Joll (1979) explains that at first anarchists were depicted as dangerous by the
ruling class press and the politicians who did their bidding in Gilded Age America. The United States
government waged chronic war against unions beginning at the end of the Civil War And continuing
until the New Deal of Franklin Roosevelt in the 1930s. The first syndicalists that defied the state were
labeled as terrorists. These workers professed a nonnegotiable fight for oppressed classes, which have
been relegated by the capitalist aristocracies (Joll, 1979). At the end of WWII the American ruling
class achieved a double capitulation domestically and abroad. The famous Marshall Plan worked as
a catalyst to undermine the ever-growing worker demands in Europe, while the CIA consorted with
gangsters and former Nazis and Fascists to subvert and terrorize workers, their unions, and their
political parties. At the same time, legislation such as the 1947 Taft-Hartley Act restricted the political
activities of unions and blunted workers’ only weapon against exploitation—the strike. The problem
of communism seems not to be the anti-capitalism values it represents, but its potential effects on
workers, a threatening influence that would jeopardize the American economy.
Even though the first strikes were bloody and violent, with the passing of years anarchosyndicalists were legally accepted in societies which not only needed the masses to work, but also
sublimated their protests into reified forms of negotiation that for better or worse accelerated the
reproduction of capital. Their formerly attributed terrorism was commoditized into negotiations
and legally circumscribed strikes. The archetype of revolution, the general strike, was occasionally
employed in the fight against bosses and capital owners. General strikes held by workers became the
epicentre for future benefits to the work force. States exerted their disciplinary force to exterminate
terrorist anarchists, who rejected joining the union organized workers. In the First World War CGT
and workers did support the state. The working class gave their loyalties to nation states no matter the
side they took during the war. Two world wars accelerated not only the reproduction of capitalism,
but disciplined anarcho-syndicalism almost to its disappearance. Joll, in this vein, explains that
anarchism indeed did not disappear, but changed into new forms. History showed that worker union
and terrorism has been inextricably intertwined. If tourism continued the logic of labor by other
means—as a form of entertainment, alienation or escape—we must accept that the terrorist mindset
has survived in syndicalism. Therefore, we do not hesitate to state that tourism is terrorism by other
means. Let us remind readers that modern tourism surfaced by the combination of two contrasting
tendencies: the technological advance that shortened the points of connection, invention of new
machines, and the wage benefits or working hour reduction, proposed by syndicalists. In this respect,
modern labor would not be possible without the direct intervention of the first anarchists, most
of them labeled as terrorists. To the extent that a strike is considered a legal mechanism to present
16
certain claims, while terrorist attacks are discouraged, seems to be a matter that specialists do not
examine properly. A closer view reveals that there are similar processes in both, a strike and terrorism.
As the vaccine is the inoculated virus to strengthen the body’s immune system, strikes are process
of dissent and discord that mitigate the negative effects of conflict. After all, strikes are merely the
collective effects of workers withholding their labor. There is nothing violent or threatening about
them, except to those who depend on other people’s work to sustain themselves—i.e., the owners
of capital. In their struggle with workers, the ruling class uses as one if its weapons the construal
of strikes as taking consumers as hostages. Whenever passengers are stranded at an airport or train
stations because of problems between owners and unions, the sense of urgency facilitate the things
for stronger ones. Businesses and terrorism organizations are not concerned about the vulnerability
or needs of passengers. The latter one are manipulated as means for achieving certain goals. In a
world designed to create and satisfy psychological desires, consumers as holders of money, are of
paramount importance for the stability of system. The threat that represents the consumers and the
derived economic loses are enough to dissuade owners from the worker’s claims. In these types of
processes, typified by law, State not only takes intervention mediating between both actors but also
is in charge of leading negotiations. Nonetheless, if negotiations fail, the state uses its armed force
might to force the workers back to their jobs. An early historical example is the great rail strike of
1877 when federal troops were withdrawn from the occupied former Confederacy to kill strikers,
terrorizing the mass of rail workers to end the strike.
The organization of labor and terrorism has been historically intertwined. While the former was
legalized by state, the latter one was repelled beyond the boundaries of industrial society. However,
at the bottom, both share the same logic to the extent they exploits the most vulnerable in their
benefits using the surprise factor to cause instability. The original violence changed to more subtle
forms of struggle where workforce negotiates with capital owners by their salaries. But what scholars
ignore is that these forms of negotiations were not only copied by terrorists to impose their political
claims, but also works as disciplinary mechanism of control disposed by modern state. This reminds
what Robin (2009) declares in his book Fear that the sensation of uncertainty and insecurity instilled
by international terrorism serves to dissuade worker unions they have to accept governmental
policies because they should be “good boys”, patriots in the struggle against terrorism. Following
this reasoning, workers accept policies otherwise would be rejected. Therefore, terrorism not only
opens the doors for capital owners to discipline workforce, but also commoditizes terror to close the
hermeneutic borders between US and the World.
References
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Ignatieff, M. (2005). The Lesser Evil… Bogotá: Taurus.
Jameson, F. (1984). ‘Postmodernism, or the cultural logic of late Capitalism’. New Left Review, 146, 53-92.
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Minda, G. (1995). Postmodern Legal Movements. Law and Jurisprudence at Century´s end. New York, NY: New York University
Press.
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Pia-Lara. (2009). Narrating Evil: a post-metaphysical theory of reflexive judgment. Barcelona: Gedisa.
Piazza, J. (2005). ‘Terrorism, Democracy and State Failure in the Middle East: An Empirical Analysis of 19 States.’ Poster
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Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology vol. 11. n. 1 (2015) 19- 40 – ISSN 1973 – 2880
Anthropological Reflections on the Interventions on Genitalia
Franco Viviani
Department of Philosophy, Sociology, Education and Applied Psychology (FISPPA) and Department of Biomedicine, University of Padua, Italy.
keywords
abstract
male circumcision
FGM
beliefs
beliefs formation
eradication evaluation
The present paper reflects on the possibility to ban and/or reduce the interventions on both male (IMG)
and female (IFG) genitalia in different contexts using a pandisciplinary approach. The common hypothesis
on the origins, development and effects of IFG and IMG are first considered. Then the following aspects are
out-lined: the problems connected to the dualisms that these interventions are facing; those related to hierarchies
favoring them; the roles of beliefs and beliefs formation; the influence of rituals. IMGs were subdivided into
therapeutic, prophylactic, ethnic and “for other reasons” circumcisions, and for each of them the possibility to
be eradicated was evaluated; the same happened for both the reductive (i.e.: clitoridectomy, infibulation) and the
expansive forms of IFG such as the longinymphysm. Finally, some tips useful for subjects actively involved in
IFG- and IMG-related causes are furnished, in the hope to permit them more fruitful outcomes.
Introduction
For an anthropologist it is extremely interesting to reflect upon the “trafficking” on genitalia carried
out both on males and females in different parts of the world. For a researcher who takes the global
as subject and decides to participate in effort for social transformation, in fact, it is fundamental to
work in concert with people involved in “opposition”, both from the local to the global level (Bruce,
2000; Johnston, 2010; Susser, 2010). Her/his contribution could help them to produce more useful
and effective outcomes. But there are some problems. In general, social activists show a noteworthy
uniformity of tones, many times hostile to science, or better, they dislike some of the uses science
is put by the political and economic forces controlling our societies, especially whe¬¬n masses are
manipulated through the technologies of popular culture. The fact is that science and technology
can be understood only at a reasonable deep level, in order to develop a seat-of-the-pant ability to
track disputes regarding science and public policy. Science is practice (requiring convention and
arbitrariness) and not only knowledge. Science needs years of education and training, and this is not
compatible with the education styles of humanists and common people. As a result, most of the
scientists are, as humanists, self-taught; while many humanists are, as scientists, autodidacts. This
because Snow’s idea (1961) on the “two cultures” is still working in our advanced societies, and
some authors think that the gap will be covered in a century, even if new scientific branches useful
to fill up the caesura are emerging (Damasio et al., 2001). Unfortunately science, the best tool that
was developed to cope with “reality”, is damaged by the so called “assertive way of thinking”. This
because, according to philosopher Agamben (Marcoaldi, 2011) in Western culture two experiential
models regarding the use of words are constantly at work. The first model is “assertive”. In short,
when it is said that: “bodies fall under the law of gravity”, this proposition can be verified, can
be true or false. It can be proved through an adjustment between words and facts, but the subject
Please cite this article as: Viviani F., Anthropological reflections on the interventions on genitalia. Antrocom J. of Anthropology 11-1 (2015)
20
Viviani F./ Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, vol. 11, n. 1 (2015) 19- 40
pronouncing the statement is indifferent to the outcomes. Notwithstanding, another wider sphere is
at work (and we tend to forget it). This is the ambit in which a net separation between true and false
does not exist. This is the sphere of order, promise, prayer, entreaty, that are other ways in which the
world is experienced: religion and law are based on it. Here the truth’s value cannot be separated from
the personal involvement of the speaker. It happened during centuries that the assertive model, so
awe-inspiring, practically canceled other models and became predominant in science (and religions).
The paradigmatic example is a debate between believers and non-believers: in most cases, during the
discussions, there are none so deaf as those that will not hear. Both sides turn a deaf ear, as both of
them are starting from assertive propositions: scientists and those who are religious have in mind the
same model of truth, even if from opposite sides and different purposes. Assertiveness does not help
science, and reinforces the anti-scientism of many academics that many times rely on the attitudes
transcribed by “postmodern” authors like Derrida, Foucault, Lyotard, Baudrillard et alii that are, if
not misinterpreted, for sure misused. There are phenomena such as the interventions on genitalia
(IG) in which the interplay between environment, cultural and social factors is high, therefore to
unravel it require patience, subtlety, erudition and some knowledge of human nature are requested.
IG are driven by culture, economics, aesthetics and politics, and the thorny anthropologists’ role is to
shed some light in this matter. Not an easy task: from one side cultural and social anthropologists are
more able to surf in the complex net of social circumstances, political opinion, economic incentive,
and the ideological climate propounding solutions; while, on the other side, biological anthropologists
tend to be more reductive. The dominant thinking way about science on the part of nonscientists
(including many activists) have a proclivity for anthropologically-based explanations belonging to
social science and not to “hard sciences” for two reasons: the latter are interpreted as being assertive
and because scientists explain what science knows and not how science knows. Another consideration
regards both non-biological anthropologists and the psychologists: They generally presuppose the
reality and causal powers of mental states and their ideational content. They are not able to expunge
folk psychology (also mentioned as commonsense psychology, or the natural ability to explain and
sometimes predict mental states and behaviors of other people) from their scientific work (Boonzaier
et al., 2005). For these reasons many activists find themselves more comfortable with humanities
and social sciences and sometimes they prefer to declare themselves awestruck than to acquire the
knowledge that can dissipate the awe (however, this doesn’t happen with NOCIRC, because of the
amazing open-mindedness of its acolytes, that during debates tended to eliminate muddleheadedness
- a sovereign force in human discussions). The fact is that to better understand IG a pandisciplinary
approach is perhaps necessary in order to reduce/ban their impact. Pandisciplinarity “collects the
tools, methods, and traditions of many different disciplines and applies them to the study of a new
field” (Tritton, 2001, page 269) and this is the framework enclosing the considerations that will follow.
The reflections presented here proceed a survey recently carried out among the Venda ethnic
group of South Africa, a composite group gradually welded into a whole, linguistically belonging
to the Bantu-speaking family, plus other studies undertaken in the past (Viviani et al., 2006; 2007;
2008a,b; 2010). In this group interventions on female genitalia (IFG) are quickly vanishing (in one
generations or two), while those on male (IMG) are still strongly carried out. This findings motivated
the search the reasons (Dioniso & Viviani, 2013a,b). These reflections, a corollary of the previous
survey, regard one fundamental aspect: how valid and successful are the attempts to ban or to reduce
the impact of IFG and IMG carried out around the globe at different levels and with different results?
It must be stressed that in this context terms more or less politically correct such as mutilation,
cutting and so on, will be substituted by the more neutral term modification. Because of some cogent
reasons: first of all because IGF and IGM will be considered together inside the IG’s frame for what
they have in common, secondly because not all the interventions (IG) are bloody. For women they
may include incisions, ablations, the stitching up of the labia, the ritual breaking of the hymen; but
21
also modification of the diameter of the vagina, or the use of baths and smoking, or the application
or ingestion of preparations useful to change the consistency, the lubrication and the humidity of
the vagina, the latter are not real mutilations. IMG produce bleeding, but with different levels of
seriousness: male circumcision (MC) can require the partial or in toto cutting of the prepuce, but also
the complete skinning of the penis, sometimes of the scrotum as well (called the salkh in Arabia); and
finally the breaking of the urethra, creating an opening reminding the female vagina (the subincision
of some Australian natives). Obviously, the gravity of the intervention is connected to the type of
IG. Thirdly, in many cultures a mutilation is in general considered as being disqualifying (e.g.: the
one-eyed, the cripple, the single-handed) (Posener et al., 1959). No one infibulated woman, in fact,
considers herself her as being mutilated and few male circumcised Americans consider themselves
as such, even if more or less consciously they could feel that they have lost something when facing
intact peers. Clearly, for the Western culture every unnecessary intervention on the body requiring
the removal of a part of it is a mutilation, but it is necessary to state that in most cultures some
forms of maiming, scarification, burning, flagellation, tattooing, wheeling, disfigurements, hamstrings
and so on, have a counter-initiatory value: it is necessary to lose or modify a part of the body in
order to achieve higher social states (López Portillo, 1977). Neither the issue of developing a clear
definition on genital mutilation is raised here (for details see: Bagnol and Mariano, 2008). Not even
some other aspects are considered, such as the multitude of misconceptions, stereotypes and clichés
connected to IFG and IGM, and all the subtetlies found worldwide associated to personal hygiene,
health and well-being, socialization and the desire of fertility, being these the results of a learning
process strictly connected to what is incorporated inside a specific culture, taking into account that
the cosmological and social landscape of every culture is always far from monolithic. Therefore an
“holistic and generalized” approach appears to be the best way to reach insights on the variegated
world of IFG and IMG and their proscription, as can be inferred from Gruenbaum’s work (2005).
To reach more fruitful and rational insights, both IFG and IMG were firstly (and roughly) summarized
in this way: for females they were subdivided into reductive and expansive forms, intending with the
first all those operations requiring parts of genitalia removal (e.g.: clitoridectomy and infibulation),
and with the former the interventions aiming to modify the genitalia magnifying their aspect (e.g.:
labia minora elongation). For males, MC was subdivided into four categories: therapeutic (e.g.: to
cure phimosis), prophylactic (the current form carried out in the States, sometimes graciously called
cosmetic), ethnic (those carried out for initiation and religious purposes) and other forms (such as
those carried out in South Korea copying the American style of life following the Korean War in the
early 1950s). Then, as both genders were considered, the traits eventually in common were checked,
taking into account the dualism male/female and the symbolic meanings associated to the genitalia
and their modifications, that most of the times appear to be a sort of sacrifice. A sacrifice, in fact, is
connected to the idea of exchange, on the level of the creative or spiritual energy: the more precious
is the material object offered, the more powerful will be the spiritual energy received in exchange.
As a tangible good symbolizes a spiritual good, the offering of the former provides as gift the latter
as rewarding (Baruk, 1965). Thanks to the “sacrifice” of an important human part (because of its
generative power) the gender identity is assured and reinforced: with the manipulation these parts
of the body, it is impressed in the mind the perception that both the male and female identities are
produced and maintained (Pasquinelli, 2007).
1. Some unresolved problems
Many hypotheses have been propounded during time about the origins of IFG and IMG,
belonging to the different background and aims of the various observers. MC, for example, given
22
the number of cave paintings and sculptures showing circumcised penises, is dated back to the
Paleolithic period (Augulo e GarcÍa-Diez, 2009) and its widespread presence in several parts of the
globe (Africa, Australasia, Polynesia/Melanesia, some parts of Asia and Central and South America)
let some students even think that:: “It is probably not stretching the evidence too much to suggest
that modern man evolved as a circumcising species” (Cox and Morris, 2012, page 244). In general,
however, anthropologists do not agree on its origin (Zwang, 1976; Waszak, 1978; Dunsmuir and
Gordon, 1999; Meijer and Butzelaar, 2000; Doyle, 2005; Glick, 2005; Pasquinelli, 2007). They are
more interested in understanding if these practices are manifestations of cultural requirements, such
as initiation, sacrifice, sexual benefits, tribal mark, hygiene or expressions of unconscious drive, such
as envy, regression, castration complex, and so on. Modern anthropological theories of MC assume
that a number of combined factors converged to establish it in different populations. It is possible,
for example, that the first steps were taken in some primordial groups, to adequately cope with the
environment. Later on, as the practice proved to be effective and functional, symbolic meanings were
added (of course this assumption can be reversed). Historically it happened that some groups imitated
neighboring populations as it happened for the Venda group. So, regarding the origin of every form
of MC, the surrounding environments - both geographical and social - should be taken into account.
In this optic, many theories become plausible. For instance, that of Weiss (1966) proposed for the Nile
Valley, according to whom the practice was introduced to prevent Schistosomial infection, common in
the area. Or to eliminate difficult foreskins (Beidelmann, reported in Oening and Schmid, 2003, page
357). This theory could be plausible, as the foreskin in males differs from population to population,
and dissimilarities exist individually, as each male is carrier of a combination of foreskin conditions.
In South East Asians, for example, the foreskin tends to be shorter; while in other small groups
genetic drift could have selected subjects having longer foreskins, and this created problems, ranging
from irritation to others related to urination and during penetration. So the solution was practical: a
sharp knife. This could explain while inside the same population the practice can be find or not: in
Sudan, as an instance, the western Dinka circumcise, while the eastern Dinka do not (Eliade, 1987).
It could also have happened that in hunting populations the need to get as much as possible closer
to the prey without being identified because of the body odor, included actions such us covering the
most scenting body parts with clay, and MC could have played a part in these maneuvers. It is possible
that, when the intervention resulted to be functional, other meanings were added, connected to the
set of symbols assigned to the body and the sexual organs. However, not all the anthropologists agree
with these hypotheses. In cultural anthropology and in social and behavioral science it was introduced
the distinction between emic and ethic (Harris, 1976). The former term describes the structure of
a particular culture in terms of its internal elements and their functioning, rather than in terms of
any existing external scheme. Any actor from a person within a specific culture can provide an emic
account. Emic investigations can furnish insights on how a culture is central in determining how
individuals act. Conversely, an observer furnishes an ethic account that attempts to be “culturally
neutral”, as the studied aspect can be differently valued in the various cultures of the world. To better
understand a cultural fact a mix of the two approaches is requested to field students, in order to
avoid to add all-encompassing values to a single culture (emic account) and to thwart observers of a
single culture from seeing an aspect and to employ it to other cultures, making generalizations (this is
a pitfall in which many physical anthropologists bump into). Vardanyan (2011), for example, carried
out a study on Armenians using the two approaches and found that Eastern Armenians perceived
MC as a legacy from their past, because of the Muslim influence; while Western Armenians accepted
MC for medical reasons. This finding changed some ideas about Armenians and MC. These kind of
efforts are necessary to avoid naïve realism, or the credence that everyone else defines the world in
the same way we do. Other problems emerge. The scientific discourse of MC is laden with cultural
and religious bias and this creates ethical and moral dilemmas. In the past, in the early development of
anthropology, researchers focused on maintaining distance between themselves and the people they
23
studied in order to be “objective.” As anthropology evolved, researchers began to acknowledge that
they could never truly be objective and began to practice reflexivity in their work. Ethical guidelines
in anthropology have evolved over time and nowadays anthropologists have no fear in intervening in
some contexts. And most of the violence hold onto IG requires intervention.
Controversies exist regarding the origins of the invasive forms of IFG carried out in Africa (ShellDuncan and Hernlund, 2000; Boyle 2002). However, both for IFG and IMG these practices have
the body as the main referent. In general terms it is not difficult to imagine that IG originated in
those parts of the world having a low technological development. Tools, in fact, permit a “distance”
between the body (a system of social meaning) and the external world. The tool helps the mechanisms
of projection. If in a particular society the tool development is very low, this does not permit people
to outdistance from their own bodies that become instruments, carriers and conveyors of symbols.
Genitalia can also assume a strong symbolic and projective meaning. The interventions of removal
of male and female parts of genitalia have been differently motivated by those who practices them
(Weiss, 1966). In general the motivations are complex, as they could be: “health, a covenant with the
gods, entry to maturity or a particular group or class, insurance of immortality or against infertility”
with differences between the sexes. (Vernon, 1992:128).
Apart the emic justifications, these kinds of interventions can be, if not destructive to sexual
experience as some authors suppose, at least re-directing them, even if the ability to feel sexual
pleasure can raise compensatory behaviors (Lightfoot-Klein, 1989; Catania et al., 2004; Catania and
Hussen, 2005; McGrath, 2011). If the studies on the anatomical and physiological characteristics
of the prepuce are enough (Barreto et al., 1997; Halata and Munger, 1986; Bullough and Bullough,
1994; Tylor et al., 1996), there are aspects that are not so deeply studied, such as those related to the
long-term effects (anatomo-physiological and psycho-social) of the removal of both male and female
prepuce. We have instead a lot of personal communications, direct evidences and reports permitting
- unfortunately - weak inferences and a number of speculations (i.e.: Chamberlain, 1989; Derrida,
1993; Goldman, 1997; Johnson, 2010; Hennen, 2010) or papers having a low number of subjects to
be convincing (Boyle and Bensley, 2001). It is clear that the removal of a tissue rich in receptors and
nerve terminals (Tylor et al., 1996), especially if done at birth, modifies the somatosensory cortex,
with future repercussions on behaviors upon which, in the lack of strong evidences, we can only
speculate (for men: Immerman and Mackey, 1997,1998; Hammond, 1999; Anand and Scalzo, 2000;
Boyle et al., 2002; for women: Einstein, 2008). This because the somatic sensory system has different
receptors responding to different kind of stimuli and a single stimulus in general activates many
receptors (Florence and Kaas, 1995). To reach a coherent perception the central nervous system must
interpret the vast receptors array. In the primary somatosensory cortex the genitals are mapped onto
the most hidden part of it, somehow below the toes. As our cortical growth and remodeling continues
after birth through youth and adolescence to reach stable adult levels, there are some critical periods
of cortical development when specific stimuli and experiences drive major synaptic rearrangements
and learning that only occur during the critical period. Therefore it is not difficult to imagine that,
if somebody is deprived of the necessary stimuli because some receptors are lacking, the synaptic
rearrangements will be different (as it happens, for example, in the visual cortex, characterized by a
critical period of plasticity needed to establish visual acuity). There is more: the long-term effects of
perinatal pain are unclear in humans (Anand and Hickey, 1987), while studies on animals identified
multiple alterations in the adult brain leading to different behavioral phenotypes, related to the timing
and nature of the insult (Taddio et al., 1995). Practically no data are available on the role of the
number of neurotransmitters and neuropeptides that could cause damages to the developing neurons
in this context (Anand and Scalzo, 2000), apart an early work of Talbert et al. (1976) on adrenaline.
The majority of researches on the function of hormones on behavioral development are focalized
24
on the role of perinatal hormones in the development of sexually dimorphic copulatory behaviors
in animals, therefore there is a small knowledge on the role of hormones in the proceptive behaviors
(those soliciting copulas) and on those gender-connected that are not directly linked with procreation
(Pinel, 2006). Last but not least, timing is important for hormones. The possibility of single injections
of testosterone to masculinize/feminize the rat’s brain can occur only within 11 days after birth,
even if greater doses can rise effects after the sensible period (Bloch and Mills, 1995). As already
said, we have at present no firm ideas about the rearrangement of the high number of molecules
affecting future behaviors due to interventions carried out after birth or in the different ages of life.
Clearly, as “exactly how the parallel streams of sensory data are melded into perception, images, and
ideas, remains the Holy Graal of neuroscience” (Bear et al., 1996, page 344), it is only possible to
speculate on the final results of the removal of some genitalia important sensory parts. Immerman
and Mackey (1997) imagine that sexual excitability is lowered in men with MC, not only because of
the brain reorganization, but also because of the keratinization of the more exposed glans mucosa.
They hypothesize that circumcised men are less excitable and distractible, therefore more prone to the
diktats of authoritarian figures, such as those of the religious group they belong to. The hypothesis
is reasonable, as in primordial populations life expectancy is generally low, so they contain a high
number of adolescents, post-adolescents (whose frontal areas are not mature and therefore more
prone to “antisocial behaviors”), plus young men capable not only to subvert the hierarchy, but to
discuss the social rules. Therefore MC, for example, could have been a tactic to diminish sex drive
and distraction, in order to provide additional compliance to the community. Historically, this idea
has been already well described by Philo, an Alexandrian Jew born at the end of the first century of
the present era: “For since among the lower lure of pleasure the palm is held by the mating of man
and woman, the legislators thought good to dock the organ with ministers to such intercourse, thus
making circumcision the figure of the excision of excessive and superfluous pleasure, not only of
one pleasure but of all the other pleasures signified by one, and the most imperious” (Philo, 1958,
page 99). However, it is also possible that the stratagem was invented to heighten aggressiveness,
due to the fact it was impossible for the circumcised man to reach a full and satisfactory sexual life,
so he re-directed his non satiated sexual excitement in aggressiveness (if the society he belonged to
requested it). In other cultures, more technologically advanced and living in other climates, this was
reached creating formal and strong rules able to ban or reduce the sexual interactions (e.g.: forbidding
premarital sex, reinforcing the marriage institution, banning adultery, and so on). Of course, all these
are hypotheses to be tested..
Psychologists incorporated the notion of “pain imprinting” to all the perinatal surgical interventions
(Goldman, 1999). In practice, “by encoding violence in the brain, the mother-child bond will be
interrupted and a sense of betrayal will be instilled in the infant” (Zampieri et al., 2008, page 1305).
However, data regarding the repercussions in adulthood of MC are few and feeble: for example, in
a preliminary study on early trauma and the difficulty in identify and describe feelings (alexithymia),
circumcised men scores were higher than non circumcised (Bollinger and Van Howe, 2011). TonettiVladimirova (2009) mentioned the mechanism of “limbic imprint”, or the direct link existing between
the early experiences in life and the unconscious patterns, both emotional and behavioral, expected
in adulthood. For girls, Kizilhan (2010), an expert in psycho-thraumatology, found seven times higher
rates of depression, anxiety and psychosomatic disorders in circumcised girls that did not suffer
previous traumatic events when compared to non-circumcised girls. On the other hand, a wider
number of data exists for reductive forms of interventions on women (Obermeyer, 1999; El-Defrawi
et al., 2001; Levine 2002; Baldaro-Verde et al., 2003, Thabet and Thabet, 2003; Catania et al., 2003,2004;
Sirigatti et al., 2004; Graziottin, 2004). At this point it can be affirmed that there is a rudimental
knowledge on how perinatal brain plasticity evolves in abnormal adult behaviors, as the knowledge
of the mechanisms subduing how early lesions on the tissues would generate reorganization or an
25
atrophy of the brain circuitry is poor, for this aspect. Studies using magnetic resonance imaging could
add insights to the problem (Renanen, 2010). The advancements of genetics, those regarding the
multitude of other signaling molecules during development and those of epigenetics (a relatively new
field of study suggesting that certain genetic signals can be turned on or off based upon our lifestyle
behaviors, therefore creating different brains, temperaments and behaviors worldwide), could perhaps
in the future elucidate some controversial aspects such as how cultural changes could be passed
down from generation to generation not only via cultural transmission (Van Speybroeck et al., 2002),
generating different temperaments. Even if in mutilated individuals of both sexes compensatory
mechanisms can assure the feeling of sexual pleasure and the possibility to achieve orgasm with
reduction of the male foreskin (or the female clitoral hood), nobody can exactly say the levels of
pleasure that they could have experienced had they been left intact. However, it can be reasonably
assumed that even if the sexuality of people with IFG or IMG has not been lowered, it has been at
least re-directed. In this perspective, whatever were the reasons for the introduction of the practice
inside a given population (environmental, functional or imitation) it is not difficult to predict that the
final aim of IFG and IFG is to control and direct sexuality, a very powerful force, especially during the
hormonal storms of adolescence and when it reaches its peak, in early adulthood. Regarding MC and
its macroscopic presence in different cultures and societies, Magli (2007), for example, resuming some
Freud’s ideas regarding the envy of the elders towards the sexual vigor and boldness of the younger
males of their group, stated that “…we can never forget what is the act per se, and the absolute
violence with whom it is imposed by adults, owners of the Power, to boys (their own children) before
they acquire the right to act into the society using in turn the power”. Therefore “[MC] is a way to
secure the structure of Power from any risk of rebellion or change and to warrant its subsistence
through the physical and indelible system with whom it is transmitted” (page 117). If we follow this
logic, MC is a culturally-mediated and coercive trait connected to primordial forms of organization of
power, based upon the organ of power par excellence, the penis. The artfulness was to create the so
called “initiation schools” in which the coercion of the intervention is masked by the need to adhere
to “male schemes” imposed by nature: in this way, denying culture, the power and its coercive diktats
do not appear as being negative, as shown by Clastres (1977), when he considered the philosophy
of the primitive power. Its persistence in greater and more advanced societies could therefore be
considered as being a subtle form of mass control, carried out through generations because of the
cultural unawareness or incognizance, or the fact that an individual living into a given culture is “blind”
with respect of the majority of the rules and norms of that culture, as s/he accepts them as statement
of facts. The latter aspect is very subtle and a number of cognitive biases are at work on it. Thanks to
them truth is veiled to our eyes in a kind of limbo between true and false: The architecture of belief
systems (how they are formed, sustained, reinforced, changed and extinguished) is a promising and
fascinating field of study (for more insights see: Shermer - 2012). IFG follow a similar logic, even if
in this case the portion of power that males preserve regards the reinforcement of the control on
the high reproductive force of their female counterpart that is linked with the transcendent. Women,
in fact, are able to give or refuse to give birth and in this way they assure the link past/future. Male
shamans, witches, and all those who assigned to themselves the relationship with the sacred (all of
them true “transcendent-snatchers”) were, during millennia, very skilful to steal this prerogative to
women worldwide, creating other ways to negotiate the relative powers of both sexes.
An aspect to be highlighted regards the fact that not all the traditional societies practicing
interventions on one gender are or were carrying out interventions to the other sexual counterpart.
This because in traditional societies women do not occupy a symmetric position with respect to males.
The main role assigned to them is procreative. This generational power becomes the main reason of
all the controls, prohibitions, and taboos surrounding women. Exogamy is usually respected, and
women “circulate” outside a cluster of individuals related by blood, through the establishment of
26
marriage relationships among homologous groups (Lévi-Strauss, 1969). As the economy of these
groups is generally at subsistence level and therefore it is not possible to control the product of work
(but it is possible to control directly the producer), women are the main target, as ruling them it is
possible to control “the producer of the producer”, as shown by Meillassoux (1978). The supremacy
of the elders’ authority on the younger members passes through the control of the ways to access
to the pubertal women that become of interest only when they are able to procreate, in other terms
when it is possible to decide the destiny of their offspring. Clearly, the access to women is regulated
by a certain number of institutions and the differences existing among the several populations can
explain why some of them intervene on both sexes genitalia and some other do not. It must also
be added that in most traditional societies IMG are often a public event, while the public display of
IFG is usually performed after the intervention itself, as the intervention per se is markedly gender
segregated. An interesting aspect that is related to IG regards some personality traits shown by
traditional, religious, medical circumcisers and even the advocates of circumcision, that Denniston
(2010) describes as carrying this psycho-burden: “a cluster of interpersonal, affective, lifestyle, and
antisocial traits and behaviors, including grandiosity, egocentricity, deceptiveness, shallow emotions,
lack of empathy or remorse, ruthlessness, determination, irresponsibility, cognitive dissonance,
sexual deviance and strong tendency to violate ethical norms” (pages 67-68). The disorder is called
circumcision psychopathy, and should be first of all better defined and investigated, and then
considered in the clinical environment, if the cluster will be correctly identified. Last but not least,
any anthropological speculation should contain evolutionary data. Both disruptive IFG and IMG
involve anatomical structures that, for Primates, assured them reproductive success. As they are on
earth for at least 65 million years, and as all male and female primates have a prepuce, it can reasonably
be postulated that the prepuce was present till the beginning. Primates show a vast array of specialized
structures in their external genitalia (and different mating and copulation styles – Goodall, 1986), but
all show the prepuce and the erectile corpora cavernosum (penile shaft and clitoris), with variants
(chimpanzees do not have a bulbous glans penis, while baboons retain it – Izor et al., 1984). The
female external genitalia of primates is composite as well, and in common they have the corpora
cavernosum of the clitoris, the labial structures (with different levels of development) and, again,
the prepuce. The latter is present in all primates of both sexes and this permits to affirm that, during
evolution, it offered advantages, as we cannot imagine that a structure is maintained as vestigial in us
and in all our “cousins”. As a consequence this also suggests that any intervention on this part of the
body in unnatural, as it contradicts natural selection, that usually refines structures to reach excellence,
in this case reproductive.
2. The problem of dualisms
The most important dualism for anthropologists is the Gordian knot nature/culture that until
recent times produced debates full of an insipid “interactionism” only (mainly because of the poor
explicative strength of the abused and misused word instinct). But many other “minor” dualisms are
notable, like those essential for the “primitive” thought, as they dominate the social organization. In
all the societies, for example, the distinction between male and female constitutes one of the most
important conceptual frame through which the human being perceives and elaborates the world
surrounding her/him (Héritier, 2010). It is widely recognized by many anthropologists that the
dualism male/female has very ancient origins, therefore it is deeply rooted in our mind and still works,
even in the most advanced societies. It may be responsible for the different gender tactics adopted
for human mating (Buss, 2000). It may have also influenced all the patterns of hominid evolution, as
most of the models regarding human origins dismiss female influence as a politically driven illusion
27
caused by feminism (Paris and De Waal, 2000). Anyway, to Héritier (2002), the first humans, observing
nature, looked at their bodies, discovering the differences male/female in several aspects (not only
the morphological ones such as the body differences in connection with the sexual dimorphism,
say height and mass), and they formed binary hierarchies such as active/passive, hot/cold, humid/
dry. The classic example is blood: males lose their blood only actively or if hurt, while females leak
passively their blood periodically, without any possibility of intervention: the dualism active/passive
was formed, with the passive in a lower role and importance. Hertz (1978) stated: “Society and the
entire universe have a sacred, noble and precious side and another impious and common; a male side
[that is] strong and active; and another female, weak and passive” (Hertz, 1978:135). For the Author
primitive thought attributes a sex to all the universe’s beings and to inanimate objects as well, as all
of them are allocated into two immense classes when considered as being male or female. To the
sex binary hierarchical category others were added, connected with the symbolic meanings that were
associated to the genitalia, that reinforced them (Magli, 2007). In short, according to Lacan (2004)
another natural binary realism took place. A hierarchy that is the result of the definition of a situation:
those with and those without the phallus, that anthropologist Magli considers even as being the “culture
builder” (2007). For the Authoress, because of its strong symbolic meaning it is more important than
the hand, the tool-maker. It has been recognized that in most of the primordial societies women
were dispossessed by shamans and mediators of their natural contact with the transcendent, as
mentioned before. They were exchanged and in many different societies around the world women
faced denigration, avoidance, freedom dispossession and confinement in the reproductive function.
Both males and females assumed a different symbolic meaning, mainly connected to procreation,
as all societies have in common the need of reproduction. Sexuality and reproduction are not in
fact the mere product of anatomy and physiology: they are not spontaneous and natural as can
we imagine, because in primordial societies they are under the strict control of family members,
ancestors, and deities through the creation of norms, taboos and behavioral codes, which overwhelm
the biological aspect (Héritier, 2010:163). If we add the fact that there are no societies in which a full
parity between man and woman has been realized, and that even in matrilinear societies women fall
under the tutorship of their close male relatives (a datum that for the feminist tradition is connected
to the male need to control the reproductive process), it is possible to reasonably affirm that any
intervention on the male and female bodies have not them as a target, but the symbolic meaning
that was assigned to them, resulting in different outcomes. However, there is a problem: a gap exists
between the real woman and the real man and the symbolic images that they were asked to represent.
This can result in individual tensions that can convey various degrees of neuroticism, cured by health
healers in traditional societies and that are the domain of psychoanalysis in the westernized areas.
Even today and in the most advanced societies we are aware that most of the psychological sex
differences are not especially large and that the majority of the differences are due to the separate
cultures in which we raise our children (Eliot, 2009). But if the genes and hormones’ roles are to
spark the light of differences, the flame is flanned by the separate cultures in which we raise our male
and female offspring: and this is reasonably due to the deeply rooted dualisms working in our minds
regarding sexes (another reason why in social science they became genders).
3. The role of bieliefs
Interventions on genitalia are connected to beliefs deeply rooted in our minds, belonging to larger
and harder-to-define evolutionary, political, economic, religious and social habits. Generally speaking,
societies are highly conservative regarding beliefs. Changes in general beliefs are extremely slow, while
those in personal beliefs could derive from a combination of personal psychological readiness and
social shifts in the underlying zeitgeist. We can reasonably think that the first small bands and the first
tribes of hunter-gatherers were strongly opposed to changes, rigidly preserving the traditions through
28
the exertion of informal means of social control, based mainly on tattletales and avoidance. After the
Neolithic revolution, when religion and government, the two main systems raising mass cooperation
and penalizing scroungers arose (more or less five thousand to seven thousand years ago), when the
small bands became larger and the first states of agriculturalists, merchants and artisans were instated,
they acted as social custodians of the traditions. Complex rituals were concocted, whose aim was to
bolster the rules and inspiring the different “moral and ethical minds” of the populations around
the world, permitting the creation of the incredible quantity of personality traits and cognitive styles
found worldwide. If the primordial societies strongly preserved orthodoxy, the dualism “conservative/
liberals” is reasonably a product of modern times, as many recent studies tending to define the
personality traits, temperaments and psychology of conservatives versus liberals have pointed out
(Jost, 2003; Brooks, 2007). The fascinating field of study aiming to define the foundations of innate
and universally-found systems (the emerging discipline of human nature - Haidt, 2003; Cushman et
al., 2006), could add more insights to the question of whether beliefs, ethical and moral concepts have
innate bases or are acquired. This because the dualism nature/nurture has been central to all sorts of
intense debates, on topics including the ideal political system, effective means of teaching, crime and
punishment and so on.
Beliefs formation comes from our brains, naturally forming them because of their need to find
patterns first and then to give them meanings. According to Shermer’s definitions (2012), patternicity
(“the tendency to infuse patterns in both meaningful and meaningless data”) and agenticity (or “the
tendency to infuse patterns with meaning, intention, and agency”) are the main mental processes
of belief formation and retention. Patternicity can be found in studying “universals” such as the
incest taboo (in short: how evolution endowed us with moral emotions for avoiding close sexual
relationships with relatives in times where the genetic reasons for close inbreeding were not known
- Pinker, 1997) or facial recognition (a modality built to scan the others’ faces in order to understand
emotions, realize when to trust the others and maintain relationships - Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1970; Ekman
and Friesen, 2009). These characteristics are connected to the context and to what extent people
believe to take control of the environment, both physical and social. Recently, various instances
of ancient innate human pre-programmed patternicities have been presented by Barrett (quoted by
Shermer, 2012), adding evidences to the topic. Connected to the tendency common in humans to
quickly find patterns, there is also the fact that they impart agency to them. Examples are various:
passion fruits, bananas, and oysters are believed to have aphrodisiac effects (probably because their
shapes or parts of them remind genitalia); the fashion industry that let people believe that wearing a
particular suit would make them a better person, and so on. In practice, we tend to assign to people,
but even to objects and animals, an essence that may be transmitted to people and from people to
people (Hood, 2009). Of course, behavioral explanation centers on the appreciation that humans
are agents who can act intentionally (because of their own reasons), but recent data inform us that
there are a lot of other unintentional experiences, emotions, and behaviors are at work. Malle (2004),
for instance, found a “self-other asymmetry”, or the fact that each of us perceive and reason about
her/himself differently from the way in which we perceive and then reason about the others. Knobe
and Malle (2002) have found three fundamental levels at which self/other asymmetries are at work,
starting from the extraction of the behaviors to be explained and ending on how people publicly
formulate the explanatory hypothesis. It is interesting to note that at each level the actor/observer
asymmetries are at work (Malle and Pierce, 2001). This is very appealing for anthropologists and
ethnologists as social facts do not exist if there is not an interpretative community able to focus on
them and then to extract and analyze them. In this case the traditional attribution theory has been
completely revised. Therefore a greater accuracy is needed when analyzing phenomena. Cognitive
science, on the other hand, is actively searching for the biases permitting the confirmation of beliefs,
in practice how we are committed to beliefs and maintain and reinforce them, through a distortion
29
of percepts to fit preconceived concepts (Farwell and Weisner, 2000; De Martino et al., 2006; Pronin
et al., 2002). It must be added that, in addition to the latter considerations, that one of the most
important stratagems found to fix beliefs in the mind of people is ritual that, because of its repetitive
and rewarding formulas, strongly cements constructs and ideas, as shown by neuroscientists (Graybiel,
2008; Seligman and Brown, 2009). In the case of MC initiation rituals, for example, in which a number
of strong sensory stimuli are offered to the initiates (i.e.: loud noises, drumming, sleeping outside, and
so on), their aim is to reinforce learning and to rise mnemonic effects that, as the studies on emotional
memory have highlighted, are particularly efficacious for memory fixation (when the experiences are
emotionally arousing). And every ritual is emotionally stimulating, therefore facilitating longer-term
memory (McGaugh, 2004). Recent studies on the tendency for neurons to fire to concepts that are
related will add clues to the problem of fixation (Quian Quiroga et al., 2013).
4. The importance of rituals
The anthropologists and ethnologists of the past were strongly interested in myths and rituals
because the function of myths is to convey some truths into the mind of people, while the function
of rituals is to turn them into action (Eliade, 1976). The rituals dramatize the moral interactions of
a group (Gluckman, 1965). This because, for some moments, the mystical powers spread into the
ethical order. In tribal societies all the alterations in social relationships (birth, growth, marriage,
death, but even the seasonal transitions) are considered as being menaces to the natural order, as
they express changes affecting the interpersonal relationships. The efficacy of a ritual consists in
showing all the tensions (and the ways to temper them) existing in a society. Living together requires
dependence bonds in small groups with a nature relatively undifferentiated of the social relationships:
this is a strong source of ambivalences and conflicts. For this reason a ritual conceals the basic
social discordances and ratifies the cogency of the existing bonds and loyalties. In effect, first a ritual
creates a sort of chaos and the subsequent semantic open-endedness, then it fix again the boundaries
separating human and non human re-establishing the “loose of presence” that – for a moment occurred in the individual (de Martino, 1948). Last but not least, rituals are fundamental to exert the
Power (Wilentz, 1999; Magli, 2007). The rituals connected to the interventions on genitalia follow - in
general, but with a lot of variants - the scheme proposed by van Gennep (1909): separation from the
community; transition period (a sort of “ritual death” in which the intervention occurs); and then the
re-introduction of a new individual inside the moral community with a new social status (symbolizing
a rebirth to a superior life). These ceremonies, generally speaking, are full of what Turner (1967)
called the “polisemic value of symbols”, as they display not only an operational meaning, but they
must be connected to other symbols in a whole, most of the time very difficult to be disembroiled, as
the role of a ritualistic symbol must be found comparing meaning and use, observing what a group
makes of it and not only what a group says about it. The prevailing meaning of a symbol associated
to a ritual could be found only registering the declared aim in the formal phase in which it appears.
Clearly, an intervention on the body without a reinforcing associated ritual – even minimal and poor has few meaning. For this reason it is always necessary, during field-works on IFG or IMG with local
populations, to distinguish between the esoteric information (those furnished by those involved in
them) and those essoteric (those given by amateurs), bearing in mind the distinction emic/ethic and
that an explanation could reflect a personal opinion only.
Clearly, in the most advanced societies rituals have not the same importance, as they do not threaten
the composite and variegated social order in which different cultures and subcultures superimpose
one to another. Various are the rites accompanying the interventions on genitalia, for MC they exist
for Hebrews, Muslims and other minority groups; sometimes it happens that immigrants, in the
30
absence of reinforcing rituals in their hosting country, prefer to take their children in their native
lands to be operated. In some countries the complex rituals of ordinary ethnic MC are substituted by
hospitalization and “medicalization”. The latter term, entered in literature in the 1970s was, according
to the sociologists that used it, a form of social control that increased during time as the medical
knowledge and the connected technologies became more sophisticated (Illich, 1975; Szaz, 2001;
Aggleton et al., 2000), as they invaded into fields that were traditionally assigned to the priesthood.
Obviously, no real ceremonial formularies are carried out in hospitals, but even the mere fact to take
somebody in a structure becomes a ritual, where the ministers are the medical practitioners. It is
interesting to note that a similarity exists between the medicine-based thought and the dogmatic way
of thinking of religions in general (even if form opposite sides and with distinct aims and results),
as in both it is assertive (Schütz, 2000), as mentioned above. This is also the domain that in lesser
advanced societies were those of shamans, wizard, sorcerer, warlocks, witchdoctors and so on, in
which sometimes the net distinction between a healer and a “priest” did not exist.
5. Some tips useful for activists
The observations presented here have a limitation: they consider the various practices “on the
whole” and therefore abstracted from their social and historical contexts. This does not explain how
the people upholding or rejecting some categories perceive the relationships existing between the
practices themselves and the other procedures and customs found in the same cultural background,
and that are mainly in connection with masculinity and femininity. Every culture, in fact, has its own
categories and notions regarding manhood/womanhood, reproduction, sexuality, eroticism, pleasure,
fertility, beauty, well-being and pain. Forgetting them reifies important existing categories, but this
paper aims to understand – perhaps over-generalizing - whether the efforts made worldwide to ban
or reduce the impact of IFG and IMG could be diachronically effective or not. Therefore, for each
type of the IFG and IMG categories, some important aspects – in general terms and inside a wide
anthropological frame - will be considered: the social adhesion to a practice, their symbolic meaning,
the presence of reinforcing rituals, whether medicalization is generally present in the context or not,
and the possibility of alternatives. Clearly, every culture differs from each other and the traditions - as
they produce group consciousness - are passed from one generation to another through the creation
of a rich inheritance of memories, with consequent desire to maintain them alive. Some traditions,
as shown by Hobsbawm and Ranger (1983) were introduced in connection with a past that was
not necessarily present, as it happened, for example, for MC in the Venda group: it was absorbed
them from the neighboring populations and it was promulgated mainly for commercial reasons
(Dionisio and Viviani, 2013). It quickly evolved into tradition and for this reason it stopped having
the original practical purpose, as at present the justification for its maintenance is merely ideological
(to assure manhood). However, the passing time brings changes into every society, and traditions
can be elaborated. If the social changes are very high (as it is now happening worldwide), it could
happen that the gap between the practical social life and some customs widens intensely and this
implies that traditions, conventions, routines, customs and rites do not remain constant in societies.
The destiny of many worthy traditions is sometimes to end drastically: but this rarely happens, and
only if the social changes are as much as fast. This because the resistance to change comes from the
desire to hold onto traditions that have value. As traditions are often contrasted with modernity, it
could happen that holding to customs while adapting to changing circumstances, could provide a way
to build continuity over time, as it happens in some parts of Somalia, where, because of the lack of
a central government and the civil wars, infibulations was reinforced (it must be mentioned, however,
that in other areas, thanks to the lack of a central control, alternative rites were performed). Cultural
change will be possible only if, as suggested by Rochon (1998), values are converted (e.g.: changing
views of IFG and IGM as acceptable practices to abhorrent); if new ideas are developed to cope with
31
new situations (e.g.: when alternative rites are created in order to maintain the symbolic meaning of
a ceremony without mutilating a sexual part) and, finally, when the values are connected (e.g. when
new links are created between phenomena that in the past were believed to be unconnected, as for
example, when new medical information highlights the risk of a practice, previously considered as
being safeguarding).
Sex
Type of
Intervention
Social
adhesion
Symbolic
meaning
Reinforcing
rituals
Medicalization
Possibility of
alternatives
Possibility
to ban/
reduce
Female
Reductive
high
high
Y
Y
Y
low
Female
Expansive
quite low
low
Y
N
N
high
Male
Therapeutic
from high
to low
none
N
Y
Y
low
Male
Prophylactic
quite high
some
N
Y
N
low
Male
Ethnic
high
high
Y
Y
some
very low
Male
Other
reasons
some
none
N
Y
-
high
Table 1 - Main aspects related to IFG and IMG worldwide
In table 1 some of the aspects useful to understand much better whether it would be possible or
not to eradicate or limit IMG or IFG in a close/far future are synthesized.
6. Ritual MC
First of all, the most ancient form of IMG will be considered: Ritual MC. In this context MC carried
out for religious purposes (e.g.: Hebrews and Muslims) and those practiced in traditional societies will
be considered together. This because the distinction between a religious practice and a social custom
is a relatively new concept. Before the formation of the existing religions, in fact, all social customs
were intended as being religious facts. So strict was the connection, that religion and tradition were
view as to belong to each other and still today the majority of revealed religions strongly plunge their
beliefs in ancient traditions, or create legendary myths to sustain their establishment. Early peoples
and cultures had their assumptions about creation, the need for reproduction, and the sex roles
that exerted a great influence long after their original basis had been discarded. When new religious
concepts replaced older ones, the archaic assumptions were often kept unchanged or were slightly
modified and put in a new grab, this because the restrictions involved were so deeply engrained in a
society. Consequently, it will be very difficult to eradicate ritual MC because of a very simple reason:
there is an insurmountable barrier, a psychological hindrance, that results in a mental block among
the different cognitive spheres in which our intelligence is obliged to surf. It regards, for a believer,
the distinction existing between what is sacred and what is secular. The sacred, in fact, is separated,
is “other”: or you accept it or you don’t. If an individual follows this assertive way of thinking, it
becomes impossible to verify logically the contradictions that can emerge from an evaluation of the
facts with the aim to know them objectively, without any mediation with the knowledge of the sacred
that, of course, most of the times is not rational. Unfortunately, being the sacred the projection of
power, the fight is very hard, as the power hides itself exactly where we imagine to have the tools to
fight against it: in what was contrived before. The banning/reduction of ritual MC will be possible
32
only with a work in concert with all the “gold dusts” found in every religious context, or those
priests, brothers, vicars, monks, nuns, sisters, laypersons and theologians that are prone to doubts
about their faith and the connected obligations. Therefore undermining the ideas surrounding ritual
IMG will require generations, especially when they assure identity. Here another problem emerges: to
many devotees not being in compliance with religious prescriptions can cause serious psychological
problems, differently solved by believers that can show different copying styles with conformism
(Pargament et al., 1988).
7. Prophylactic MC
Difficult, but not impossible, is the struggle against prophylactic MC. Worldwide MC has been in
general declining despite the claimed advantages (e.g.: HIV prevention and other diseases). Even in
the States the percentages of newborns that were circumcised have fallen, particularly in the west,
due to the high concentration of Hispanic and Asians. In other Anglo-Saxon speaking countries, the
percentages are close to 10% (United Kingdom and New Zealand) and 20% (Canada); in Australia
MC was common from 1920 to 1960, but the practice was discouraged since the 1970s by the medical
authorities. In the USA the eradication will be difficult, not only because of the medical lobby that
cannot renounce to a revenue bearing practice, but because a complex mass of historical reasons
operates behind the scenes, ranging from moralistic (e.g.: prevention of masturbation) to sanitary (to
prevent balanoposthitis, a pathology that plagued many uncircumcised soldiers due to the paucity
of hygiene in the battlefields, Tilles, 1999). Last but not least, MC is absolutely the most carried
out surgical act in the USA private clinics (Parigi, 2003). Modern mass media such as television
appear to denigrate the intact penis and reinforce the idea that MC is an important American cultural
trait (Young, 2009). This, according to Waldeck (quoted by Llewellyn, 2006:224), has a “multiplier
effect”, or something similar to the confirmation bias described in the beliefs formation paragraph.
We cannot forget that this is a country where, according to a Gallup poll: “58% of the Republicans
believe that God created humans in their present form within the last 10,000 years, compared to
41% of the Democrats” and where another “2011 survey found that 81% of the Democrats but
only 49% of Republicans believe that Earth is getting warmer” (Shermer, 2013:69). This to say that,
as it happens in many “developed” countries, science is not considered by Americans one of the
sharpest tool man evolved to uncover “reality”, probably because scientists in general explain what
science knows and not how it knows, leaving an open field to deception and illusion, or the fact that
we are able to fool ourselves, even in many menial facts of everyday life. In other words, even if
one day science will be able to demonstrate that MC is deleterious to man’s sexuality, the resistance
to change will be nevertheless quite high. Stereotypes are at work, for example: “A true American
male is circumcised” and this assures identity, both personal and social. This helps self-deception
(or the active misrepresentation of reality to conscious mind) that is always operating (and this is
valid for the ideas supporting every form of IMG or IFG). Its basic psychological processes are
denial and projection, operating in slightly different ways, as denial could easily engender denial of
denial, in order to quickly bury the falsehood. Projection does not require a heightened level of
arousal typical of the previous process, as if it would be nice is the facts were true, but no critical
if they are not (Sackeim and Gur, 1985). To struggle against these tendencies is usually a life-long
enterprise, even if at a social level the leanings to self-deception could be disastrous (Trivers, 2000).
In the States it happens that for same defenders of MC the word intactivism is cataclysmal. But to
defend circumcision “requires minimization of the consequent trauma. It requires the acceptance
of false beliefs and the misunderstanding of facts. These psychological factors affects professionals,
members of religious groups and parents involved in the practice” (Zampieri et al., 2008:1307). There
is more, in the countries were MC is actively carried out at birth, the usually complex ceremonies of
ordinary ritual MC are substituted by hospitalization and “medicalization”, not ritualistic per se, but to
33
some extent mimicking certain ceremonial aspects. And this time for (supposed) health purposes and
under the umbrella of science (eclipsing the enormous profits deriving from MC). In some American
areas there is also a blatant double standard in law and custom. Recently, in Georgia, a mother who
agreed to her 10-year old son’s request for a small tattoo (done to memorialize his brother, killed in
a car crash), was arrested (Earp, 2012). Clearly, a tattoo in a 10-year old boy lands somebody in jail,
while a parent’s consent for a surgical removal of the foreskin of a newborn, unable to express his
opinion, is “normal”. In many Anglo-Saxon speaking countries prophylactic MC has been questioned
and the possible strategies to ban/reduce it are various, but the best choice to reduce its impact,
especially in the States, is to refer to the laws and debates enacted and carried out in the other Englishspeaking countries involved in the problem (mainly Canada, but also Australia and New Zealand).
The popular opinion could be changed thanks to the normative and legislative shifts occurring in
similar countries, as: “Only upon the rarest occasions do American like to feel isolated from the
mainstream” (Llewellyn, 2006:229).
8. MC carried out for other reasons
Regarding MC carried out for other reasons than religion, South Korea is very interesting because
MC installment and propagation is recent and connected to the USA trusteeship and the consequent
involvement in the Korean War (1950-53). The USA exerted a great influence on the Korean culture:
the practice increased in the Sixties, promoted by newspapers, and it is estimated that the overall
prevalence is at present 60% in the male population (Kim et al, 2002; WHO-UNAIDS, 2007). This
is in contrast with the Korean Confucian’s heritage (asserting that the individual’s body must be
maintained “as the parents gave to somebody”) and with the fact that this population generally has not
a longer foreskin (some of them considers themselves as being “naturally circumcised” - Kim et al.,
2002). Koreans believe that MC is a universal practice (!), that Christianity requires it (!), and is taken
for granted. In the Philippines it is estimated that 90% of the male population is circumcised, and the
widespread of the practice is less clear that in Korea, even if some connected stereotypes are similar
(Lee, 2005). With these pre-conceptions the banning/reduction will be difficult, unless some big
changes would occur in the country that strongly influenced the Koreans and perhaps the Filipinos.
In fact, when strong semantic structures are established, they combine lexical representations with
schemata originating in the perception of external events and they form networks that are logically
constrained, hierarchical, used for thinking and communicate. The structures of schemata and
semantic networks differ, and they depend on how an individual identifies him/herself with family
members, ethnic, social, class, and religious groups. New personality adjustments will be possible only
if the popular metaphors change, and this is really a challenge.
9. Reductive forms of IFG
Regarding the IFG reductive forms (that are still practiced in 28 African countries) it can be affirmed
that: They assure gender identity, even if a full gender status is not reached after the intervention, as
it will be achieved only after marriage. The surgery is not the door to female autonomy, even if the
rituals accompanying it have been interpreted by many anthropologists as being “initiation rituals”.
This is an error of perspective, a projection of what happens for MC. To be initiated, in fact, it is
necessary to belong to a structure of power, and women in traditional societies do not. They are or
they were exchanged by males: the interventions are a social marker only, signaling an intermediate
condition between infancy and adulthood, as a woman’s real status will be acquired after marriage (of
whom the operation is an indispensable pre-requisite). In this transitional period the girl, even thanks
to the intervention, is obliged to acquire postures, gaits, and movements appropriate for the different
34
ways in which every culture represent “womanliness”. Nowadays the possibilities of intervention are
clear, as in many parts of Africa alternative rites are at present carried out by different governmental
and non-governmental agencies in order to decrease the impact of reductive IFG (all the alternative
rituals, however, are not mentioned here). The most successful method is the introduction of the
“intervention without mutilation”, meaning with this that the symbolic sense of the original ritual
is maintained, while the actual intervention is not carried out, of course with pros and cons. It is
interesting to note that, in the majority of the cases, to start such programs, the “placet” of the local
religious authorities is essential. However, a more wholesome approach is required to let the procedure
to become widespread, and the process will require more than one generation, because women in
these parts of the world are facing a multitude of problems and suffering (e.g.: domestic violence,
constant fear of rape, cultural inferiority, lack of basic healthcare and needs) . According to Rahman
and Toubia (2000) there is a number of stumbling blocks to be removed: the fact that IFG endow
a girl with cultural identity as a woman, imparting her a sense of pride; that is believed that these are
rites prescribed by religion, something preserving a girl’s virginity (an obsession, unfortunately, found
in many other parts of the world). Finally, it is believed to confer beauty and cleanliness to girls, as
in the future the husband’s pleasure will be enhanced thanks to the intervention. So mothers and
grandmothers are directly involved in the continuation/rejection of the practice, as not undergoing
the intervention labels a girl as social outcast. This is important, as till recent times for a woman to be
intact implied a “social mutilation” and this fear was higher than that of a physical mutilation, but now
globalization has made instant communication available everywhere and the “flat world” described
by Friedman (2005) is having an immense impact, mostly in urban areas, but already affecting rural
populations. At present, and little by little, the knowledge that the practice is shifting will reach even
the most secluded parts of Africa and this will impact on beliefs and stereotypes.
10. Expansive forms of IFG
The expansive forms of IFG, (here the case of labia minora elongation only will be considered),
show a peculiar trend in some parts of Africa: they are quickly disappearing in those countries where
the social zeitgeist quickly shifted from traditional to modern. The poor governance of many African
countries, characterized by an high level of corruption, absence of accountability, weak rule of law,
tight controls on information and having in general poor quality institutions, is now changing in
many areas. In particular in those countries in which the political leaders were able to compromise
with the traditional foremen (Bräutigam and Knack, 2004). Most of the observers agree that the
West ignores the potentials of this geostrategic continent: for the example that the Sub-Saharan
Africa has the second fastest growing regional economy in the world (Perry, 2012). As a result, a
growing middle class south of Sahara is nowadays not only presenting challenges for governments,
but is becoming a potential source of political stability. Its role is very important, as its impetus for
innovation is undermining some of the traditional customs and rites, and the traditional gender’s
roles. Therefore it happens that many traditional procedures, customs and rituals that till not long
ago assured a real personal identity to an individual are now dismissed: they are considered outdated,
if not even sources of embarrassment, as it often appears when the new generations are questioned
about longinymphysm. This because new rough sketch ways to reach identity appeared to the horizon
(Dionisio and Viviani, 2013). It is not difficult to imagine that a practice like labia minora elongation,
for example, even if the emic and justifying litany was “to assure a greater pleasure to the future
husband”, in reality was a compensatory custom devised to gratify women, probably excogitated
by the women themselves and for themselves. In societies in which the marriages were arranged if
not forced, the manipulation of the labia, even if painful at the beginning, became satisfactory later
on (it assured sexual pleasure, it was a form of masturbation). Practically this modality was a mean
to permit women to climax during sex with a partner, or even when alone, if the sexual act was not
35
satisfactory. The new horizons opened by the media (with the emphasis on romantic love as a free
choice between two partners, a leitmotif from both Hollywood and Bollywood’s films and soap
operas), the changes introduced by the governments that assured to women a different position
in the society, plus the pruderies introduced in many countries by the different Christian sects (to
whom many women adhered because they also questioned important customs such as polygyny),
were the main sources of change of heart: the practice quickly disappeared and is fading even in
many very traditional areas.
11. Final considerations
When facing problems with the magnitude of IG, each of us should take into account some
tendencies affecting our information-processing patterns: a) The need to generate predictability
and stability from what it can be assumed from the variegated external world. b) The tendency
to oversimplify information in order to reduce demand on cognitive resources. These patterns
come from our own cognitive reasoning styles and rely upon thinking strategies that simplify socialcategorical information. All the modality to reason, the mental structures, the biases that are usually
affecting them, and the dualisms rooted in our mind are the legacies of our evolution. We cannot
forget, in fact, that we emerged as modern humans recently and that for 99% of the time our genes
has lived in the globe, our ancestors were hunter/gatherers and that the majority of our mental
structures developed in ancient times, therefore we are “living fossils”. The human behavioral
repertoire requires the stabilization of psychological mechanisms and cultural transmission through
language and observational learning. Our ancestors had to cope with many different environments
to survive and successfully reproduce. Therefore they adopted different strategies, with a wide
geographical variation. IG defies simple categorization as in different cultures we find short-term
and long-term mating styles and every strategy depends on the context. To make a profitable work
a deep analysis, to be diachronically carried out inside a given culture, should be necessary. There is
much work to be done in the details of the underlying mechanisms and the context that activated
these inner workings: the frame of analysis should contain not only the political system and the
cultural tradition, but even the smaller contextual factors, to be found in every human group
performing IG. There is more: it would be possible that the structures that have evolved long time
ago are, in a world rapidly changing, do not fit for the modern social and globalized environment,
creating inertias and tensions. Howbeit, those structures, modern or ancient, permit to convince us
in everyday life that we hold correct assumptions about the world. But when we analyze phenomena
having the amplitude of IG, generalizations are dangerous and this is the limit of the table presented
above.
As the present reflections are intended to be used by activists, it must be stressed that activists
usually have intrinsic and extrinsic motivations that could range from empathic arousal (that provides
psychological rewards to the doer, changing his/her state of consciousness) to the need to “solve”
some unconscious problems (for IG: those primordial anxieties related to the dread of genital injury
or castration, usually buried into the unconscious – Dagher et al., 1973). This could generate good
outcomes but also raw, irrational propaganda at its worst. The fact is that also scientists are not
unencumbered from biases, and this be easily found when papers related to IG sometimes radicalize
their assumptions using statistical nonsense or fiddle with data. In reality, both intactivists and
those in favor of IG use defensive mechanisms well described by philosophers and writers before
and after Freud and well before the findings on biases by cognitive science. They are common
parlance not only in the psychodynamic set, but also in daily life and they are projection, repression,
denial, reaction formation. They are used to deceive the self and to justify why we behave within a
36
distorted reality. In conclusion, the scientific method a stool of problem solving - with all its limits is much better than some unscientific other methods that must be avoided. They are: A) Tenacity, or
the tendency to cling to certain beliefs despite the lack of scientific evidence. For example, surgeons
are notoriously superstitious, as they have a set of patterns that they consider lucky when entering
in the surgery room. Even if conscious that no logical relationship exists between the operation
outcomes and a particular routine, they are afraid to break these patterns. This attitude could affect
also their resistance to change beliefs on MC. B) Authority. As for millennia we referred to authorities
as a source of knowledge, the tendency can work nowadays as well. As it happened to people that
refused to look though Galilei’s telescope, some people betray on authority because of it assertive
way of thinking. Of course, the appeal of any authority as a means of obtaining knowledge is based
upon the possibility to question and to accept or reject the assumptions/information. C) Intuition. It is
well known that we cannot rely on intuition because many common sense truths when verified, were
proved to be false. Our convictions should be substantiated with factual evidence. D) The rationalistic
method, or the fact that we infer knowledge by reasoning. It happens that many times the conclusions
of a line of reasoning is trustworthy only if derived from premises that are true. But sometimes the
premises are not as such, but statements of facts or descriptions. Surfing on the IG’s literature is really
interesting, as it is full of “syllogistic bombs”. Example: “There is a positive correlation between MC
and HIV protection”. “Ahmed is African and is circumcised”. “Therefore, Ahmed is protected from
HIV infection”. We know that this cause-and-effect relationship is not necessarily true. This means
that reasoning is essential, but cannot be used by itself to reach knowledge. There are similarities with
the empirical method, a fundamental part of the scientific method but, using it, pitfalls are recurrent
when people rely too much on data and their own experience.
Surfing in the web is extremely interesting and sometimes appalling, not only because new insights
and subtleties can be found regarding the innumerable “debates” carried out on IG, but because of
the tons of toxic material found. An incredible quantity of fanatics and boors swim the crawl into
the lot of material “in pills” and binary assertions (yes/no; I like/I do not), extrapolating words
or phrases and embroidering upon hearsays, commonplaces, misconceptions and assorted material.
There is more: if somebody hates somebody else, the web is the cudgel. A final suggestion valid for
activists in general is to be skeptic, to use the outcomes of the scientific methods, and to be skeptic
again towards themselves because a lot of biases are affecting the reasoning, and not only in the
composite world of IG.
.
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Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology vol. 11. n. 1 (2015) 41 - 48 – ISSN 1973 – 2880
Type 2 Diabetes, Hypertension and Nutritional Status
among an Urban Population of Southern Rajasthan
Pulakes Purkait, Prem C. Suthar, Mithun Sikdar
DNA laboratory Section - Anthropological Survey of India, WRC, Udaipur, Rajasthan, India
Corresponding author: Mithun Sikdar - msikdar @hotmail.com
keywords
abstract
diabetes mellitus
type 2 diabetes
hypertension
obesity
Udaipur
Rajastan
The increasing prevalence of Diabetes Mellitus as well as hypertension among Indian population has already
become a subject matter for the health planners as well as the researchers who are engaged in mitigating the same
in years to come. But lots of work has to be done from the scientific point of view to correlate different biosocial
parameters with diabetes as well as hypertension to understand its basic etiology of such diseases to its full extent.
Anthropometric parameters are elementary factors which can have profound impact on such health outcome. In the
present paper we have observed the relationship of Type 2 Diabetes mellitus and hypertension with the anthropometric
outcome among an urban population of Udaipur city, Rajasthan. Strong correlation has been found between diabetes
and systolic blood pressure. Most of the diabetic subjects are found to be underweight whereas most of the hypertensive
subjects are found to be obese.
Introduction
India is the second most populous country and is leading with other western countries in
having increased number of people suffering from non communicable disease, such as type 2 diabetes
mellitus, Cardio Vascular Disease (CVD) etc. Now-a-days all these non-communicable diseases have
become major determinants of morbidity and mortality particularly in India. Diabetes mellitus is one
of the most common chronic diseases in nearly all countries and it continues to increase in number
as well as significance with changing lifestyles with reduced physical activity. It has been estimated
that the global burden of type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM) for 2015 would be 305 million
people which is projected to increase to 438 million in 2030 i.e. a sharp 65% increase in 15 years
(Snehalatha and Ramachnadaran, 2009). Similarly for India this increase is estimated to be 58%,
from 56 million people in 2015 to 87 million in 2030. The prevalence of diabetes for all agegroups worldwide was estimated to be 2.8% in 2000 and 4.4% in 2030. The total number of people
with diabetes is projected to rise from 171 million in 2000 to 366 million in 2030. Diabetes is resulting
from a defect in insulin secretion, insulin action, or both. Insulin deficiency in turn leads to chronic
hyperglycemia with disturbances of carbohydrate, fat and protein metabolism (Kumar et al. 2002;
Beverley et al. 2003, Lindblad et al. 2011). T2DM is a non-autoimmune, complex, heterogeneous
and polygenic metabolic disease condition in which the body fails to produce enough insulin and
characterized by abnormal glucose homeostasis (Gupta et al. 2008). Type 2 Diabetes Mellitus
occurs when impaired insulin effectiveness (insulin resistance) is accompanied by the failure to
produce sufficient cell insulin (Permutt et al. 2005). Type 2 diabetes mellitus is a major risk factor for
blindness, limb amputation, cardiovascular disease and death. There is a sexual as well as rural urban
Please cite this article as: Purkait P., Prem C. Suthar, Sikdar M., Type 2 diabetes, hypertension and nutritional status among an urban population of
Southern Rajasthan. Antrocom J. of Anthropology 11-1 (2015)
42
Purkait P., Suthar P. C. , Sikdar M./ Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, vol. 11, n. 1 (2015) 41 - 48
variation in the development of diabetes mellitus (Sarah and Bchir et al. 2004).
Among the preventable risk factors for type 2 diabetes, overweight (BMI more than equal to 25
kg/m2) and obesity (BMI more than equal to 30 kg/m2) are regarded as the most important (World
Health Organization 2006). Traditionally, Body Mass Index (BMI) has been used to define overweight
and obesity and is predictive of cardio metabolic risk including incident of type 2 diabetes (Okosun
et al. 2000) and cardiovascular events such as myocardial infarction (Molarius et al. 1999). Central
obesity is an independent risk factor for CVD particularly in women. In most developed country, the
prevalence of obesity is also increasing steadily and reached epidemic proportion in some population
with resulting in an increasing CVD disease burden. Apart from Type 2 diabetes, obesity is also
associated with a higher prevalence of hypertension (HT) and dyslipidaemia (Pi-Sunyer 1993; Higgins
et al. 1988; Must et al. 1999). Anthropometric indexes for obesity such as body mass index (BMI),
waist circumference (WC), waist-hip ratio (WHR) and waist-height ratio (WTH) are therefore very
useful indeces to provide important information on cardiovascular risks. Such simple anthropometric
measurements have been used as surrogate measurement of obesity and have more practical value in
both clinical practice and for large scale epidemiological studies (Dalton et al. 2003).
It is beneficial to healthcare to assess what values of simple anthropometric measurements are
associated with the presence of chronic conditions such as diabetes, hypertension or dyslipidaemia in
different populations. Apart from the association between obesity indexes and cardiovascular risks,
it is also important to define the cut-off values of an individual index to allow effective screening.
WHO and NIH have defined BMI, WC and WHR cut-off levels for adults of different ethnic groups
(WHO 1998; US National Institutes of Health, 1998) but these cutoff values cannot be readily applied
to other populations (Okosun et al. 2000). However with the available cutoff points several works are
going on to correlate the disease etiology with the anthropometric outcome. The present work is an
addition to what we have known during the studies in last couple of years.
Materials and Method
A cross sectional study was undertaken on 217 Mewari participants from Udaipur city. They
belong to the middle income group category. The subjects were recruited from a diabetes health
checkup in Udaipur city. Upon investigation 107 subjects were found to have Type 2 Diabetes (Male75, Female 32) and 110 were non diabetes (Male - 66, Female - 44). The subjects were informed
about the study well in advance and formal consent was taken accordingly. Relevant information was
taken from them whenever required. Complete General Physical Examination was performed and
anthropometric measurement, detailed medical history of each subject was recorded accordingly.
Apart from screening the detection of Type 2 diabetic was also based on subject’s medical history
or who were taking medicines for diabetes. Anthropometric as well as physiological measurements
like weight (kg), height (cm), systolic blood pressure (SBP) and diastolic blood pressure (DBP) were
collected using standard technique. Anthropometric measurements were taken following the standard
techniques of Lohman et al. (Lohman et al.1988). Height and weight were recorded to the nearest
0.1 cm and 0.5 kg, respectively. BMI was calculated as weight in kilograms divided by height square
in meters (weight in kg /height m2). Conventional BMI cut off points were applied to classify the
studied population into four categories following WHO expert group (WHO 1995, 2000, 2004).
Blood pressure was measured from the right arm using a regularly calibrated validated automated
Blood pressure monitor M4 (OMRON Corporation, Tokyo 105, Japan). Each individual was made
comfortable and made to seat at least for 15 minutes in the chair before measurement. Hypertension
was defined as systolic blood pressure (SBP) >140 mmHg and/or diastolic blood pressure (DBP) >
Purkait P., Suthar P. C. , Sikdar M. / Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, vol. 11, n. 2 (2015) 41- 48
43
90 mmHg as per US Seventh Joint National Committee on Detection, Evaluation and Treatment of
Hypertension (JNC VII) criteria (Chobanian et al. 2003, 2560–2572). Capillary Glucose (mg/dl) was
measure by Bayer’s Breeze 2 blood glucose meter (Bayer Health Care LLC, Mishawaka, I M 46544,
USA). All the instruments were calibrated and verified before use.
Statistical analysis
All data were analyzed with SPSS (Statistical Package for social sciences, Version 16, SPSS). Data
were presented as mean and standard deviation of mean (Mean ± SD). Statistical significance was
assumed at the 1% and 5% level.
Results
Table 1 and Table 2 show the descriptive statistics of metric variable among the males and females
respectively as per their diabetic status. 53.19% males and 42.6% females are found to have suffering
from type 2 diabetic mellitus. Diabetic male persons were found to have significantly shorter height
as well as having high systolic blood pressure as compared to non-diabetic males. On the other hand
significantly higher glucose level as well as systolic blood pressure has also been noticed among the
diabetic females as compared to non-diabetic ones. Thus both the tables show significantly higher
systolic blood pressure among the diabetic patients than the non-diabetic one. Pearson correlation
test has been performed to know the relationship of metric variables with each other. The results
have been shown in Table 3. The table shows significant positive relation between height and weight,
BMI and weight, blood glucose level and age, SBP with BMI, DBP with weight.
It has also been tried to see the distribution of Diabetic patients with respect to different categories
of nutritional status as per BMI and the results have been shown in Figure 1 to Figure 2. The same
has been attempted among the hypertensive patients also and the results have been shown in Figure 3
and Figure 4. Figure 1 and Figure 2 show that most of the Diabetic patients are having underweight
status. 75% of diabetic males and 100% of diabetic females are found to be underweight. Figure
3 and Figure 4 shows that most of the obese males (64.7%) as well as females (69.2%) as per BMI
criteria are hypertensive.
Discussion
Diabetes, obesity as well as hypertension are increasing health problems throughout the world.
The present study descries the interrelation of anthropometric variables with blood glucose level as
well as blood pressure level among the Mewari population group of Rajasthan. The diabetic subjects
are showing higher systolic blood pressure than the non-diabetic subjects. It is a fact that corroborate
various other studies. Baseline blood pressure data from different recently performed clinical trials
indicate nearly fourfold increase in systolic blood pressure (difference between baseline pressure
and target pressure) over diastolic pressure (Osher and Stern, 2008). However the impact of age as
shown in Table 1 cannot be ruled out in this case. Diabetic subjects as found in this study are from
aged group than the non-diabetic subjects which might have distal impact on the outcome of systolic
blood pressure. More males are found to be diabetic than females. The outcome contradicts some
studies (Scavini et al. 2003). However there are fundamental studies that hardly found any sexual
variation in terms of diabetes (King and Rewers, 1993). Ethnic specific, lifestyle related issues are the
key factors to assume any sexual difference in diabetes outcome. The positive relation between short
44
stature with Type 2 diabetes is obscure in this study but recent evidences suggest linkage of shorter
height with less favourable metabolic profiles among young adults (Sato et al. 2014). A similar study
however shows that out of the total components of height, leg length is more inversely proportional
to diabetes whereas trunk length has no such association with the diabetes outcome (Lawlor et al.
2002). There is recent evidence that shows leg length to be independently and inversely related to the
increase in the ethnic specific prevalence of diabetes (Weitzman et al. 2010). The relation between
low BMI and diabetes is uncertain in this study. Insulin secretion generally declines in older adults
(Basu et al. 2003) and lean diabetic older people exhibit a profound impairment in glucose insulin
release while obese diabetic adults seldom (Meneilly et al. 1996). Various experimental studies using
rats showed that protein calorie malnutrition and magnesium deficiency cause low insulin secretion
and a low pancreatic insulin store (Legrand et al. 1987; Okitolonda et al. 1987). Infact some studies
also accounted poor nutritional status as an associated factor for type 2 diabetes, as well as low
mean serum albumin level among the diabetics (Castaneda et al. 2000). We have also found a clear
association between obesity and hypertension as most of the hypertensive adults are found to be
obese and vise versa. This relationship between body weight and BP was demonstrated prospectively
in the Framingham Heart Study in the 1960s (Kannel et al. 1967). The nature of the linkage between
hypertension and body weight remained obscure until the mid-1980s when basic clinical and
population-based research significantly clarified many aspects of the relationship between these two
common and complex regulatory disturbances. Appreciation of the clinical significance of obesityrelated hypertension has grown substantially over this same time period, to the point where obesity
is recognized as a major cause of hypertension and the combination of obesity and hypertension is
recognized as a pre-eminent cause of cardio vascular disease. 1
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46
Appendix
Table 1: Descriptive statistics of metric variables among the males
Variables
Age
Height
Weight
BMI
Glucose
SBP
DBP
Non Diabetic (n=66)
Mean
SD
52.74
7.24
169.20
7.68
72.06
11.75
25.19
3.94
142.47
79.08
127.77
19.26
85.85
11.47
MALE
Diabetic (N=75)
Mean
SD
57.56
9.90
165.27
7.25
70.45
13.96
25.65
3.99
162.80
86.56
140.59
21.09
83.65
12.17
t test (2-tailed)
p value
0.001*
0.002*
0.460
0.500
0.150
0.000*
0.270
Table 2: Descriptive statistics of metric variables among the females
Variables
Non Diabetic (n=44)
Mean
51.86
156.50
64.68
26.39
126.23
125.77
83.73
Age
Height
Weight
BMI
Glucose
SBP
DBP
SD
8.14
6.43
11.40
4.35
32.92
25.79
10.86
FEMALE
Diabetic (N=32)
Mean
57.16
155.71
62.03
25.63
151.47
139.16
86.22
SD
9.32
5.97
11.49
5.05
68.73
25.12
12.54
t test (2-tailed)
p value
0.010*
0.590
0.320
0.480
0.037*
0.027*
0.360
Table 3: Pearson Correlation between anthropometric, physiological variable and
Glucose level in the studied population
Age
Height
Weight
Height
-0.112
Weight
-0.074
.529**
BMI
-0.019
-0.058
0.810**
Glucose
0.163*
0.022
0.031
SBP
DBP
BMI
Glucose
SBP
0.034
0.432**
-0.110
0.048
0.151*
0.154*
0.104
0.011
0.262**
0.321**
0.019
* Correlation is significant at the 0.05 level (2-tailed)
** Correlation is significant at the 0.01 level (2-tailed)
0.580**
Figure 1. Diabetes and nutritional status among the Mewari Males
Figure 2. Diabetes and nutritional status among the Mewari females
Figure 3. Hypertension and nutritional status among the Mewari males
47
48
Figure 4. Hypertension and nutritional status among the Mewari females
Mauritius: Culture Crossings and its Consequences
Sylvie Maurer
keywords
abstract
legacy
culture
Mauritian Creoles
kreol
culture crossings
inclusion
exclusion
Mauritius has been crossed by a wide variety of cultures from the inception of its population through
the present. As a result of the waves of different peoples, and therefore, cultures, crossing the island,
Mauritius now houses a multicultural “rainbow” population. However, the cultures in place are not given
equal social statuses. The status of each culture depends on the way in which each group’s ancestors arrived
on the island. Some groups came to Mauritius on their own accord, while others were brought to the island
by force as slaves. Currently, peoples sharing different ancestral cultures cohabit Mauritius. Nevertheless,
the slaves’ descendants, mostly the Creoles, inherited the culture of their “masters” and at the same time
embodied the Mauritian culture. Indeed, having been ripped from their African or Malagasy culture,
they have adopted parts of the other groups’ cultures and have created a culture of their own. This paper
proposes to study briefly the place of each culture in Mauritius and to explore the consequences of culture
crossings.
Introduction
A Member of the Commonwealth since its independence in 1968, Mauritius is currently known as
the “Rainbow Island.” From the point of view adopted, it either underwent or benefited from several
settlements, which have led to the building of a multicultural society. The cultures present on this
island is an example of what Claude Lévi -Strauss wrote in “Race and History” (1952): “ no culture is
unique: it is always given in coalition with other cultures, and this is what allows it to build cumulative
series.” Each settlement left an imprint on Mauritius, both cultural and human. These imprints were
often permanent, as evidenced by today’s cosmopolitan society.
Problems
Because the island has been alternately, a Dutch colony, then a French colony, and a British colony
until its independence, modern “Mauritian culture,” its history and language have been influenced
by both colonisers and non-colonisers; the latter being Africans, Europeans, Malagasies, Indians and
Chinese. Today, we find that the brief presence of the Dutch shaped Mauritius geographically and
ecologically; leaving heritage such as the name, “Mauritius’ as well as some places’ names around
the island. Dutch colonists also shaped Mauritius through the introduction or destruction of certain
animal species like the Dodo. France and England left significant parts of their respective cultures
and peoples. India and China offered the island a part of their population. Africa is no exception, as
it was the origin of the island’s slave population, some of whom crossed a continent and an ocean,
Please cite this article as: Maurer S., Mauritius: Culture Crossings and its Consequences. Antrocom J. of Anthropology 11-1 (2015)
50
Maurer S./ Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, vol. 11, n. 1 (2015) 49-62
bringing what remained of their culture of origin. This reminds us of what Edgar Morin wrote in
“Le paradigme perdu” (1979) – “the destructive whirlwind of history sweeps all cultures, shatters them
and disperses spores.”
From the nickname ‘Rainbow Island’, we may infer that the different cultures, which once crossed
the island, are still present in modern Mauritius. How do the various cultures relate to one another
in modern Mauritius? Are the relations harmonious or conflictual? Which group can embody the
“Mauritian culture”?
From the nickname ‘Rainbow Island’, we may infer that the different cultures, which once crossed
the island, are still present in modern Mauritius. How do the various cultures relate to one another
in modern Mauritius? Are the relations harmonious or conflictual? Which group can embody the
“Mauritian culture”?
An Outline of What Will be Discussed in this Article
To understand the culture crossings in today’s Mauritius, I will first try to understand the concept of
culture through the maze of definitions. The parts of culture in Mauritius I will focus on are religions,
which are of the utmost importance in this post-colonial, post-independent society, and toponymy,
through some place names, and languages to a lesser degree. Based on interviews conducted in 2008,
2011 and 2012, primarily with the Rasta’s President, representing the “culture” of the slaves, the
voiceless group, as well as on the works of some Mauritian and foreign historians, this paper will first
focus on the colonists’ cultural legacies in Mauritius and the culture crossings today. All this will give
us the opportunity to analyse their evolution through a brief study of inclusion and exclusion among
groups that live on the island. In the third and last part, I will study the Mauritian Creoles, a group
that is a compendium of these multiple cultures, based entirely on field observation and interview’s
analyses.
General Definition of Culture(s) and in Mauritius
According to the Online Oxford Dictionary, ‘culture’, which came directly from Latin cultura,
was first linked to “growing” and “cultivation of the soil”. Then, in the early 16th century, the
sense shifted to that of “cultivation of the mind, faculties or manners”. In the 20th century popular
culture, it relates to “the arts and other manifestations of human intellectual achievement regarded
collectively”.1 However, it has been shown that the concept of ‘culture’ is hard to define, it is almost
undefinable. This is the reason that there have been, and still are, countless attempt to establish a fixed
definition. Hence, in 1952, two American Social Anthropologists, L. Kroeber and C. Kluckhohn,
wrote in “Culture: A Critical Review of Concepts and definitions”, that there were 164 definitions of the
concept so far; and it has increased constantly since then. This paper will not go through all these
definitions but will instead only condense them as for example:
Culture consists of patterns of and for behaviour acquired and transmitted by symbols, constituting
the distinctive achievements of human groups, including their embodiments in artefacts; the essential
core of culture consists of traditional [= historically derived and selected] ideas and especially their
attached values” (Kroeber and Kluckohn 1952:35)
1 http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/culture#culture__3
Maurer S. / Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, vol. 11, n. 1 (2015) 49-62
51
In the Mauritian context, all the groups can transmit the symbols of their ancestral cultures to
their descendants. However, this is not true for some sub-groups of Creoles whose ancestors lost
their culture during the period of slavery. At the same time, there is a situation of culture crossings in
Mauritius but with very few cultural mixings such as through intercultural marriages.
The History of Culture Crossings in Mauritius: Colonial Legacies
Geographically, Mauritius is situated in the Indian Ocean, the smallest ocean in the world, yet this
region is said to contain the largest variety of populations and cultures (Teelock 2009:1). Hence, the
region is like a mirror to the island. Jean-Louis Delbende, prospector for tour operators, wrote in the
special edition of Geo Magazine dated 14th October 2009 devoted to Mauritius that the island was
the “world in miniature”. To define Mauritius today and to understand how such a small area contains
such a large cultural legacy, we have to focus on some important historical events.
Some Historical Facts
From a historical point of view, it has not been clearly established who visited Mauritius before
the first human settlement. The island had never had any indigenous population. Based on clay tablets
allegedly discovered by the Dutch, some Historians like Patrick Joseph Barnwell and August Toussaint
stated that the first people to have set foot in Mauritius were the Phoenicians 2500 years ago (Teelock
2009:21-23). However, another Historian, Hazareesingh, claimed that the Dravidian sailors were the
first to visit Mauritius for the obvious reason that India is not far from the island (Teelock 2009:2123). Other Historians would say that the Malayans discovered the island because it was on their way
from Malaysia to Madagascar. While for other Historians, it was either Malayan or Chinese sailors,
who visited Mauritius first. Considering what French Historian and Anthropologist, Nathan Wachtel,
wrote in “La vision des vaincus” about history written from the point of view of those who have the
power, we may infer that the Mauritian historians put forward that their ancestors’ fellow compatriots
first visited the island. We may also deduce that it is a disguised way of affirming the legacy of
Mauritius. Hence, there is no reference to Africans visiting Mauritius first, which would have been
logical, if we consider the distance from South-Eastern-Africa, or even South Africa, to Mauritius.
The Dutch Legacies
However, the first known settlers were the Dutch. They brought their culture through the name
of the island, in honour of the Stathouder, Maurits van Nassau. They also named several places in the
island, like the mountain Pieter Both, Plaine Wilhems, Flacq, Wolmar or Flic-en-Flac as shown on
the map (see Figure 1). The other colonisers did not change the names of these places, except for
“Mauritius”, which became Isle de France during the French period. They also left sugar-cane and
other crops cultivations. There are no other traces of the Dutch culture in Mauritius, but when they
left in 1710, they did not take back the Maroon slaves (fugitives) originated from Africa and Asia, who
built a culture of their own before the following colonisation..
The French Legacies
When the French took over Mauritius/ Isle de France in 1715, they became the craftsmen of
culture crossings. Indeed, they brought in their own culture, which they imposed on the slaves they
52
brought with them, destroying the latter’s ancestral cultures. The biggest legacy from the French is the
economic development of the island, but they developed and imposed their culture through literature
– poems and novels, the best known being “Paul et Virginie”2. The slaves were taken from different
parts of Africa and Madagascar, but also from the French colony next door, La Reunion, known at
that time as Ile Bourbon, so that they could not communicate. This was a strategy of the masters
to preclude any revolts. The slaves did find a way to communicate among themselves by mixing
their ancestral language to that of their masters’ language. Perhaps they also used body language.
Nevertheless, the mixing of languages gave birth to a pidgin, which has continued to evolve and
enrich itself with the crossings of other cultures. Today, it is called “Kreol Morisien”3 and it is spoken
by 99% of the Mauritians. According to a Mauritian linguist I interviewed, this language contains
around 90% of French words.
The slaves were also forcibly christened upon their arrival in Mauritius. Hence, it was what
Mauritian historian, Jocelyn Chan Low, called a “cultural genocide.” However, we later discovered
that the African cultures did not disappear completely. According to Rasta’s president I interviewed,
fragments of their cultures did survive, through music, for example, where the slaves would sing in
order to lament their poor lives. Today, this music is part of the Mauritian culture. This new type of
music, which derived from the African cultures, became known as the “sega”. The Maroon slaves also
transmitted fragments of their African cultures to their descendants through the religious cult, which
is still practised today, although it was, and still is, condemned by the Catholic Church. According to
people I interviewed, this cult is called “longanis” in the Mauritian Kreol language. During that same
period, sailors from several parts of the world passed through Mauritius on their way to or from the
British Indian Empire. Under the French rules, Chinese people migrated to Mauritius and brought
their cultures along with them. To this day, their descendants have maintained their cultural heritage,
through their language and some specific cults.
The British Legacies
More cultures crossed Mauritius when the British took over the island. This was the last colonisation
of Mauritius, but not the last culture crossings, for the new owners of the island abolished slavery
in 1835 and brought in Indentured labourers from India. By that time, the cultural landscape of the
island was already fairly diversified. The French colonisers were allowed to stay on the island and
to keep their culture – their religion, Roman Catholicism, and their language. History has it that
the British did not favour the French. According to a Historian I interviewed, it was just because
the British did not want Mauritius as a place to settle. The island was only a place where they could
fill their boats with water and food on their way to and from India. La Reunion was less important
to the British than was Mauritius because it was easier to have boats anchor around Mauritius than
around La Reunion. This colonial religion, Roman Catholic, is still one of the main religions on the
island. French language is also extensively used in Mauritius today, although the people are bilingual
or sometimes multilingual. However, the language, which is widely used nowadays, at school, in public
and private administrations along in most of the road signs, is English, although not all Mauritians
master this language. One of the other British legacies is that Mauritians drive on the left.
2 Famous novel written during the French colonisation, giving quite an idealistic and conqueror views of the slaves’
situation in the colony.
3 Creole is often spelt “kreol”, in the local Mauritian language. Hence, when I refer to the kreol language, I use
“Mauritian Kreol” only. There is sometimes a difference in meaning between the two spellings of “Creole”. “Creole”
refers to a specific community in Mauritius, whereas “kreol” can refer either to the community or to the language spoken
by almost all Mauritians.
53
The Indians’ Arrivals
The result of several waves of Indians’ immigration caused the cultures to be even more diversified
and the population to increase. In fact, these new comers caused a disruption among the existing
groups. At the time of abolition, there were 66,613 slaves, who were freed. About 15,000 to 20,000
were already free or Maroons (Nagapen 1996:69). The newly freed slaves included 26,830 agricultural
slaves – who worked specifically for the sugar cane production; 7,594 other agricultural slaves;
22,275 domestic slaves – who worked as servants inside the Whites’ houses; 7,612 children under
the age of 16; 2,302 old and disabled slaves (Nagapen 1996:69). Most of the Indian labourers that
arrived in Mauritius in very large numbers would never return to India. Only 169,693 out of 453,036
Indians, who came as Indentured labourers to Mauritius, from 1835 to 1910, went back to India after
completing their contracts (Nagapen 1996:72). According to historians, around one and a half million
of Indians fled from poverty on “Overcrowded Barracoon” (Naipaul 1994, cover) towards other
British colonies and almost a third of these immigrants were brought to Mauritius by the British.
This might be explained by the fact that geographically Mauritius is close to India. However, this large
number of immigrants dramatically changed the life of the existing population on the island.
Indentured Labourers and Slaves: Some Differences in Mauritius
The slaves were taken by force from the African continent with different cultures. It was almost
the same thing for the Indentured labourers, but unlike the slaves, they were allowed to keep their
cultures and their family names. They were paid, though not enough for the work done, according to
some of their descendants interviewed. Some people argue that Indentured Labour was a disguised
and new form of slavery. They were, however, freed at the end of their contract. This is not meant
to quantify or to compare the suffering between slavery and indentured labour, which is, of course,
non-quantifiable, but it is meant to show the results of this historical situation on their descendants.
The indentured labourers came from several parts of India. Henceforth, these different cultures
would come across each other without being widely mixed with the former cultures on the island.
The Hindus were the first to create the system of community in Mauritius. They also developed
schools known as “baitka”, to teach their ancestral languages and other aspects of their culture to
their descendants. Some historians said that it was the beginning of protectionism, thus the beginning
of communitarianism.
Culture Crossings Evolution: Inclusion and Exclusion
Mauritius has a multicultural, “rainbow” population, viewed from the outside as a model of peace
and harmony among different cultures, who live so close to one another and share such a small area.
However, from polls carried out on the island and from some events, one may infer that this idealistic
image serves only to attract tourism, which is the foundation of the island’s economy.
Debunking the Idealistic Image
Polls indicate that Mauritians do not know each other’s cultures thoroughly. There is a lack of
cultural education at school and among the population. However, there is the “School of Human
Values”4 which is led by the Roman Catholic Church, the former colonisers’ religion, and members
4 École des valeurs.
54
of each of the other groups. This “school” is meant to teaching tolerance through the knowledge
of the other groups’ cultures. The board members of the school designed textbooks containing
several exercises, stories and role-plays for each level of secondary school students for them to get
to know the other cultures. According to three of the members I interviewed, this “school” is a
new project designed to encourage secondary school teachers to use their textbook to study all the
cultures, present in Mauritius, in class. It has not given the expected results so far. However, they
are all optimistic because most of the members worked with children and strongly believed that
school is the ideal place to teach tolerance, to have each group to know one another and to reduce
communitarianism and derogatory ideas on each other’s group.
Derogatory Ideas
There are derogatory ideas that each culture holds about the other cultures. The main pejorative
ideas among the groups concern religion, where each group believes that their religion is better than
the other’s religion. For example, Catholics would say that Chinese religion and Hindu religion are
both devilish. The latter would accuse the Creoles of lacking culture and practicing their former
masters’ religion. This idea was underpinned by a controversial article published in August 2012 in a
Mauritian newspaper, Le Defi, entitled “Why are Creoles a problem” 5, written by Darlmah Naeck6.
In the same year 2012, there was a young Hindu woman, who uploaded racist statements on her
Facebook page against the Muslim community. She later argued that she did not mean to attack this
religion/ community. She married a Muslim, and she decided to convert into her husband religion.
Some people believed her statements racists and other people from her own community commented
her statements positively and there were many “likes” on her Facebook page7. The Mauritian Justice
condemned her, and this specific Facebook page was shut down. However, the fact that she attacked
a community reinforces the feelings of uneasiness some tourists perceived among the population and
which they testified during interviews.
Discrimination through Words
Hence, culture, especially religion, is a way through which each group tries to hurt the other. At
the same time, culture is a way of inclusion, for example, through music. The Mauritian music is
the sega and the instruments are from all the ethnic groups. However, sega is mainly sung by the
Creoles. One of them tried to make this cultural element a way to unite Mauritians from all groups,
transforming it into an element of inclusion. His stage name was Kaya and he created a new type of
music, which he named “seggae”. It is a mix of Mauritian sega and the reggae. It is a way of reuniting
Mauritius, or even more so, to reunite Mauritian Creoles of African descent to Africa, their ancestral
land. Unfortunately, this peacemaker was allegedly beaten to death by police officers while he was
imprisoned in 1999. Interviewees said that police officers are mostly from the Hindu ethnic group. It
has now been proven through the ‘Truth and Justice Commission’8 report, released in 2012, and by
5 The original title was: “Pourquoi les Créoles posent problème”
6 http://lescreoles.blogspot.fr/ (15 June 2014)
7 http://www.lemauricien.com/article/facebook-krishnee-bunwaree-provisoirement-inculpee (15 June 2014)
8 The Truth and Justice Commission is tasked to undertake an inquiry into the legacy of slavery and indentured labour in Mauritius. The
commission also has the responsibility to determine appropriate measures to be extended to descendants of slaves and indentured labourers,
and to investigate complaints of the dispossession of land. The Mauritius Truth and Justice Commission is unique in that it deals with socioeconomic class abuses and attempts to cover more than 370 years (1638-present), the longest period that a truth commission has ever attempted
to cover. […] The mandate foresees a commission of five members. Four members are nationals, while the current chair, Alex Boraine, is a
citizen of South Africa and the former deputy chair of the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission. (http://www.usip.org/
publications/truth-commission-mauritius, 25 June 2014). As a comparison, since the chair for the Truth Commission in
55
field investigations that there is tension between Hindus and Creoles. This report also put forward
that there is discrimination, mainly from the former against the latter. This situation between the
two groups is underpinned by Mr. Naeck’s article stigmatising the Creoles. The latter are probably a
problem for the Hindus, since a Hindu journalist wrote the article. Many Creoles reacted against this
article in order to defend their group, but it has increased the tension between these two groups. Some
Hindus said in interviews that the article put into words what many Hindus think about Creoles.
Fortunately, not all Hindus think that way as Rada Gungaloo, who denounced the corruption among
the Hindus politicians, which leads to stigmatisations of the Creoles, shows it in another article9.
“Noubann” versus “zot bann”
During my field investigation, I met a Political Scientist, who told me that she had been studying a
phenomenon known as “noubannism” in Mauritius for quite a long period. This word is a Mauritian
Kreol neologism for communalism. It can be understood as follows:
“Nou” meaning “us” and “bann” meaning “group”. “Zot” is the Mauritian kreol’s way to say
“them”. Hence, there is the opposition between “us” and “them”. This is the Mauritian way for each
group to include people belonging to the same culture and to exclude those, who do not belong
to their culture. In a manifesto for the 21st century, British sociologist, John Urry writes about
‘belonging’ as “a new sociology of flows to replace the sociology of ‘territory’”. He argues that
‘belonging’ “almost always involve(s) diverse forms of mobility. He adds that people dwell in and
through being at home and away, through the dialectic of roots and routes” (Urry 2002:1). In the
Mauritian’s situation, home is now the island but the cultures come from different roots and routes,
as we showed briefly at the beginning of this text. There are no aboriginal people; therefore, there
is no aboriginal culture, but the ancestral cultures are from elsewhere. This ‘elsewhere’ that each
group of Mauritians tends to idealise, rejecting any Mauritian culture that would be shared by all
Mauritians regardless of the ancestral cultures. Furthermore, the theorists, Baumeister and Leary,
wrote that it is almost universal for human beings to entertain interpersonal relationships with other
humans. Thus, “belongingness is an innate quality with an evolutionary basis, and would have clear
survival and reproductive benefits”(Baumeister & Leary 1995:497-529). Because of this application
of “noubannism” leading some politician to say that “each monkey protects its mountain”10, there are
shared pejorative perceptions of the other groups.
How Mauritians See Each Other
For quite a lot of Hindus, the Creoles are the black sheep. They consider the latter as being lazy
and alcoholic. The Creoles, along with the other ethnic groups, would qualify the Hindus as “Malbar
coolies”, which is a direct reference of how their ancestors arrived on the island, as indentured
Mauritius was South African, Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act 34 of 1995 established the Truth and
Reconciliation for South Africa. It was meant to investigate gross human rights violations (abductions, killings, torture and severe ill
treatment) committed by state actors and liberation movements between 21 March 1960 and 10 May 1994, to provide amnesty to individuals
who applied and who fulfilled the criteria, and to recommend reparations to victims. The commission also held special hearings focused on specific
sectors, institutions and individuals. The commission had the power to search premises and seize evidence, subpoena witnesses and run a witness
protection program. (http://webfactory.co.za/csvr/csvr/africa/mauritius/truth-and-justice-commission/80-country/
mechanism/397.html, 25 June 2014). There were other such commissions in Australia, Moving Forward - Achieving Reparations for the
Stolen Generations. In Canada the Truth and Reconciliation Commission hopes to guide and inspire Aboriginal peoples and Canadians in a
process of reconciliation and renewed relationships that are based on mutual understanding and respect.
9 http://www.lemauricien.com/article/mea-culpa-pourquoi-faiseur-d%E2%80%99opinion-pose-probleme (14 Mar. 2014).
10 “sak zako protez so montagne”
56
labourers, being “coolies” from India. “Malbar” is a pejorative term. However, all the groups consider
the Hindus as hard workers, although they are seen by the Creoles as working as hard as oxen, which
is quite pejorative in the Mauritian context. The other groups would perceive the Chinese as cunning
and hard workers at the same time. They are often referred to as “sinwa makao”, in reference to the
region from which most of them originated. The Muslims, who originated from India, are referred
to as “Lascar”, a judgemental term in the Mauritian context. The only group that is spared from
any negative qualifications is the Whites, the colonisers’ descendants. The part of culture that is
responsible for inclusion or exclusion is the language used for or against a group. This shows the
important role of cultures when they cross in a multicultural society.
Mauritian Culture Outside Mauritius
Nevertheless, from interviews during my fieldwork in Mauritius, it appears that when Mauritians
from any groups travel to their ancestor’s lands, they discovered that the culture they inherited has
almost nothing more to do with its original one. When the cultures crossed on the island, they shaped
each other. Each culture seems to have taken a piece of the other cultures and has formed a new
one. In the long run, the new culture may become a Mauritian culture, thus uniting all the groups in
the country. However, families and members of each group would prevent young Mauritians from
mixing cultures, especially through interethnic marriages, for example, although they increased over
the past years and may keep on increasing in the future especially with Creoles.
The Mauritian Creoles: From Culture Crossings to Culture Mixings
To understand the definition of Mauritian Creoles, the people not the language, I will define the
term “Creole” in a general way, from its inception until today.
General Definition of “Creole”
I start with the genesis of the term “Creole”. It emerged during the colonial period, when it
was used to describe the many uprooted and displaced people brought to serve as slaves on the
plantations and thus contribute to the economic growth of certain colonies, both in the Caribbean
and the Indian Ocean. These colonies were Louisiana, Jamaica, Trinidad, La Reunion and Mauritius
(Eriksen 1999: 2). The term Creole is rooted in that of ‘criollo’, which qualified any Spanish born in
the New World, in contrast to ‘peninsulares’. Today, there is a similar term in La Réunion, where
people who are born on the island, regardless of their skin colour, are called Creoles. The same is true
for the French Antilles, contrary to ‘Zoreils’, which designates people born in metropolitan France
for La Reunion (Eriksen 1999: 2). In Trinidad, the term ‘Creole’ refers to all Trinidadians, except for
those of Asian origin (Eriksen 1999: 2). In Suriname, a Creole is a person of African descent, while
in neighbouring countries, such as French Guiana, a Creole is a person, who has adopted a European
lifestyle (Eriksen 1999: 2).
During the French and especially during the British colonial period in Mauritius, there were
different types of people, who would later be all qualified as Creoles. There were “Creole” slaves –
those who were born in the colony – the slaves “newly arrived”11, who were referred to as “bossales”.
Furthermore, slaves devoted to farm work were nicknamed Pickaxe Negroes. Those working in the
11 “Fek debarke”.
57
courtyard were nicknamed Court Negroes; slaves who took care of the master’s house were referred
to as House Negroes. Finally, there were the Talented Negroes, the name given to slaves who were
manual workers. The freed slaves and the people of colour would later be classified under the single
denomination of Creoles, that is to say, in the post-slavery era.
Definition of “Mauritian Creoles”
From the discussion above, we easily assess how modern Mauritian Creole has become quite
complex to be defined. Hence, they can be classified as in the table below:
Creoles
Descriptions
Creole Mazambik
Also called “big leaf ” (“Gro fei”), referring to their thick features. Other derogatory names
are: “ti-seve, seve maymaye, fandja, nasyon, nass”.
Coloured Creole
Also called “half-white skin” (“Demikle”) – Europeans-Africans mestizo, EuropeansAsians (mostly Indians) mestizo or Asians-Africans.
Children from marriages between Creoles and Hindus. Creoles with straight hair, like
Hindus’; sometimes baptised.
Same definition as for the Creole-Malbar.
Recalls of their African origin,
from the Mozambique, but it is
also a derogatory term.
Creole-Malbar
Creole-Madras
Madras-Batize
(Baptised Tamil)
Tamil converted into Catholicism, in India or in Mauritius. Differentiated by their surnames and phenotype; religions: Catholic and Tamil. Rejected by “True” Tamils (Information from interviewees).
Creole-Sinois
(Chinese-Creole)
Rasta
Born from Creole and Chinese parents, have Chinese traits, sometimes dark or brown skin,
hence qualified Sinois-Noir (Black Chinese).
Creole rouz (Red Creole)
Born out of miscegenation (Africans and Whites); clear-skinned, blue or clear-coloured eyes
sometimes, dark, red or brown hair, often frizzy.
Mulatto
Originally called coloured people, “Milat”: interbreeding between white settlers and Indian
women (De L’Estrac 2007:191-192).
Definition given in 2011 by Father Alain Romaine, a Mauritian
Creole Roman Catholic priest.
Creole fer-blanc
Ziloi or Creole Chagossian
Sometimes dark-skinned. Claim their state of belonging to African soil. 1980-1990:
sought to revive the Africanism in all Creoles (Information from interviewees). Physical
characteristics: dreadlocks, often wear Jamaican flag colours.
“Do like the Whites”. Dress, act, eat, mimic speaking French like the Whites.
During one of the many walkings I did with a group in Mauritius, in 2011, I met two girls named C.F. and
V.O. They had a fairly clear complexion. They spoke only French with a strong accent, while everyone in the
group was speaking kreol. I asked them if they were Mauritians. They chuckled and replied, “In fact, we have
always lived in Mauritius, but our family never spoke anything else but French, so we have difficulties speaking
Kreol.” I insisted,” So you are not Mauritians, you are French.” They responded, giggling, “No, but we do not
speak Kreol that’s all.” They did not say clearly whether they were French or Mauritian. This is an example
of “Creole Fer-Blanc”.
Group grafted onto the Creole community. Ancestors: African, Mauritian, Indian, Seychelles (De L’Estrac 2011:37). 1968-1973, deported from Diego Garcia to Mauritius
and the Seychelles by British and Americans. Seen as foreigners.
Table 1: Names given to Creoles and their definition. (Sources: books and interviews).
Mauritian Creoles: Cultures and Religions
The table above shows that the Mauritian Creole community shares several cultures. The group
is a form of a melting pot, not completely in the American way of the term because, as we can
58
see in this table, some groups would melt some elements of their culture; but that does not mean
they would turn into a harmonious whole with a common culture. For example, many Creoles may
practice two religions at a time, mixing religions and cultures from the other groups. This practice
gives way to a form of syncretism and its principle, as far as religion is concerned, “holds that when
any two cultures meet and interact, they will exchange religious ideas with the dominant culture
prevailing in the exchange”12 . In the case of the Creoles, the dominant religion had been Catholicism,
the masters’ religion, over the slaves’ African cultures and religions during the colonial periods. Today,
there is still the former masters’ religion that prevails over any other religions that the Creoles would
practice. Pictured below is a Creole’s house, which testifies to the fact that two or more religions are
being practiced:
The Mauritian Creoles: Outsiders’ Views
Some Creoles I met during the Cavadee13 celebration testified that they did not want the Catholic
priests to know that they also adopted Tamil’s religion for fear of excommunication from the Roman
Catholic Church. However, they also testified that for the Tamil priest, it was not a problem for
Catholics to practice both religions.
Still, this group seems undefinable as Linguist Robert Chaudenson put it. He wrote that Creole is:
“Any individual, who is neither Franco-Mauritian (White), nor Indo-Mauritian, nor SinoMauritian. This term is reserved either for Mulattos or for individuals of the Malagasy or African
type, which is relatively well marked. One can then specify, depending on the case, Malagasy Creole,
Mozambican Creole, and even Rodriguez Creole. When necessary, a distinction is also made within
the creole ensemble for ‘people of colour’ (dimounn koulere in Creole), who have a weak degree of
hybridity. Thus, in the local regional French variety, one can hear people say une femme de couleur
bien blanche ‘a coloured woman who is quite white’. Strictly speaking, creoles are those who by their
own phenotype cannot claim the term white” (Chaudenson 2001:5-6 ).
For Historian, Megan Vaughan:
“Creoles” is both a racial category (those who allegedly look most “African” in their features are
members of it, though their descent is likely to be very mixed) and a residual category, and therefore
one that signifies lack. The Creoles in contemporary Mauritian terms are those who are not: they
are neither Hindus nor Muslims nor Tamils nor Chinese nor “whites” of either the Franco or
Anglo variety. The Creole community is the residue of these racial/ ethnic/ cultural categories […]”
(Vaughan 2005:3).
I would like to add that the Creoles are also the compendium of all these cultures, and sometimes
in the future they can be the craftsmen of Mauritianism and pave the way to a Mauritian culture.
Furthermore, because of the development of high-speed transport today, very few groups/ cultures
in the world can say that they are not mixed with other groups/ cultures. That is what probably led
12 Excerpt from Gier N. F. 1994.
13 A Hindu festival celebrated by the Tamil community on the full moon in January or February. This festival can be
observed in India (mainly in the region of Madras, in the south), Sri Lanka, Mauritius, Malaysia, Myanmar, Singapore,
Indonesia and Thailand. Those are countries where there is a significant presence of the Tamils. It is the celebration of
the victory of Muruga, the god, who vanquished the evil demon Soorapadman, thanks to a spear given to the god.
59
Norwegian Professor Thomas Hylland Eriksen to entitle one of his work, “Tu Dimunn Pu Vini
Kreol” (Everybody is becoming Creole). Nevertheless, some sub-groups of the Mauritian Creoles
that can be seen as the epitome of modern Mauritian suffer from exclusion today.
Possible Reasons for Some Creoles Sub-groups’ Exclusion
In this article, I tried to show that the Creoles, even more so, some sub-groups of Creoles suffer
from cultural exclusion that leads to economic exclusion. What are the reasons for this exclusion?
Based on historical facts and from interviews, the possible reasons are that some of them are of
slave descents. Indeed, from interviews and observations, it appears that the sub-groups of Creoles
who seem to face discrimination are those from slave descents, the Rastas and, generally, the Creoles
with African phenotype, as is shown in the table above. However, it has been impossible to find
any reasons why being of slave descent is a path towards discrimination. Maybe, this is because the
Creoles’ ancestors were not completely free even after the abolition. This is the reason why their
descents are said to lack the courage of fighting for their rights against the Hindus’ rights. However,
from polls and interviews, it appears that more and more Creoles are now showing pride of who they
are and of their past, thus, they are acquiring their empowerment.
From a Political Point of View
A Historian, I discussed with, said that from a political point of view, the British Colonists were
somehow responsible for this present situation because they encouraged the party that won the
majority votes to govern the island after independence. Since the Hindus are more than 50% of the
whole population, they are logically at the head of government. Hence, the Mauritian government
is far from representing proportionally all the groups. Furthermore, the Hindus’ ancestors were
indentured labourers, but they did not suffer from their culture’s genocide, to put it in Jocelyn Chan
Low’s words.
From a Historical Point of View
In fact, after their contract as indentured labourers, the Indians bought land and stayed in Mauritius,
and they even continued to work in the sugar-cane fields. The Creoles did not do this. Historians
argued that the Hindus were not chained and beaten to death if they did not work quickly, or if they
ran away as were the slaves. The Indentured labourers came to the island without being captured.
This does not minimise the suffering they underwent on their way on the boat or “barracoon”, like V.
S. Naipaul put it. They ran away from poverty in India to Mauritius to work with the hope of going
back with enough money for a better life. However, most of the Indians stayed in Mauritius at the
end of their contract.
After the abolition, the slaves chose to live as far away as possible from the places where they
suffered so much abuse from their masters. Historians also argued that the slave descendant’s situation
was unlike the Hindus, who were encouraged to go to school, to study and to participate in the political
life of Mauritius, by such influent leaders as the Mahatma Gandhi upon his visit to Mauritius in 1901,
from 30th October to 19th November. He then encouraged Manilall Doctor, a young Gujarati lawyer,
to travel to Mauritius in order to help its Indo-Mauritian community (Nagapen 1996:100). Hugh
Tinker, a British historian, said that, barely a decade later, the Mahatma met R.K. Boodhun, the first
Indo-Mauritian lawyer, in London and encouraged him to return to his country to work on behalf of
60
the Indo-Mauritian community. The slaves and their descents did not have such reliable leaders. There
have been Creoles leaders such as Augustic Moignac, Eliezer François or even Gaëtan Duval, known
as “the King of the Creole” (‘Lerwa kreol’), the charismatic leader of the PMSD (Parti Mauricien
Social Démocrate), a Mauritian political party. However, some Creoles interviewed said that they were
far from representing all the Creoles; they represented only some specific sub-groups of Creoles.
From a Modern Mauritian Point of View
According to some Creoles I interviewed, the Whites discouraged Creoles’ parents from sending
their children to school and to study. This went on from after the abolition until the 1960s. A Creole
priest whom I interviewed said that his father’s manager offered his father a job for his son in the
sugar-cane factory where the former was working. My interviewee said that, for the White Manager, it
looked like the only thing to do for his employee’s son. The priest wanted to pursue study at a foreign
university; however, the boss tried his best to discourage his father from acceding to his son’s request.
Furthermore, the difference between other groups and the Creoles is that the latter is a split group
whereas the other groups can throw away their discord when the future of the whole community is
at stake. For example, the Hindus are able to set aside their caste discord, and become closely knit
whenever it is needed.
These are some possible reasons why Creoles face exclusion. However, this paper is not meant to
compare one group of Mauritians to the others. All the people who were born in Mauritius are all
Mauritians; it is high time that they accept their current situation. There are definitions for each group
in Mauritius, but how can we define a Mauritian?
Definition of a Mauritian
Set aside ethnic definitions, being a Mauritian:
“means adhering to certain family and religious values despite their pressures and constraints. [...]
It means respecting the rituals and traditions of others, even if we do not understand their culture.
[...] Sharing the same pleasure for palavering, arguing. Sharing the same taste for brede broth, garlic
and ginger crushed together. Being a Mauritian means sharing the same passion for politics, English
footballs and horse’ racing. [...] It means “relaxing a little and sharing some little jokes”; transforming
each birthday party into a state affair; not being able to say no but without saying yes. [...] Being a
Mauritian means having your family send you Kraft cheese when you live abroad; drinking lots of
over-sweetened cups of milked tea (without caring for your health). It is being lost in the details at the
expense of the basics. [...] Being a Mauritian also means spying on others, but hating to be spied on;
it means moving to the airport and to the beach with all the members of your family; being generous
because, basically, you hate injustice. It is also being rebellious against an unwanted holiday, but take
the opportunity of asking for another one two days later; [...] Seeing life as “really, really” hard,
but doing everything to complicate it even more at any given opportunity; boasting to speak several
languages, but understanding and insulting each other only in Kreol (La Rédaction 2015).
In fact, being a Mauritian can be seen as an alchemy of everything and its opposite because it is a
mix of cultures from the three old continents.
61
Conclusion
Culture is quite an issue in Mauritius because of the number of culture crossings and sometimes
mixings. Although each group living on the island clings to their ancestral culture, people travelling
abroad conclude that there is a mixing, rather than a crossing, of cultures resulting in a brand new
Mauritian culture. This is made of ‘bits and pieces’ of all the cultures that once crossed the island
from the three old continents – Asia, Europe and Africa. The Creole, some of whom were ripped
from their ancestral cultures, being a catchall group, seems to be the one to pave the way towards the
Mauritian culture. Undeniably, it will take time for this new Republic14 to build up a Mauritian culture.
They have started, and we may infer from the willpower of the young people from all ethnic groups
living there, that there is a new culture rising. The questions that arise are: how long will it take to build
that “Mauritianism”? How long will the old people, the ancestral culture keepers, continue to slow
down this movement towards a new, harmonious Mauritian culture?
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University Press.
La Rédaction (2015). ‘Dessine-moi un Mauricien.’ L’Express (13 mars 2005). <http://www.lexpress.mu/article/dessinemoi-un-mauricien>accessed 2015.
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14 Mauritius became a Republic in 1992.
62
Appendix
Figure 1: The places and the country’s name given by the Dutch. http://www.welt-atlas.de/map_of_mauritius_2-114
Figure 2: Christian, Tamil and Hindu Divinities (Sylvie Maurer, June 2012).
Cognition of Communication Examined through Mobile
Phone
Dr. Soma Bandyopadhyay
Associate Professor Department of Anthropology Sree Chaitanya College, Habra Prafullanagar, 24Pgs (N), West Bengal, India.
Email: [email protected]
keywords
abstract
communication
cognitive anthropology
utility
memorization
verbal communication
non-verbal communication
material culture
Human cognition expressed through symbols, wins over the physiological process of response.
Conventional ways of communication are facing challenges from upcoming technological devices. The extent
of human dependence on present day technology regarding communication is studied. The study is an
attempt to establish a relationship between human thought and society in relation to mobile phone. The
users give priority to the utilitarian factor regarding communication. Verbal communication was preferred
over the non-verbal for the option of direct contact. Technical non-verbal ways of communication sometimes
are less preferred as emotion acquires a space within cognitive sphere of communication. Communicating
with the other world is so important that the users are ready to purchase a phone even from a low income.
As verbal communication is preferred, users choose user-friendly handsets. They like to call a person rather
to send SMS. Occupation and gender variation in all the parameters of study are also considered.
Introduction
Communication is an action of human mind, which depends upon actual perception of knowledge
and it’s sharing. Communication is presently considered as a model of analyzing cognition. In fact
human cognition is expressed through communication to a large extent. When relationship between
human thought and human society is being enlightened, it is included within the sphere of cognitive
Anthropology (D’Andrade 1995:1). From the point of view of cognitive anthropology development
and expansion of human thought is expressed mainly through communication. Blocks of human
thought are built upon the cognitive environment of sensual and perceptual ones. Human cognition,
fashioned by structure of culture expressed through symbols, wins over the physiological process of
response. Human thought and its expression through communication also frame the actual network
of a society. This communication may be expanded up to different spheres including own family,
locality and the sphere beyond locality. At present man utilize several technological devices and
traditional verbal communication is in transition. Human cognition has undergone major changes.
Easy availability of different devices has accelerated the thought and decision making process. Realtime implies constant ability to access but also constant need to reply. The cognitive impacts of the
interrelationship between constant ability to access and constant need to reply are yet to be discovered.
Communication is the process to impart information from a sender to a receiver with the use of
a medium. Communication requires that all parties have an area of communicative commonality.
There are auditory means, such as speaking, singing and sometimes tone of voice, and nonverbal,
Please cite this article as: Bandyopadhyay S., Cognition of Communication Examined through Mobile Phone. Antrocom J. of Anthropology 11-1 (2015)
64
Bandyopadhyay S. / Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, vol. 11, n. 1 (2015) 63-76
physical means, such as body language, sign language, paralanguage, touch, eye contact, or the
use of writing. Communication is defined as a process by which we assign and convey meaning
in an attempt to create shared understanding. This process requires a vast repertoire of skills in
intrapersonal and interpersonal processing, listening, observing, speaking, questioning, analyzing, and
evaluating. Use of these processes is developmental and transfers to all areas of life: home, school,
community, work, and beyond. It is through communication that collaboration and cooperation
occur. Communication is the articulation of sending a message through different media whether it
be verbal or nonverbal, so long as a being transmits a thought provoking idea, gesture, action, etc.
Communication is a learned skill. Most people are born with the physical ability to talk, but we must
learn to speak well and communicate effectively. Speaking, listening, and our ability to understand
verbal and nonverbal meanings are skills we develop in various ways. We learn basic communication
skills by observing other people and modeling our behaviors based on what we see. We also are taught
some communication skills directly through education, and by practicing those skills and having them
evaluated. Communication as an academic discipline relates to all the ways we communicate, so it
embraces a large body of study and knowledge. The communication discipline includes both verbal
and nonverbal messages. A body of scholarship all about communication is presented and explained
in textbooks, electronic publications, and academic journals. In the journals, researchers report the
results of studies that are the basis for an ever-expanding understanding of how we all communicate.
Communication happens at many levels (even for one single action), in many different ways, and
for most beings, as well as certain machines. Several, if not all, fields of study dedicate a portion of
attention to communication, so when speaking about communication it is very important to be sure
about what aspects of communication one is speaking about. Definitions of communication range
widely, some recognizing that animals can communicate with each other as well as human beings,
and some are more narrow, only including human beings within the parameters of human symbolic
interaction.
Nonetheless, communication is usually described along a few major dimensions: Content (what
type of things are communicated), source, emisor, sender or encoder (by whom), form (in which
form), channel (through which medium), destination, receiver, target or decoder (to whom), and the
purpose or pragmatic aspect. Between parties, communication includes acts that confer knowledge
and experiences, give advice and commands, and ask questions. These acts may take many forms,
in one of the various manners of communication. The form depends on the abilities of the group
communicating. Together, communication content and form make messages that are sent towards a
destination. Communication is social interaction where at least two interacting agents share a common
set of signs and a common set of semiotic rules. Theories of co regulation describe communication as
a creative and dynamic continuous process, rather than a discrete exchange of information. Canadian
media scholar Harold Innis had the theory that people use different types of media to communicate
and which one they choose to use will offer different possibilities for the shape and durability of
society (Wark, McKenzie 1997).
Review of Literature
Process of studying cognition was started by the modern anthropologist as early as 1938 by a person
like Franz Boas. Conklin’s (1955) seminal work on Hanunno has started with a new methodology
when post Radciffe- Brown structuralists like Leach (1952) and others in Britain were at the zenith.
This is also the time when French Structuralism under the intellectual leadership of Levi-Strauss
(1963) has influenced not only in Anthropology/ethnology but in literature, culture study, sociology
and other branches of social and human sciences. In Europe Levi- structuralism of Levi Strauss was
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to some extent influenced by Levi-Straussian brand of structuralism. Cognitive anthropology and
ethnoscience began to appear in America in 1965 with a brilliant study on legal system done by Black
and. Metzger.
Cognitive anthropology assumes that each culture orders events, material life and ideas, to its
own particular criteria. The fundamental aim is to reliably represent the logical systems of thought
of other people according to criteria which can be discovered and replicated through analysis. Its
methodology and theoretical basis stem from the fields of both psychology and anthropology. The
field can be divided into three phases: 1) ethno science, an early formative period in the 1950’s; 2) the
middle period during the 1960’s and 1970’s, commonly identified with the study of folk models; and
3) the growth of schema theory and the development of consensus theory in the 1980’s and 1990’s.
Many advances have been made in a relatively short period of time in understanding the human
mind and in understanding people’s world views through cognitive anthropology. It has something to
offer each of anthropology’s four fields: archaeology, biological anthropology, linguistics, and cultural
anthropology. Moreover, it has significantly changed the face of cultural anthropology, particularly
with respect to its methodological development.
To the core of ethnographic semantics and ethnoscience practiced in the 1950’s and 1960’s,
decision models and narrative grammars were added to the agenda of cognitive anthropology in
the 1970’s (Colby 1996:209). D’Andrade (1995:245-248) states that the linguistic preoccupation
in cognitive anthropology has given away to more psychological approaches. This shift began in
the late 1970’s and became more prominent in the 1980’s with interest in ‘connectionist networks’
Much of the development of cognitive anthropology has been credited to Floyd Lounsbury and
Ward Goodenough (Applebaum 1987:409). Goodenough laid out the basic premises for the “new
ethnography,” as ethnoscience was sometimes known (1957 cited in Moore 1999:102). A simple
description of what was observed by the ethnographer was no longer sufficient. The new aim was
to find the underlying structure behind a peoples’ conception of the world around them. Cognitive
structure is being related to the physical structure of artifacts and the behavioral structure of groups
(D’Andrade 1995:248).
Statement of the Problem
The study initiates with probing peoples’ view regarding communication and the extent to what it
is cognized as a basic need of a society. Dependence on contemporary technology for communication
is also considered. Way of replacing conventional devices of communication through soft media and
transforming cognition of communication as a whole is also analytically dealt with. Effort has been
made to raise an issue regarding cognition of communication development. How communication
should be cognized – as a cognitive domain through which society can develop and enlighten itself or
as a cultural aspect or social practice ruled by technology!
Objective of the Study
The idea of study initiates from a unique observation. People of the studied area are of moderate
economic profile. Even then a widely used technological device for communication is found in almost
all households – the mobile phone. This reality injects the question in the author’s mind – why
mobile phone is so important for those people who are not solvent enough to procure the same? Is
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it modified cognition of communication? How those brains are analyzing symbols of an advanced
technological device like mobile phone, which are not trained to do so! Is it a customized schema of
brain – mind coordination? To what extent the society sustain this coordination for its up gradation?
In search of the answers of these questions this study is going to be commenced. Peoples’ logic and
wisdom have been given utmost importance in this study. Both verbal and non-verbal communication
are considered from a comparative view. Objective of this comparison is to analyze peoples’ view
regarding prioritization between two aspects – communication and emotion. Verbal communication
is directly related to emotion where as non-verbal type is a bit purposive. Role of cultural practices on
this prioritization is also intended to be examined.
Methodologies
Methods of cognitive anthropology are not meant for sheer analysis of man environment
relationship. Human cognition can be analyzed through some external usages too. Social network
itself is a very complicated aspect of study. In this discourse human cognition of social network and
its relationship with cognitive advancement are intended to be analyzed. Social bondage between
individuals is transformed through introduction of alternative communicating device. Perception
of individual role and value now varies according to ones access on technology. Communication
is one of the primary parameters ensuring development. Existence of perception and knowledge
about communication is a cultural universal. This study is an effort to investigate the stage where
human cognition regarding communication domain actually belongs to. A domain is composed of
a set of related ideas or facts that form a larger category. Weller and Romney (1988) define domain
as “an organized set of words, concepts, or sentences, all on the same level of contrast that jointly
refer to a single conceptual sphere”. The individual items within a domain partially achieve their
meaning from their relationship to other items in a “mutually interdependent system reflecting the
way in which a given language or culture classified the relevant conceptual sphere” (Romney1988).
Knowledge structure is another methodological approach to claudicate with brilliant analysis of
cognitive anthropology. According to Colby (1996) “knowledge structure includes the study of
consensus among individual in a group” Memory is another aspect of cognition. Schema has a lot
to do with working principle of memory (Bandyopadhyay 2007). In this reaction it may be argued
that in contemporary time period, communication is based upon memory. Schemata is one of
the most important and soundful approaches for cognitive anthropology in the past twenty years.
Bartlett first developed the word of schema in 1932. He postulated that remembering is guided by a
mental structure, a schemata “an active organization of past reactions, or of past experiences, which
must always be supposed to be operational in any well- adapted organic response” (Schacter 1989).
Both short-term and long term memory have been used as methods of analyzing the cognition of
communication. The schematic purview of human mind regarding the communication network will
be considered as a tool to establish the cultural significance of communication. Semantic analysis of
peoples’ version regarding their communication with the outer world is here considered as another
aspect of the study. In this aspect several socio-economic constrains have been investigated.
The area of Study
Perceptual aspect of cognition emphasizes that cultural categories influence the process of
human thought. In perceptual aspect of cognition language is a great matrix of cultural categories
(D, Andrade, 1995). To record the perceptual aspects the study has been done among the people
residing different areas of North 24 Parganas District of West Bengal, India. Total 600 individuals
are considered as informant in this study. Both male and female individuals have been considered
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(462 males and 138 females). Four different types of occupation, Studentship, Service, Business and
Housewife have taken into consideration. Distribution of studied sample to gender and occupations
are shown in Figure 1 & 2. Sample population has been selected through multistage stratified random
sampling. Sample size has been determined on the basis of a pilot survey and direct observation.
Figure 3 shows that range of income is strikingly inadequate for possession of mobile phone. 56%
of the studied sample possesses mobile phone even after having a low monthly income range of Rs.
5000-10000 per month. This may be the fact that people consider mobile phone as an indispensible
item of their life and they include the expenditure related to mobile phone in their budget of monthly
expenditure. People are ready to spent money for this purpose even in a situation of less financial
solvency. Another striking feature is that only 23% of the studied sample are interested in procuring
mobile phone in spite of sizeable average family income (Rs. 15000 +). The individuals found in this
category are mostly middle aged hence a bit reluctant in using mobile phone as their children are using
the same. They have a less dynamic lifestyle which, as they cognize, needs less communication with
the outer world. Even if needed they have ample time for direct conversation with significant persons.
Figures 4 and 5 represent preference of handset type prevalent among the studied people. 75.31%
people prefer ordinary handsets and 24.69% prefer smartphones, provided with camera, video
camera, multimedia services etc (Fig.5). Price is another parameter of preference. 51.03% possess
handsets within price-range of 1500-2000 (Fig.4). This kind of choice may come from economic as
well as utilitarian point of view or due to a moderate coordination quality of brain schema which does
not generate immense inquisitiveness among the users. This kind of choice may indicate peoples’
inclination towards direct communication than possessing a mobile just to show it off.
Purchase of genuine handset and preservation of valid cash memo is considered a parameter of
perception towards lawful use of mobile phone. Irrespective of gender and occupation, most of the
users are found to be enough alert to have a handset with valid cash-memo (see Fig.-6).
Mode of achievement (whether achieved as a gift or personally purchased) is here considered as
another parameter to analyze cognition of communication (see Fig.7). In fact it is found that mode of
achievement has got a direct relationship with age and gender. Male users have mostly purchased the
set personally. Only 24.17% male users of 15-20 years of age-group have got their set as a gift. All of
them are student by occupation and undoubtedly dependent on their parents financially. As the age
increases the mode of achievement varies according to gender variation. Female users are found to
achieve the set as a gift as their age increases but reverse is the fact in case of the male. 75% female of
35-40 years and 100% female of 40-45 years have purchased the handset may be due to professional
priority. Preference of network connection and individual justification towards a preference serve
a lot to enquire about cognition of communication (see Figures 8 and 9). Three major networks,
Vodafone, Airtel and Reliance are mostly chosen by the users under study. Users have justified their
preference in both utilitarian and economic point of view. The utilitarian aspect, i.e. good network
service gets priority importance as poor connectivity stands for continuous communication giving
result to additional expenditure as well as irritation.
Figures 10 and 11 show that cognition of management of expenditure for maintaining the mobile
connection has distinct relationship with occupation and gender. Students mostly restrict their budget
within Rs. 50-100 maximum up to Rs. 200 per month and the males are more concerned about this
management. Maximum number of females in service spends Rs. 300-400 or more as they have a
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sizeable world of professional as well as emotional communication. Business personnel are very much
calculative regarding this expenditure. As the age of business personnel increases this calculative
cognition is more strongly expressed. The housewives are compelled to restrict their expenditure
within Rs. 200 and naturally concise their world of communication even against their will.
Verbal and non-verbal communication has been given a special importance in this study. If
the cultural aspect of communication is considered, human mind is more inclined towards direct
communication as it is fastened with emotion. Emotion is the product of dialectic between bodily
arousal and cognitive interpretation (Schultz et.al. 1995:463).Cognitive psychologist George Mandler
describes emotions as functional systems. He states: “Emotions are not something that people ‘have’:
they are constituted of peoples’ states, values and arousals” (1983:151).
Figures 12 and 13 shows that the users are inclined towards verbal communication than the nonverbal one irrespective of age, gender and occupation perspective. The users’ justification for this
inclination is that through verbal communication the network cycle of speaker and listener completes
immediately. The users prefer immediate response as it contains human feeling and emotion according
to variable situation. In case of non-verbal communication the users have to type the SMS, wait for
reply. Failure of accurate connectivity through non-verbal communication sometimes bothers the
users. Technological literacy here also matters which is depicted through age and gender variation
of preference. Users of 35 to 60 years of age are totally refrained from non-verbal communication.
The housewives also do so. The skill required for sending or reading SMS is found of low profile
among these categories of users. This may be due to apathy of human brain to learn a new thing after
attainment of certain age or due to the perception of less necessity.
Concluding Remarks
In the present study, the author has tried to establish the relationship between human thought and
human society with the help of a specific commodity, widely accepted in a particular society – the
mobile phone. Communication can be considered as one of the most important preconditions of
human existence. In the course of evolution of human culture several stages of change and transition
have been witnessed. Preference upon easy and clear communication gradually made man dependent
upon different technical devices. Initial rate of acceptance of a technical device was not satisfactory,
may be for affordability factor.
In all the cases it has been found that man has given priority to the utilitarian factor at least
regarding communication. Same thing is applicable for mobile phone also. Initially it was seen that
mobile phone users were of a specific class which could be considered as an elite one. Gradually as
the cost of using a mobile phone reduced, it has become a commodity people must possess. This
kind of fact has been witnessed in the present study. More than half of the users (56%) considered
in this study have an average range of family income Rs. 5000 – 10000 per month. If we consider the
amount it is really difficult to live at all in the prevailing market situation. Even then people somehow
manage to purchase a mobile handset and maintain a network to communicate with others. Mobile
handset may be considered as a commodity of fashion or expression of luxurious living. But price
range of handset clearly depicts the fact that people prioritize communication, not fashion while
maintaining a mobile network connection. More than half of the users (51.03%) use a handset within
the price range of Rs. 1500-2000. Handset of this price range are provided only with those features,
which are suitable for calling a person, sending SMS and receiving a call. Highly modernized features
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are not chosen by the common users because those sets are not user-friendly for communication
purpose. Only 24.69% of the users were found to use sets with modern technical features. Users
under study are conscious enough regarding possession of cash memo of the hand-sets. Only a few
users do not have valid cash memo of the sets. Here gender and occupation variation hardly matters.
20.51% service holder female users do not have cash memo. They have mostly purchased the set as
second hand. The users have consciousness that only valid cash-memo can save them from different
difficulties like loss or damage of the set or other alike situations. So users cognize the mobile phone
as a commodity which should be used with proper respect and security measures as it is utmost
important for communication purpose. While the modes of achievement have been analyzed a clear
gender variation has arisen. Except for 24.17% male users of 15-20 years age group other male users
have purchased the set of their own. Both male and female students of age group ranging from 15
to 25 years have purchased their mobile phone by saving their pocket money or by spending their
income through private coaching. A good percentage of female users of age ranging from 25 to 35
have got the phone mostly as a gift of love from their husbands, friends or near relatives. 75% female
users of age group 50-55 has got the set as a gift from their husbands or children. In case of the users
cognition regarding purchasing a mobile phone independently is noticeable. As communication gets
priority to the users they do not prefer to depend upon and waste the time till he/she gets the phone
as a gift.
Expenditure budget is another noticeable side of users’ cognition regarding use of mobile phones.
The users were asked about their range of expenditure exceeding the regular recharge. Here striking
variation was revealed in respect of occupation as well as gender. Both male and female students are
highly conscious about the budget of expenditure. Female students are even more economic may
be because they are much more dependent on their parents for this purpose in comparison to male
counterparts. Even among the service holders gender variation is clear in this aspect. Only 20% of
the female service holders spend Rs. 50-100 per month and 23.33% spend Rs. 100-200. Where as
36.77% of male service holders spend Rs. 50-100 and 30.33% male service holders spend Rs. 100200 per month. But as the expenditure range increases a different scenario is seen. 16.67% female
service holders spend Rs. 200-300, 26.67% spend Rs. 300-400 and 13.33% spend more than Rs. 400
per month. In all the ranges their number was found to be higher than their male counter part. In case
of the male service holders the expenditure range was 12.26%, 07.74% and 12.90% respectively (Fig.
10). Here also the fact is that females are a bit less conscious about the budget as they give priority
to emotion over professional communication. Conscious budget management was found among the
businessmen. More than half of the total businessmen have restricted their monthly expenditure
(excluding the regular recharge) within Rs. 50-100. 32.38% spend Rs. 100-200, 07.62% spend Rs.
200-300, 02.86% spend Rs. 300-400 and 05.71% spend more than Rs.400 per month. According to
the users’ justification, the businessmen are more professional regarding the communication. They
use their mobile phones only for business talks, duration of call is very limited and naturally calls
are of low cost. Here cognition of communication gets another qualitative feature. Cost effective
communication is found to be cognized by users which arises from people engaged in a specific type
of occupation. Cost effective cognition of communication is also found among the housewives.
76.92% of housewives restrict their expenditure within Rs. 50-100, 23.08% spend Rs. 100-200. Not a
single housewife is ready to spend more than Rs. 200 per month for communication through mobile
phone. They justify the situation in this way that they have to depend on their husbands for this
expenditure; they have to manage this expenditure from the regular budget of their families. So they
have to restrict their call duration even sometimes against their will.
Communication in this study has been dealt with from two polar point of views viz. verbal
communication (i.e directly calling a person) and non-verbal communication (i.e sending SMS).
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Irrespective of gender and occupation the users have shown their preference towards verbal
communication. Only 11% of the students, 10% of the service holders and 4% of the businessmen
prefer non-verbal communication than the verbal one. Here also as the age increases the users
preference towards non verbal communication goes down. The users justify the fact that calling a
person and direct communication with him/her gives more comfort as it does not need to know
about different keys, typing a message etc. A good number of users were of opinion that they have
knowledge about only two keys, a green one for calling or receiving and a red one for disconnecting
the call. They also justify their preference upon simple, user-friendly hand sets in this way.
Use of mobile phone and its relationship with human society and culture is a wide area of study.
Mobile phone has acquired a great position in human life and playing a great role in the dynamic
scenario of human culture. Material culture has a place in contemporary social theory, especially
within the fields of anthropology (Appadurai, 1987; Miller, 1987; Olsen 2003), as well as sociology
(Dant, 1999, 2005; Komter, 2001; Preda, 1999) and psychology (Csikszentmihalyi and RochbergHalton, 1981). It is true that no human society can exist without the creation and manipulation
of objects to give consistency to action over time and space (Latour, 1996). Objects ‘bind human
actors and participate in developing specific forms of social order – because they allow for common
practices to develop, stabilize, and structure time’ (Preda, 1999: 355). If the objects of daily use
having specific cultural prescription are considered as material culture, mobile phone may be enlisted
within the periphery of material culture shortly. Pattern of using mobile phones varies from area
to area, occupation to occupation, gender to gender and culture to culture. Mobile phone may be
cognized as a device of verbal and non-verbal communication, a device of fashion, a device of
showing social status, a lucrative gift item, a device of promoting social network and so on. Cognition
of utility and use pattern varies. Among the users under study verbal communication with the outer
world has got utmost priority not the other utilities mentioned above. The study clearly reveals the
fact that cognition of communication has a great relationship with different socio-economic vis-à-vis
cultural factors. Communication (mostly verbal) is cognized as a basic need by the users under study.
Hence they somehow manage to purchase a hand set even after lot of constrains due to a low income
profile. For the purpose of sheer communication the illiterate or moderately literate housewives learn
how to operate a mobile phone, memorizes some 10 digit mobile numbers of their close relatives
and friends. As verbal communication matters, the users select those network connections which
provide good network service and they are even ready to pay more, than the other cheaper connection
available in their areas. Mobile phone has acquired a role in the culture of the community members.
Hence they choose a mobile hand set as an item of gift to please their loved ones. Sometimes ‘missed
calls’ are also used as a medium of communication to convey some messages like “call me back”,
“reached safely” etc. People cognize communication as a way of sharing ideas as well as getting rid of
isolation. Mobile phone can be considered as one of the most dependable devices to establish that
changing cognition of communication is a part of changing culture and human development. Even
after communicating through soft media, the users cannot hammer their emotions. They like to listen
the voice of their called ones immediately. Their culture prescribes to share their ideas through direct
communication not mostly through symbols and signs. Whatever be the extent of change towards
development, cognition of these users are still in the level of syntactic sharing not in the level of a
schematic one.
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Appendix
Figure 1: Gender distribution of studied sample
Figure 2: Genderwise occupation distribution of studied sample
Figure 3: Distribution of studied sample according to average family income
Figure 4: Distribution of studied sample according price variation of hanset use
Figure 5: Distribution of studied sample according to variation of handset used
Figure 6: Distribution of studied sample according to gender, occupation and possession of cash-memo with handsets.
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74
Figure 7: Distribution of studied sample according to mode of achievement of handset
Figure 8: Distribution of studied sample according to personal choice of network connection.
Figure 9: Distribution of studied sample according to reason of choosing a network.
Figure 10:Average monthly expenditure of mobile users (male) for maintaining the connection
Figure 11: Average monthly expenditure of mobile users (female) for maintaining the connection
Figure 12: Age and gender related preference of mobile users for verbal and non-verbal
communication.
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Figure 13: Variation of preference of non-verbal and verbal communication according to occupation.
Indigenous Knowledge on Medicinal Plants and their SocioEconomic Condition of the Hakkipikki Tribal Population of
Western Ghats Areas, Karnataka, India.
Guruprasad1, S. L., N. Ningaiah2, Mamatha S. L.3, Dr. Vijaylaxmi Aminbhavi4
Research Scholar, Department of Anthropology, University of Mysore, Manasagangotri, Mysore, Karnataka. e: mail: s.l.guruprasad@gmail com.
Professor, Department of Anthropology, University of Mysore, Manasagangotri, Mysore, Karnataka; 3Research Scholar, Department of Psychology, Karnataka
University, Dharwad, Karnataka; 4professor, Department of Psychology, Karnataka University, Dharwad, Karnataka.
1
2
keywords
abstract
medicinal plants
ethno medicine
Hakkipikki
western ghats
indigenous knowledge
This article is on the Folk and indigenous knowledge system of the tribal community of Western
Ghats of Karnataka particularly on medicinal plants and their socio-economic dependence on forest.
There are numerous herbs available in their surrounding where the tribes are living and that herbs are
used by the tribal communities as food and as medicine for curing their diseases. The traditional healers of
Hakkipikki are having good knowledge on medicinal plants, we come across many species of medicinal
plants used for common ailments. The traditional healers are on the decline because the younger members
of the tribe have started moving towards the towns and cities and are not willing to practice this form of
medicine. There is danger as the knowledge of these medicinal plants will also die with them therefore, it
is necessary to document the plants and take efficient steps to conserve them.
Introduction
Karnataka has a rich diversity of flora and fauna. It has a recorded forest area of 38,720 km2
(14,950 sq mi) which constitutes 20.19% of the total geographical area of the state. Western Ghats
is a biodiversity hotspot, includes the western region of Karnataka. Western Ghats is home for many
tribe’s Hakkipikki are one of the Primitive tribes among the tribes of Western Ghats of Karnataka.
It is accepted fact that the tribes all over the world owning their own culture based on that they
developed their own system of medical practices, which are being addressed as folk and ethnomedicines, there are numerous herbs available in their surroundings and that herbs are being used by
tribal community as food and medicine for curing their diseases they have been continued to live in
forest environment since from many generations and developed their own knowledge on flora and
fauna of the forest that knowledge are known as folk or indigenous knowledge.
At the same time they have also developed their own folk beliefs based on their traditional practices
which would help them in curing various forms of diseases. The beliefs and practices related to curing
disease which are based on unwritten knowledge are carried from generation to generation through
the practitioner.
The common beliefs, customs, practices related to health and disease in turn influence the health
seeking behavior of the community. Tribal groups are homogeneous, culturally firm, have developed
Please cite this article as: Guruprasad S. L.,et al., Indigenous Knowledge on Medicinal Plants and their Socio Economic Condition of the Hakkipikki
Tribal Population of Western Ghats Areas, Karnataka, India. Antrocom J. of Anthropology 11-1 (2015)
78
Guruprasad S. L. et al. / Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, vol. 11, n. 1 (2015) 77-86
strong magico-religious health care system and they wish to survive and live in their own way (Basu,
1993).
The traditional medicine as identified by the World Health Organization (WHO) “Sum total of
knowledge, skills and practices based on the theories, beliefs and experiences indigenous to different
cultures, whether explicable or not, used in the maintenance of health as well as in the prevention,
diagnosis, improvement of treatment of physical and mental illness” (Srinivasa, 2010)
During the last three decades an anthropologists have increasingly turned their attention towards
the problems of health and diseases of the people they studied. As a consequence a specialization
known as medical anthropology came into being. This sub-discipline is engaged in carrying out
research in the field of health and its abuse, definition of health and diseases, ethno medicine,
nutritional concepts, ethno physiology, doctor-patient relationship, preventive medicine and so on.
Medical anthropology can be shortly defined as “the branch of anthropological research studying
the factors that cause, maintain or contribute to disease or illness and the strategies and practices
that different human communities have developed in order to respond to disease and illness” (Singer
and Susser, 1997). Medical Anthropology represents the general conceptual frame of ethno-medical
studies.
Since the end of the second world war, anthropologists both socio-cultural and biological, have
turned in increasing numbers to the cross-cultural study of medical systems and to the bio ecological
and socio-cultural factor that influence the incidence of health and disease both now and throughout
human history. Motivated by the belief that anthropological research techniques, theories and data
should be used in programmed designs to improve health care in both develop and developing nation.
Medical anthropology should not be thought of as two loosely joined fields, the biological and the
socio-cultural because at innumerable points the problem of both required intrusion of data and
theory from the other. Mental illness, examples cannot be studied solely in term of physiological and
biological factor or as psycho-socio-cultural phenomenon. (Foster and Anderson 1978).
Illness and death are significant events for people everywhere no one is spared so it should not
be surprising that how people understand the causes of illness and death, how they behave and what
resources they marshal to cope with these events are extremely important parts of culture. Some
argue that we will never completely understand how to treat illness effectively until we understand
the cultural behaviors’, attitudes, values, and the larger social and political milieu in which people live,
others argue that society and culture have little to do with the outcome of illness. The reason that
people die needlessly is that they do not get the appropriate medical treatment.
But anthropologists’ particularly medical anthropologists, who are actively engaged in studying
health and illness, are increasingly realizing that biological and social factors need to be considered
if we are to reduce human suffering. For instance, some populations have an appalling incidence of
infant deaths due to diarrhea. The origin of this situation is mostly biological, in the sense that the
deaths are caused by bacterial infection but why are so many infants not protected to those bacteria.
Usually, the main reason is a socio-economic condition the affected infants are likely to be poor
because they are poor, they are likely to live with infected drinking water. Similarly, malnutrition may
be the biological result of a diet poor in protein, but such a diet is usually also a cultural phenomenon,
79
reflecting a society with classes of people with very unequal access to the necessities of life. In many
ways, therefore medical anthropology is developing in the direction of a bio-cultural synthesis.
But medical anthropology is part of this developing synthesis indeed; the growth of jobs
in medical anthropology is one of the more striking developments in contemporary anthropology.
Medical anthropology has developed into a very popular specialty and the society for medical
anthropology is now the second largest unit in the American Anthropological Association (Ember
and Ember 1999).
Methods Used for This Study
Anthropological studies are one which is characterized by the holistic approach of study and
based on First-hand information collected in field work. Fieldwork is the method of data collection
which gives an anthropologist data based on first hand information and direct contact with the people
to under study.
The present study is carried out in Western Ghats of Karnataka by administering the
anthropological tools and techniques such as observation, interview and case study method. An in
depth anthropological field work was conducted on Hakkipikki tribal population to understand their
indigenous knowledge on medicinal plants, preparation of medicines and methods of using them for
curing their various diseases. For the present study 100 samples has been collected from Hakkipikki
tribal population. Including common man, patients and traditional healers has been interviewed and
collected information.
Study Area
The Western Ghats also known as the Sahyadri Mountains is a mountain range along the western
side of India. It runs north to south along the western edge of the Deccan Plateau, and separates the
plateau from a narrow coastal plain along the Arabian Sea. The Western Ghats block rainfall to the
Deccan Plateau. The range starts near the border of Gujarat and Maharashtra, south of the River
Tapti and runs approximately 1600 km through the states of Maharashtra, Goa, Karnataka, Tamil
Nadu and Kerala ending at Kanyakumari, at the southern tip of India. About sixty percent of the
Western Ghats are located in the state of Karnataka.
Karnataka has a rich diversity of flora and fauna. It has a recorded forest area of 38,720 km2
(14,950 sq mi) which constitutes 20.19% of the total geographical area of the state. The Western
Ghats, a biodiversity hotspot, includes the Western region of Karnataka. Two sub-clusters in the
Western Ghats, viz. Talacauvery and Kudremukh, both in Karnataka, are on the tentative list of
World Heritage Sites of UNESCO. The Bandipur and Nagarahole National Parks, which fall outside
these sub clusters, were included in the Nilgiri Biosphere Reserve in 1986, a UNESCO designation.
Karnataka has five national parks: Anshi, Bandipur, Bannerghatta, Kudremukh and Nagarhole. The
Hakkipikki settlements are scattered over a number of hamlets and these hamlets are situated in the
interior forest and tiny hilly side. As a result of large scale deforestation and indiscriminate shooting
and illicit poaching, tribal have been deprived of their basic requirement of honey and other forest
produces their traditional practices and rituals are slowly disappearing. The government is restricting
their entry inside the National park and forest. They are slowly shifted to new colony, rehabitation
or resettlements. The study was undertaken in tribal resettlement haadi/colonies in Hunsur taluk .
80
Pakshirajpura and Vijaygiri haadi of Hunsur taluk, Mysore district of Karnataka State..
Study Population and their Socio-Economic condition
The Hakkipikki tribes are said to be semi nomadic and the tribe has four clan divisions namely
the Gujratia, Kaliwala, Mewara and Panwara. Among these clans Gujratia is considered as being the
highest status clan whereas Mewara is considered as the lowest one.
As far as the languages are concerned, these Hakkipikki tribal communities converse with each
other in the beautiful dialect of the language of Gujaratia. The origin of these Hakkipikki tribal
communities also has got a rich history behind it. As per the records of the anthropologist of the
Indian subcontinent, the Hakkipikki tribal community has claimed to establish relation with the
legendary Ranapratap Singh. Further, it has been said that this Hakkipikki tribal community is a
Kshatriya or warrior tribal community who had to migrate downwards towards the southern part
after being defeated by the famous Mughal kings.
The Hakkipikki’s, a tribal population of Mysore district are known by different names in different
regions. In their own dialect the Hakkipikki’s call themselves as Rajpardhi. They are now settled in
Mysore, Kolar, Shimoga and Hassan districts. Their concentration is at Chinthamani in Kolar District,
Channagiri and Hebanahalli in Shimoga District, Pakshirajpur (Hunsur Taluk) and Tiger Block in
(H.D. Kote Taluk) Mysore District.
Certain information too has been provided. In order to sustain their livelihood, these Hakkipikki
tribal communities have taken up occupations like hunting. In fact it has been said that the unique
name of the community is Padi Rajputh or Melshikari, as this Hakkipikki tribal community have
developed expertise in hunting airborne creatures. For some inquisitive reason, the name Hakkipikki
was assigned to the community and has remained with it since then. In fact, in the official documents,
the community has been recorded as Hakkipikki. They speak a dialect known as vaghri, which is a
mixture of Gujarati, Mewari and Rajashtani, Kannada, Tamil and Hindi and some also speak Malayalam
and Telugu languages among themselves, but with an outsider, most of them can talk more than one
language (Mann, 1980). Constitutinally they are classified as Scheduled Tribe in Karnataka State.
The Hakkipikki’s are non-vegetarian. They eat a variety of meat, but do not eat beef. Some of
them eat the buffalo meat and offer it (particularly he-buffalos) as sacrifice to their deities. Their staple
food is rice, ragi, wheat an jowar. They also eat variety of pulses. They also consume roots, which they
collect from the forest in the course of their trapping and hunting. They chew betel and use snuff.
Apart from coffee, tea and milk, alcoholic drinks are a must for men and women. Males, females,
young and old are habitual drinkers. On festive and ritualistic occasions, they prepare meethakhana
or sweet dishes.
Cross-cousin marriage is the most preferred by the Hakkipikkis. Junior levirate and sororate are
prevalent. The usual age at marriage for a boy is 22 years and above, for girls it is 18 years and above.
Sometimes, marriages are settled at an early age by the parents. Monogamy is the norm, with the
exception of a few cases of polygamy. The consummation ceremony takes place at the bridegrooms’s
house after the marriage.
81
Divorce after social approval is quite frequent among them before the birth of children. Either
spouse can divorce on grounds of maladjustment or adultery. One of the reasons for divorce is
quarrelling between daughter-in-law and mother-in-law. Both nuclear and joint families exist among
Hapkkipikki’s. Property is shared by all sons and social status is inherited by the eldest son. The
Hakkipikki women participate in all economic activites. Their status is rather low as women; they are
not allowed to participate in certain rituals, worship and the mechanisms of social control. Women
also contribute to the family income, but family expenditure is always controlled by men..
Pre-delivery rituals are not observed among the Hakkipikki’s. Pre-delivery restrictions, however
observed. The first delivery usually takes place in the parental house of the women. The Hakkipikki’s
celebrate a ceremony known as pulawanti to mark adulthood among girls. They observe one month
of puberty pollution.
Forest is the main natural resource of the Hakkipikki’s. Trapping of birds and animals forms a part
of Hakkipikki’s life and selling them in their traditional occupation. They also sell herbs collected
in the forest. Now, they are also cultivating their own land, given by the government. They are also
engaged as labourers. Child labour is prevalent. Payment of wages is made both in cash and kind.
The Hakkipikki’s are usually Hindus. The village deity is patalamma. Their community deity is
maramma. Apart from these deities, they also worship Shiva, Parvathi and Maruti. (Mann, 1980)
They celebrate all Hindu festivals such as Ugadi, Gowri-Ganesh, Deepavali, Sankrathi and Holi.
They prepare vegetarian dishes on festival days, followed by non-vegetarian dishes in the next day.
Generally the boys study up to the secondary school level and girls up to primary level. They use both
traditional and modern medicine. They are aware of family planning but do not practice it.
Following the tradition of most of the nomadic tribal communities, these Hakkipikki tribal
communities to follow the rules of matriarchy. When the male member of the Hakkipikki family
is out for most part of the year, a woman of the Hakkipikki tribal community maintains the family.
Many of the Hakkipikki tribal community women also take a trip selling beads. Hakkipikki females in
general execute skillful jobs like polishing beads, organizing decorative flowers and vases amongst the
tribal communities. Religion has got an ardent faith in the numerous gods and goddesses. Every clan
of the community has their own deities and marriage of the worshippers of the same deity is strictly
prohibited. Amongst the numerous deities these Hakkipikki tribal community is the ardent followers
of the Goddess Chamundeshwari. They consider `Dadaji` as their supreme God. Apart from these
gods, they worship Jogan, Vikhli, Nokor, and Dugao-Kalka. They are considered as believers of
Hindu religion and apart from these their religious beliefs encompass some other religious beliefs,
rituals and ceremonies, rites etc.
Some of the Hakkipikki tribe use to go abroad for business they have the habit of travelling. They
are masters in making crafts, they use to make tiger skin carpet from cattle’s skin they are having good
knowledge in making tigers nails from the nails of dead dogs etc. They use to hunt birds and use it as
food, trees are very scared for them they use to do meeting under the tree any important discussion
like marriage and any property disputes are made under the banyan tree as they believe that god and
goddess lives in that tree, that god will be the witness of their discussions.
82
Belief ’s and Practices by Hakkipikki Tribe
Diseases due to wrath of the supernatural and Disease caused by Supernatural agencies are cured
by offering Pujas (Rituals). For Dysentery, mental diseases, cancer. Deo Propitiated by sacrificing two
red cocks, one red hen, and one egg, besides other items of feast. Arrangement is made in the forest.
For Asthama, Mental Disease, cancer they use to workship Lord of water Jalkhai puja, worshipped by
sacrificing one white duck and other items of feast, rice, salt, vegetables, etc.
Accident, Sudden Illness
No sacrifice are made, only raw items for e.g. gram, rice, powdered rice, etc are offered to propitiate
and are thrown on road sides of their houses.
For Gastritis, Ancestral Spirits
Ai puja (ghost), no sacrifice is made except offering of raw articles, powdered rice, gram with
betel nut and leaves. For Epidemic and natural calamities they use to work ship mother goddess
Community level worship by arranging bhur-utuwa puja. One pair of betel nut and leaf is offered
from each family. One red duck is offered on behalf of the villagers all the offered articles are placed
under a tree.
For Epidemic and large scale death of men and animals they use to work ship Mother Goddesses
of forest.
A goat is a must for the Puja besides other offering.
Conclusion
The Hakkipikki tribes are said to be semi nomadic and being capable of finding one’s path in
forests. This is characteristic of Hakkipikki they are born in nature’s lap, Hakkipikki share a symbiotic
relationship with mother earth they reside in the hills and are one among the oldest adivasi tribes.
Hakkipikki are specialist in traditional herbal medicine and healing practices. Hakkipikki vaidyas
(doctors) are more women, they practice traditional healing system they treat several new-age diseases
with a high success rate. Hakkipikki natural products are made from medicinal plants grown in a
pure unpolluted environment, no pesticide, no fertilizers. There products are a culmination of the
powerhouse of knowledge of medicinal herbs of the Hakkipikki, that forms a part of their rich
heritage. The total number of species of plants used by the Hakkipikki community people is based
on the ethno medical field survey these plants are used to treat several wide ranges of discomforts.
The Hakkipikki knew the names of trees and also where seeds could be collected, and also turned
out to be good at locating species which nobody else knew grew in the region. They possess a
vast knowledge bank related to medicinal plants, Hakkipikki cures and preventives are widely sought
and used. They are nevertheless a unique habitat and have their own traditional domain. They have
careful, conservative- minded style of using the forest, such as using only regenerative plants and
83
never up-rooting rare medicinal plants. The growing disinterest in the use of the folk medicinal
plants and its significance among the younger generation of the tribes may lead to the disappearance
of this practice as it was reported by several previous workers. Those who have the knowledge
of traditional medicine are involved in collection of medicinal plants throughout the year but the
amount of collection is based on immediate requirements only. The study reveals that of the species
have become increasingly rare and are no longer available locally and sometimes this makes them
travel deep in to the forest for collection of herbs. The untapped knowledge on the varied use of
the medicinal plants, their availability and extent of distribution weakens the efficient use of forest
resources besides, due to the penetration of the market economy. Break down to the community
based institutions, acculturation and rapid degradation of forest resources.
Plant-based traditional knowledge has become a recognized tool in search for new sources of
drugs and neutraceuticals. The traditional use of plants has declined due to the scarcity of species,
which is caused by human activities and over grazing by animals therefore, it has become essential and
need of the hour to focus on conservation of these plants this tribal population has good knowledge
about the use of many plants. They believe that all afflictions are caused by supernatural forces
traditional healers use their eyes, ear, nose and hands to diagnose the diseases, this way of diagnose
is interesting because they live in interior areas and lack the use of modern scientific equipment for
treatment. Herbal medicines prescribed by tribal healers are either preparation based on single plant
part or a combination of several plant parts. The forests of Nagaraholle are rich in medicinal plants,
many are still not known to us. Our effort helped identify of commonly used plants. Further, studies
have to be carried out to identify the numerous medicinal plants and the most important thing would
be to conserve these plants.
This article highlights on Medicinal knowledge of Hakkipikki Tribe and their medicinal plants
which are utilized for the greater benefit of mankind. This aritcle is based on the field exploration
conducted in Western Ghats of Karnataka and documented the process of preparing medicines
and administering the medicines. There are numerous herbs available in their surroundings and are
being used by the tribal communities as food and medicine some of the medicinal plants obtained
through the process of trial and error experiences and that herbs are used for curing their diseases,
the indigenous knowledge of tribal people may throw light on the modern plural medicinal systems
and it may help the modern society to make use of that knowledge to address their medical problems.
Dissemination of the knowledge of medicinal property would improve the socioeconomic status
of the Hakkipiki tribe; traditional healers are on the decline because the younger members of the
tribe have started moving towards the towns and cities and are not willing to practice this form of
medicine. There is danger that the knowledge of these medicinal plants will also die with them. It is
therefore, necessary to document the plants and take efficient steps to conserve them.
Acknowledgement
Author’s is highly indebted to all the tribal informants who extend their priceless support for this maiden study.
Most importantly, we would like to thank Mr. Sunil (Hakkipikki tribal man) and all the Tribal Medicinal Practioner
and patients who willingly volunteered their time and information and also facilitate to complete this study on time and
Thanks to Smt. Seema, Research Scholar, Department of Botany University of Mysore, Manasagangotri, Mysore.
84
References
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Foster, M. (1978). Medical Anthropology, New York: John Wiley and sons.
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Bangladesh Journal of Medical Science, 09 (3), 161-169.
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ISRAA BIDISA.
85
Appendix
Medical Plants and Their Ethnomedical Use by Hakkipikki Tribe
Sl.
No.
Diseases
Local name
of Medicinal
Plant
Botanical Name
(family)
Parts
Used
Plant/
Herb
Method of Using
1
Hair fall
Garuda soppu
Ecliptaprostrate.
Leaves
Herb
Grind the leaves and used as oil
2
Graying
of hair
Japa.
Malvaceae, hibiscus
rosa-sinensis
Flowers
Plant
Flower is crushed and used for
coloring hair
3
Liver
disease
Parangi
Carica papaya
Fruit
Plant
Raw or ripe Papaya and banana
with pigeon meat as medicine
4
Pain in ear
Tulsi
Ocimum sanctum
Leaves
Plant
Juice is boiled and drops are drop
in to earache
5
Asthma
Indrani gida
Verbenaceae, vitex
negundol.
Root and
leaves
Plant
Dried leaf and root are crushed
and mixed in milk and drunken
6
Fever
Nimbu
Citrus auran tifolia
Fruit
Plant
Juice is mixed with sugar applied
on forehead to cure fever
7
Diarrhea
Bettanelli
Emblica officinalis
Fruit
Plant
Powder is mixed with black salt
and cold water for diarrhea
8
Jaundice
Kabbu,
Sugar cane ,
Parangi
Saccharum
officinarum, Carica
papya
Stem,
fruit
Plant
Sugar cane juice is prescribe
to take twice daily, boiled raw
papaya is used for curing disease
9
Nose
bleeding
Daalimbe
Punica granatum
Linn
Flower
Plant
Flower is crushed and 3-4 drops
is used to stop immediate nose
bleeding
Sponolias mangifera,
Mysoballum,
purcuma domestica
Plant
Seeds of amara 1 seed of silikha,
piece of turmeric is mixed and
juice is extracted used for gargle
to relief from tonsils
Seeds,
seeds,
rhizome
10
Tonsils
Hippe, silikha,
turmeric
11
Worms
Nimbu
Citrus auran tifolia
Lemon
seeds
Plant
Seeds are crush mix with water
taken in empty stomach for
worms
12
Worms
Chirata
Swertia chirata
Twigs
Plant
Twigs are soaked overnight and
its water is prescribed to take in
empty stomach for worms.
13
14
Scabies
Nimbu, neem,
chirata
Citrus aurantifolia,
Azadirachta
officinarum, Swertia
chirata
Fruit,
leaves,
twigs
Plant,
Lemon juice is mixed with
coconut oil and applied for curing
scabies. To remove scabies they
take bath with hot water in
which leaves of Neem. Twigs of
Chirata (Swertia chirata) are
crushed into paste with water
to be used as an ointment and
applied on the skin. Chirata
water is prescribed to drink in the
morning in empty stomach
Blood
vomiting
Carrot
Dancus carota
Conical
tuber
Herb
Juice of carrot is mixed with
honey
Effect of Gendered Norms on Women’s Labor Force
Participation in Northern Rural Bangladesh
Ripon Kumar Sarkar
Assistant Faculty Member, BRAC Learning Division, & Ph.D. Research Fellow, Institute of Bangladesh Studies (IBS), University of Rajshahi,
Bangladesh. E-mail: [email protected]
keywords
abstract
labor force participation
gendered norms
women,
northern rural Bangladesh
Labor force participation for women is considered as an imperative sign for achieving gender equity.
Like men women’s participation in the labor force can play an important role in the economic growth of
a developing country like Bangladesh. However, due to socio cultural factors and slow growth in the rates
of overall women’s labor force participation, possibilities for women to get employed and promoted in the
labor force remain uneven. Using qualitative research guideline, this paper is an attempt to explore the
effect of gendered norms on women’s labor force participation in northern rural Bangladesh. Total thirty
six participants including one key informant were interviewed separately. Findings revealed that husbands’
conservative attitude towards their wives, sex preference in education, women’s limited movement, violence
perpetrated by husbands and employer, gender stereotyped roles of women hindered women’s active
labor force participation. Intervention addressing men’s attitude towards women’s work and economic
performances are required.
Background
Women’s labor force participation is imperative for improving their social status as well as socio
economic empowerment. Like men women’s participation in the labor force can also play an important
role in the economic growth of a developing country like Bangladesh. Moreover, sustainable development
cannot be truly achieved without the active participation of women at every level in society. Therefore,
importance of women’s participation in formal as well as informal sectors (UN 2005; World Bank,
2007; Hossain, 2004 & Adcock, 2013) has been recognized in both developed and developing nations
to the progress of balanced development (Coleman, 2004; Azmat, Maia & Alan, 2006). In Bangladeshi
society, women are left behind economically, socially and culturally compared to men as patriarchy
highly dominant at every sphere of this social setting (Balk, 1997). In the context of third world
countries, in Bangladesh, there has been immense disparity between men and women with respect to
their representation in politics, public service, and in almost every field of life (UNDP, 1995). Scholarly
researcher also indicated that patriarchal norms, inadequate progressive socio economic policy and
constricted public service sector restricted women’s economic activities in many ways (Baden et al.,
1994; Baden, 1994, Jahan, 1994; Balk, 1997; Mandel & Semyonov, 2006; Karim, 2006a; Karim, 2006b
& Karim, 2012). Apparently, it is seen that in both the rural and urban areas of Bangladesh, many nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) operating non-collateral economic activities to women that might
be increased their access to labor market. Although, increasing access to participation in the labor market
does not signify women’s participation in the job market freely (Ward et al., 2004). At the same time,
it also seen that some of the women have undertaken self-employment and informal sector activities
instead of waged formal labor (Ward et al., 2004), although they are not significant in number. Evidence
suggests that at aggregate level, the percentage of women labor force at different sectors is in low level.
Please cite this article as: Ripon Kumar S., Effect of Gendered Norms on Women’s Labor Force Participation in Northern Rural Bangladesh. Antrocom
J. of Anthropology 11-1 (2015)
88
Ripon Kumar S. / Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, vol. 11, n. 1 (2015) 87-96
For example, the percentage of women labor force at informal sector was 90.85% and in formal sector
it was only 9.15% (BBS, 2008) as societal as well as cultural norms restricted women’s mobility in many
cases (Jahan, 1994). Hence, it is assumed that due to effect of gendered social norms women’s labor force
participation is hindered especially while it comes to marginal rural women. Prior research that focused
on women’s participation in labor force mostly ignored married and marginal women especially in the
context of rural Bangladesh. Therefore, the present study was an attempt to explore the influence of
gendered norms on women’s labor force participation in a village of northern rural Bangladesh. This
study defined gendered norm as a set of behaviors or attributes that society attributes to a particular
sex and it is changeable, culture specific and time specific. Keleher & Franklin (2008) also stated that
gendered norms are usually embedded in social structures, operating to restrict the rights, opportunities,
and capabilities, of women and girls, causing significant burdens, discrimination, subordination, and
exploitation. This study also defined labor force participation as paid work in different sectors.
Patriarchy, Gendered Norms and Women Labor Force Participation in Rural Bangladesh
In the context of rural Bangladesh, it is generally perceived that men’s responsibility is to support
their families economically while women’s responsibility is to maintain household chores (Moin,
2003, Karim, 2006a; Karim, 2006b & Zahan, 2007). Basically, gender disparities, based on this social
construction of biological sex distinctions (Amin & Mariam, 1987; Omvedt, 1987), is one of the
great concerns of a patriarchal society like Bangladesh (Baden et al., 1994; Baden, 1994, Jahan, 1994;
Karim, 2006a & Karim, 2006b) as it has various impact on women’s labor market participation. Prior
studies also revealed that in a highly patriarchal society like rural Bangladesh, women face variety
of socio-cultural obstacles (Hashmi, 2000; Akmam, 2002, Karim, 2006a & Karim, 2006b) while it
comes to participation in the income generating activities. Literatures also signify that patriarchal rules
and norms, in most cases, favored men and disfavored women in many ways that made women as
subordinated and men as independent (Papanek, 1973; Baden et al., 1994; Baden, 1994, Jahan, 1994;
Karim, 2006a & Karim, 2012). Moreover, misleading sexist categorization of jobs in homes, and
employers of labor is a major discriminatory factor actively influence on the lives’ of women (Ojobo,
2008). For example, in respect to unpaid family worker, BBS (2009) reported that women (6.8 million)
are more than doubled in performing housekeeping tasks compared with the men (3.5 million) that really
indicate the negative evaluation of women labor force in terms of economic contribution. Previous
studies that focused on women’s participation in the public sphere also reported that traditional and
persistent barriers hindered the access to labor market for women (Hoyt, 2005; Khan & Ara, 2006).
It is notable that women’s access to non-agricultural sector as well as decision making position is
limited compared with their male counterparts (Hashmi, 2000; Jahan, 1994 & Hoyt, 2005) as there
is a common idea embedded in patriarchal social setting like Bangladesh that women are inefficient
in non-agricultural sectors in terms of work performance, quality management and decision-making
(Hashmi, 2000; Sultana, 2002; Akmam, 2002; Karim, 2006a & Karim, 2006b). Influence of traditional
norms on women’s labor market participation also varies across the social classes. For instance, in a
study of Women, Work and Values, Khan (1992) revealed that despite contributions to the family,
the socio economic status of poor women is degraded because of participating in employment
generation activity outside the home. This study also noticed that this occurs because of the fact
that jobs available for poorer woman are accorded low social prestige (Khan, 1992). In general, the
unequal position of women, in many segment of society, leading high level of discrepancy regarding
women’s livelihood and occupational status.
Present State of Women’s Labor force Participation in Bangladesh
According to World Bank Report (2007), women are at a significant disadvantage in the labor market,
earning as much as 60 percent less than men in the same type of work. Women those are less educated
89
and live in the remote area, have a few chances in paid employment both for the public and private
sectors (World Bank Report, 2007). Until recently, most women in the urban formal labor force worked
in garment industries, which provided 76 percent of Bangladesh’s foreign earnings (Ward et al., 2004).
Present situation of women’s labor force participation is discussed bellowLabor force.
Participation by Sector
It is observed from the table-1 that at aggregate level the percentage of women labor force at
informal sector in urban arena was 68.92% and in formal sector it was 31.08%. At the same time, 9.15%
and 90.85% respectively for rural women (BBS, 2009). It is clear, however, that due to variety of sociocultural factors women’s labor force participation is at low level for both the urban and rural women.
Table 1: Sector Wise Women Employment. (Source: Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, 2008.)
Sectors
Urban Women (%)
Rural women (%)
Informal Sector
Formal Sector
Total
68.92
31.08
100
90.85
9.15
100
Labor force Participation in Economic Sectors
Women’s participation in economic activities shows great variations by gender and by nature of sector
wise activity. According to Gender statistics of BBS (2008), in 2005-06 employment person based on
broad economic sectors has been shown (Table-2) that of the total employed women, the highest 68.13%
were engaged in agriculture sector followed by 31.87% were in non-agriculture sector and 19.35% were in
service sector, 11.51% were engaged in manufacturing sector and the rest were in other sectors (BBS, 2008).
Simultaneously, for men as high as 58.19% were engaged in non-agriculture sector followed by 43.05%
were in service sector and 41.81% were in agriculture sector indicating uneven labor market participation in
terms of rate of participation in various sectors.. Moreover, 10.88% were engaged in manufacturing sector
and the remains were in other sectors. In agriculture sector, women’s labor force participation rate is higher
in comparison to men’s (BBS, 2008).
Table 2: Employed person 15 years and over by gender and economic sectors- 2005-06 (Source: Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, 2008).
Broad Economic
Sector
Female
No. (In million)
Male
Percent
No. (In million)
Percent
Agriculture
Non- Agriculture
7683
3595
68.13
31.87
15084
20996
41.81
58.19
Service
2183
19.35
15532
43.05
Manufacturing
1298
11.51
3926
10.88
Other industries
114
1.01
1538
4.26
Study Objective
To consider all things, the present paper is an attempt to explore the effect of gendered social
norms on women’s labor force participation in northern rural Bangladesh. More specifically, this paper
will provide some evidence on gendered norms that influencing women’s limited participation in many
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stages of their lives.
Materials and Methods
Study Design. In the present research, an explorative qualitative research design was employed as its
aim was to develop concepts about the research issue. In so doing, due emphasis was given to the views
of all the participants as required.
Study Area and Participants. The study was conducted in a rural setting of Isurdi Upazila (a subdistrict) under Pabna District, Bangladesh. More specifically, BBC bazaar of Isurdi Upazila was selected
as the study locale. This study locale has all rural characteristics although electricity and transportation
facilities were available. In this research, snowball sampling technique was used for searching and selecting
the study participants. Majority of the participants in the present study came from lower middle class,
although economically they are also considered as marginal people in the study locale. At first, forty one
participants were addressed for participating in the interview sessions. It is worth of mentioning that due
to personal limitation during the interview sessions some of the women were reasonably disagreed to
participate and excluded from the list. Therefore, thirty one married women and five men were engaged
in active and paid labor force, including one key informant, was selected purposively.
Data Collection. To achieve the research objective properly, field work was conducted from
November, 2013 to June, 2014. The researcher along with a female interviewer was conducted the
in-depth interview sessions. Using a qualitative research guideline, thirty six participants including
one key informant were interviewed separately. Participants were interviewed one by one using the
interview guideline on the phenomenon relating gendered socio cultural norms and women’s labor force
participation. Moreover, there was a socio-economic section in the guideline that was used to collect data
regarding socio demographics (e.g., education, occupation, age, income etc). Necessary secondary data
and information were collected through relevant books, journal articles, reports, documents and online
resources.
Data Reliability. Beside the researcher, an experienced female interviewer was employed to conduct
the interview sessions as majority of the participant were married women. Both the researcher and
female interviewer were able to build up close relationship between the participants. Before the main
in-depth interview sessions the researcher was ensured and developed the interpersonal trust among the
participants as required (Uddin, 2008). Moreover, all interview sessions with the participants were held
in familial settings that also ensured privacy.
Data Analysis. In the present research, data were analyzed using qualitative content analysis. To
carry out the data analysis properly, the researchers identified the meaning units from the interviews, and
then examined the core meanings by assigning the codes. (Graneheim & Lundman, 2004; Karim, 2012).
Ethical Consideration. At first, participants were briefed about the topic and subject matter
of present research. Finally, before the interview sessions, purpose of the research was described
clearly and verbal consent was taken from the subjects as participation in the interview sessions
were voluntarily. Participants were also informed that they can withdraw from the interview sessions
reasonably.
Results
Socio-demographic of Participants. Out of 36 participants, majority belong to middle age group
varying from 20-49 years. During the interview sessions it was observed that very young participant was
not available while only one participant was found to have over 50 years old. It was revealed that the
participants’ educational status, on the whole, was not satisfactory. Specifically, five participants were
found to have SSC level of education while only three participants were found to have higher secondary
91
(HSC) level of education. A few professional degree holders were found as paid worker. In addition,
among the participants, a good number of them were found to have bellow SSC level of education,
although they were capable to continue their official responsibilities. Majority of the participants,
according to their own view, can be considered as low income earner. Some participants were found to
have some high income, although they were poor in number. All but six participants were married and
some of them were found to have an extra occupational role beside the present role, although they were
not significant in number.
Patriarchal Outlook Influencing Women’s Labor Force Participation
According to the principal of patriarchy, men hold the sovereign power to control households and
society as a whole while women are ascribed to a lower hierarchy compared to men (Baden et al., 1994;
Baden, 1994; Karim, 2006a; Karim, 2006b & Karim, 2012). As a result, women are socially, legally,
politically and technologically aggravate their positions and they are subordinated as a production unit
for bearing and rearing children (Ahmad, 2001). During the interview sessions it was revealed that
husbands’ patriarchal outlook hindered women’s outdoor participation especially in income generating
activities and control over income as well. They (participants) reported that their husbands or senior
male members not only control their (women) income, but create obstacle in many ways to participate in
job market. One participant expressed that::
In our husband (or male) controlled family and societal system, we (women) are deprived of sufficient
educational attainments that always suffered women’s unemployment as well as dependency … since higher
education is needed to get a high-quality job. But my parent was not favored me to involve in higher
education She (participant) also said that we (women) do many things for family, society and for the country
but we always treated as good for nothing. This situation is harmful for the future generation as well-she
added. (Source: Field Work, 2013/14)
Son Preference Leading Uneven Labor Force Everywhere
Due to highly patriarchal culture rooted in our society the strong preference for sons is drive the
parents to have more children (Cain et al. 1979 & Sarker, 2001) that also in turn reflected uneven labor
force participation in some cases. In the study area, during the interview sessions, it was observed that,
majority of the participants live under poverty line. As a result they were unwilling to send their children
for formal education. It was also revealed that some of them (women) having an ability to provide higher
educational expenditures for their school going children but their husbands were reluctant because of
conservative attitude towards women’s education. One participant narrated
Due to economic insolvency, some of the poor parents like us have tendency to send their children for
income earning activities. In fact, I have not so much financial problem. He ((Husband) also engaged
in income generating activities… going not bad. But the major problem is my husband’s conservative
mentality… actually he (husband) is reluctant to pay some extra money for his daughter’s educational
attainment. Frankly, my husband told me that after getting married Minu (my daughter’s name) will go
to another house (father-in-law house)…so why should we invest for her. He can sign that’s all. Rather we
should do something for Belal (Son)…in our old age he will look after us. (Source: Field Work, 2013/14)
She (participant) also mentioned that socio culturally constructed attitude towards girls and women
hampered their labor force participation and livelihood in many ways. She expressed that:
“Actually, he (husband) is not comfortable with such words as ‘empowerment’ or ‘emancipation’,
92
women employment in outside the home. In my personal life, my father as well as my grandfather had
opposed simultaneously regarding my admission in any educational institution. Because the then period,
location of any school or college was out of reach… it was ok as social security was also related to it. But
now a day, govt. as well as NGOs has opened various opportunities for girls’ education. You see that NGO
school was well as college is available in our locality… and Belal (son) is continuing his education rightly
… so why should we deprived of or girls- she added. In reality, I have nothing to do in this regard since he
(husband) is the head of this family. (Source: Field Work, 2013/14)
Literatures also suggest that, specifically in rural areas, this situation hampered girls’ education that
has greater impact on their future professional attachment (Kabeer, Nambissan, & Subrahmanian, 2003).
But it is universal that achieving education is an effective way to obtain human capital. Only due to
economic reasons, many parents consider the girls’ education as a waste of fund (Huang et al., 2009).
In this respect, Emerson & Andre, (2007) stated logically- “In a low-income country setting where
child labor is common, the children of the household can go to school, go to work, or spend time in
both activities. Therefore, the amount of labor income the father and mother bring into the household
depends on how much schooling they received as children. Parents who were child laborers command
lower wages and are more likely to be impoverished and so are more likely to demand that their children
work to supplement the family income, a repetitive pattern that is termed the intergenerational persistence
of child labor.”
Women’s Work: Public World vs. Private World
During the interview sessions it was revealed that the study area is a highly tradition bound society.
In this area, participants accustomed to maintain gender norms widely. Some of the participants noticed
that despite being employed, women are used to engage in household activities very easily and that is
their traditional norms. It is a matter of surprise that not only male but also some female participants
believe that women should carry out her household responsibilities as usually. A small number of
participant expressed that house keeping tasks may often make the girl child to become too busy to
concentrate on her studies. One participant reported:
As a woman I used to carry out my income generating activities and engaged in household work as well.
From the very beginning I do perform this…it has been our established norms. She also added that- when
I was small in my childhood I had to help my mother…. And now Boishakhi (Daughter) helped me a lot.
In fact, in my family, my younger son is always engaged in study and with friend circle…so who will give
me hands? (Source: Field Work, 2013/14)
National reports also support the participants’ expression to some extends. For example, BBS (200809) reported that the working aged population who was engaged in household work for women in rural
area is higher in 2005-06 compared to 2002-03. It was expressed that participation in household work
is increasing day by day that may be a burden for women development (BBS, 2008). For example, in
every year, women spend 5606 hours (64%) while men spend 3153 hours (36%) for this same purpose
(Rahman, 2003).
Purdah Norms and Labor Force Participation
In the study area, it was observed that patriarchal norms limit women’s economic and educational
activities in the name of prejudice of Purdah or female exclusion. Significant number of female participant
reported that this practice creates varieties of adverse situations for married women, especially to access
to participate in decision-making process in the family level and to connect with income generating
93
activities outside the home. During the interview sessions, a good number male participant narrated that
their local culture followed the notion that women should always stay in the background. One of the
male participants reported
I believe that women are inferior to men in terms of intellectuality therefore their (women) duty should
be limited within the four walls. I think, they (women) also think that the place of the woman is in the
kitchen. (Source: Field Work, 2013/14)
At the same time another male participant reported:
It’s a common concept embedded in our society… that our roles are limited within the household. Hence,
movement in the public area is not badly needed for them. I strongly believe that both the men and women
have the same rights… while it comes to issue of going outside the house. Some of our leaders follow
conservative rules for their own business… that hindered women’s position in the outside. (Source: Field
Work, 2013/14)
Stereotyped Gender Socialization Process
Gender socialization is one process through which people learn about and are influenced by gender
roles and stereotypes (Baden et al., 1994). By this process role of men and women are categorized
which ultimately has an impact on women’s lives and livelihood simultaneously. In the study area, it
was unfolded that there was far difference in performing housekeeping tasks between men and women
although majority of them came from lower socio economic condition. Evidence also supports this
notion of gender stereotyped roles regarding household responsibilities performed in families. A good
number of participants expressed that:
Discrimination based on male and female was continuing from the very beginning. May be it has harmful
effect on our lives… but who will remove this…this system makes us (women) vulnerable. Actually only
men can change these types of activities because they led the society … they also imposed these traditional
norms. Men should be powerful than women- this is the main theme of this rubbish society! (Source: Field
Work, 2013/14)
As a result of faulty gender socialization process embedded in social structure, women and men
may incorporate gendered norms into their social identities (Corrigall & Alison, 2006). In this regard,
Corrigall1 & Alison (2006) stated their reasonable opinion. They stated: Gender socialization process
results in women and men valuing different job attribute preferences. Because women are viewed, and
often view themselves, as society’s nurturers, they are likely to value jobs that involve helping others and
that allow flexibility in working hours to accommodate family demands. On the other hand, masculine
ideals promote aggression and the ability to support a family. Thus, men are likely to value job attribute
preferences such as money and the opportunity to advance.
Violence against Women: A common Crime or Custom?
Violence against women has been common in all culture perhaps in all times (Dobash & Dobash,
1979). Subsequently Bangladesh seems to be no exception. It hampers women’s potentials and limits
women’s participation in development process (Cain, et al., 1979; Jahan, 1994; Schuler, & et al., 1996;
Hadi, 2005; Karim, 2006a; Karim, 2006b & Karim, et al. 2012). During the interview sessions, a good
number of participants reported that violence and harassment in the family as well as workplace was the
most important factor, which exhausted their potentials. In the study area, it was found that among the
94
victims of violence, majority of them having an experience of physical and mental violence perpetrated
by their husband, employee and employer respectively. It is very important to note that some of the
participants having an experience of suffering in the work place also continuing their job because of the
family need and financial crisis as well. One participant stated
We (women) are not safe in anywhere. Husband tortured me for not to give the major portion of my
salary… he (husband) thinks that it is his right (according to husband). I faced mental torture many times
in my job life. Only for continuing my livelihood I am carrying out in an unsecured work environment. All
adverse situations are only for us (women). This is the shameful rule of our society! (Source: Field Work,
2013/14)
Discussion
This study was aimed to unfold how gendered norms influencing women’s labor market participation
in the present study area. It is to be noticed that the participants of the present study were selected on the
basis of lower middle class in terms of socio economic status. Because people’s attitude towards socio
culturally constructed notions may vary between the classes. This study revealed that multidimensional
gendered social norms and institutions were played as impediment of women’s labor force participation.
Moreover, research findings also signify that the traditional patriarchal society of Bangladesh is based
on class and gender divisions by which different rules and norms are made for men and women in an
identical social setting (Baden et al., 1994; Baden, 1994; Hashmi, 2000 & Jahan, 1994). More specifically,
in rural Bangladesh, class mobility allows movement between rich and poor, but the division of social
space and the difference in behavioral norms between men and women are rigidly maintained (Baden et
al., 1994; Baden, 1994; Hashmi, 2000; Khattak, Habib & Khan, 2008). Majority of the study participants
were revealed that they have a lack of necessary education which also a major cause of suffering from
entrance to a labor market freely. At the same time, gender based disproportion in adult education also
found in the study area. Furthermore, in the study area, among the participants, there is a lack of higher
educational degree which is also leads an intricacy while it comes to the issue women’s participation
productive sectors. Because education is an imperative predictor for both the entry level of labor market
and in regard to fix wage structure (Ward et al., 2004). In addition, the custom of Purdah − a system of
social control over women − is still a significant factor of gender identity and gender relations (Feldman,
& Florence 1983). Participants were frequently exposed that predominantly existed Purdah norm was
an impediment for them to participate in the labor market. They (participant) reported that some of
the conservative leaders of their locality always show opposite position regarding women’s labor force
participation outside the home. Basically the practice of Purdah norms makes it difficult especially for
married women to fully benefit from the educational system that resulted women’s limited access to
participate in decision-making process and to attach with earnings sources (Papanek, 1973; Hashmi,
2000 & Ojobo, 2001). During the field work, it was also unveiled that because of unequal power relation
in both the families and work places they were experienced physical as well psychological violence
simultaneously. Prior research revealed that this circumstances severely affects on women’s labor force
participation in general and may suffocate women’s movement in particular (Baden et al., 1994; Baden,
1994 & Jahan, 1994) in many ways. It was also unfolded that there were far differences in performing
housekeeping tasks between men and women even when a husband was an employed person. Like
other segment of society, individuals, came from lower socio economic condition, also exhibits an
identical behavior or attitude regarding culturally constructed gendered norms. It clearly indicates that
stereotyped gender roles also have significant influence on women’s limited labor force participation in
rural Bangladesh process (Cain, et al., 1979; Jahan, 1994; Schuler, & et al., 199 &; Hadi, 2005).
Strengths and Limitations Despite varieties of limitations, the present research findings have some
95
implications regarding gender sensitive working policy, equal access to labor market and interventions
in the context of lower middle class and marginal married women in northern rural Bangladesh. In
the present research, participants were purposively selected form marginal families. Therefore findings
possibly represent only a special segment of the population in the study area. Moreover, due to time and
budgetary constraints, small number of participants were selected which may not seem to be sufficient.
Opinions of the participants collected from the interview sessions may affect the research outcomes, to
some extends, due to over or under reporting.
Conclusions
As a consequence of women’s unequal labor force participation, it leads to an imbalance socio
economic and sustainable development process. Document also suggests that attitudes toward women’s
employment are deeply rooted in different part like economic, social, political and cultural systems (Ma,
2010). Since, there may have multifaceted factors encompassed with this issue of gender, it would not
be easy to conclude with simplification that only a factor influencing women’s entrance to labor force
participation. Further in-depth research to be conducted which accounting the husbands’ gender ideology.
Frankly, various policies and strategies taken to ensure employment of women in various professions
are inadequate (Jahan, 2007). To date it may be hopeful for us that women emancipation movement and
efforts to progress women empowerment process open new window for their broader participation in
economic activities and also for recognition of women as agents for change and development process.
Misleading sexist categorization of jobs in homes, and employers of labor is a major discriminatory
factor. It must be eliminated through creating mass-consciousness activities. Women in the rural area
have lacking of proper education and information about labor market. That’s why they are being deprived
of quality jobs. Hence, print and electronic media should be played pivotal role about the expansion of
the notion of gender and power relations between men and women. Further study should be conducted
together with both the husband and wife to find out deeply rooted causes behind the present problem.
An effective intervention, addressing men’s gender ideology, to be required for mainstreaming women in
socio economic development process and for building up a balanced society.
Conflicts of interest
The author declares that there is no conflict of interest.
Acknowledgement
The corresponding author would like to thank to the anonymous reviewers. Special thanks to the participants of this study for their voluntary participation
and cordial cooperation during the field work. The corresponding author would also like to thank to the BRAC staffs for their cooperation in the study area.
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Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology vol. 11. n. 1 (2015) 97 -104 – ISSN 1973 – 2880
Rang Taiba’s Stone: A Study of a Megalith in Maram
Khullen, Manipur, India
S. Chongloi1 and Q. Marak2
Research Scholar, Department of Anthropology, North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong- 793022, Meghalaya, India.
1
Faculty, Department of Anthropology, North-Eastern Hill University, Shillong- 793022, Meghalaya, India.
2
keywords
abstract
megaliths
Maram
capstone
Rang Taiba
folklore
Megaliths, large stone structures, are seen aplenty in some regions in Northeast India. This paper
discusses the megaliths found in the Maram areas in Manipur, India, and its cultural significance.
Interestingly, these megaliths continue to have a living tradition connected to them, and hence are considered
history markers to the local populace. One of the most important megaliths among them is the ‘Rang
Taiba stone’ (morphologically a capstone). This stone is regarded sacred and important by the Marams to
this day. Taking one particular stone, this anthropological study showed the importance of cultural context
in understanding the meaning and importance of megaliths.
Introduction
The term megalith generally refers to a large stone structure or monument standing either alone
or The term megalith generally refers to a large stone structure or monument standing either alone
or with other stones. The word comes from the ancient Greek word megas meaning great and lithos
meaning stone. Megalithic culture, by definition, therefore, refers to a culture distinguished by the
presence of monuments of large stone structures used for funeral or other ceremonies. According
to V.G. Childe (1946), the term was originally introduced by antiquarians to describe a fairly easily
definable class of monuments in Western and Northern Europe consisting of huge undressed stones
and termed in Celtic as dolmen, cromlech and menhir. Glyn Daniel (1962) adds that the term can be
applied to all constructions using very large roughly dressed slabs of stone. In reality, however, the
meaning of megalith is not always connected with large stones, but sometimes smaller stones as well
(Yondri, 2006). Therefore, while megaliths are understood to be huge stones, in some places objects
of smaller stones or other materials such as wood should also be classified as ‘megalithic’ if those
structures are used for a certain objective, such as worship of an ancestral spirit (Marak, 2012).
Megaliths were known to appear first in the Neolithic times as the ‘stone henges’ of later Neolithic
Britain and continued through Bronze Age till Iron Age. The origin and chronology of megaliths
is still unsettled. However these structures largely relate to Iron Age times and often described as
burial complexes. Nevertheless, these ancient stones are still found to be of relevance to many living
communities in the world including Northeast India. These living traditions, including beliefs and
practices) connected to the stones is what is referred to as “living megalithism” (Marak, 2012).
Please cite this article as: Chongloi & Marak. Rang Taiba’s Stone: A Study of a Megalith in Maram Khullen, Manipur, India. Antrocom J. of
Anthropology 11-1 (2015)
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North-East India occupies a prominent place in the archaeological map of the world because
of its rich megalithic remains. Realizing its significance, J.P. Mills (1993:3) writes: “An archaeological
characteristic of Assam of worldwide fame is its wealth of megaliths”. It is one of the few places in
the world where monuments of this type are still erected and it is agreed by all that the custom of
erection of megaliths started since prehistoric times. Megaliths are distributed over a large area in
North-East India. The greatest concentration is in the Khasi-Jaintia Hills of Meghalaya where large
fields occur at Cherrapunjee, Mawphlang, Lailynkot, Laitkor, Jowai and Nartiang (Godwin-Austen,
1872; Gurdon, 1914). In Manipur, megaliths are found spread over Naga dominated districts of
Chandel, Ukhrul, Tamenglong, Senapati and Churachandpur. These are areas occupied by Anals,
Liangmeis, Kabuis, Maos, Marams, Tangkhuls and others (Devi, 1993). In North Cachar Hills,
megaliths are found at Nenglo, Bolosam, Kobak,Derebora and Kartong (Mills and Hutton, 1929).
They are also found widely in the Hamren sub-division of Karbi Anglong in Assam (Bezbaruah,
2004). In Nagaland, megaliths are found extensively in the Kohima and Phek districts (Jamir, 1998).
The first report of megalithic remains of this region was published by H.H. Godwin-Austen
(1872), followed chronologically by G.B. Clarke (1874), P.R.T. Gurdon (1914), T. C. Hodson (1911),
J.H. Hutton (1921, 1922a, 1922b, 1923) and others. In recent years, some of the works in this area
include D. Roy (1963), A. Bareh (1981), O.K. Singh (1985), N.C. Shadap Sen (1981), C. Mawlong
(1996), S.N. Rao (1991), P.B. Devi (1993), W. Jamir (1998) and D. Bezbaruah (2004).
This paper discusses the megaliths found in Maram areas in Manipur, India. It specifically discusses
one particular megalith, and looks into its genesis and its cultural connotations. Many of these stones
found in Northeast India have a living character to them. These are either still functional or have
stories and myths connected to them. One particular stone found in Maram Khullen is of interest
and importance due to its interconnectedness with the living people. Thus this paper discusses only
the Rang Taiba stone in Maram Khullen, Manipur in order to try and see how much of a cultural
framework it portrays of the studied community.
Megaliths in Maram Areas
The Marams are tribals of North- East India and they belong to the ethnic group of people
called the Nagas. Maram tribes are mainly scattered in various areas like Senapati district, Tadubi
Sub-division and also Kangpokpi region. They have close affinity with Koireng, Maos and Angami,
Poumai, Zeliangrong and Thangal groups. Along with the special Mongoloid features, Caucasoid
traits are also found in the people of the Maram tribes. Many scholars have considered Marams as a
part of Tibeto-Burman family of Mongoloid race. They linguistically belong to the sub-family of the
Sino-Tibetan family. According to Linguistic survey of India the dialect of Maram tribe comes under
Naga group which show Austric linguistic characteristics.
The Marams are a patrilineal society and they are known for their rich cultural heritage. The village
headman or the King functions as both religious and secular head, being assisted by a council of
village elders in his role as secular head and by a village priest in his role as a religious head. There are
more than thirty Maram villages scattered in the geographical expanse generally known as the Maram
Area. As per Census 2001, the Maram Nagas number about 37,340 in total. According to UNESCO
database on endangered languages, the number of speakers is 37,000 (based on India Census 2001).
The different types of megaliths found in Maram area of Manipur include the following (Devi,
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2011; Marak, 2012):
1. Menhirs: Menhirs play a vital role in the megalithic culture of the people of Maram. They
are known as Tisum in their local dialect. They are raised during the lifetime of a person
to attain the highest position in the social hierarchy or even after death as a memorial stone.
Alignments, consisting of carefully oriented rows or series of standing in a square or diagonal
plain, are common among the Marams.
2. Capstones: Capstones consists of stone slabs of various sizes and circular or rectangular in
shape. They are placed directly on the pit either for primary or secondary inhumation. At
times, it is used to cover the pit where skulls of human beings and bones of hunted animals
are buried. At other times it is used for covering the burial pit of the deceased along with grave
offerings. They are generally found inside or outside the village settlement area. Capstones are
found in large numbers among Marams of Manipur in villages like Willong, Sangkungmei,
Karam Khunou, Maram Khullen, Maram Centre, Maram Kabanum, and New Maram . These
are placed in a rectangular pit, covering a primary burial while in some cases it is also used for
covering the pit for secondary burial. A secondary burial pit contains skulls of enemies and
hunted animals. The largest capstone found among the Marams measures 200 x 96 x 31 cm.
3. Cairns: Cairns are abundant in Maram area of Manipur. Every Maram village has at least three
cairns in every clan habitation area which also functions as watch towers for each clan. One of
the finest structures is seen at Willong Khullen, one of the Maram villages in Senapati District.
This structure has a flat top surrounded by dresses slabs at regular intervals to serve as seat.
4. Stone Circles: Stone circles in Maram villages forms a constituent part of an avenue. At Willong
Khullen one circle is constituted by 14 menhirs out of thirty-two stones in the circle. Another
stone circle consists of twenty-five menhirs out of 109 standing stones of the avenue. Out of
these twenty-five stones, twenty-two are in the circle and three remaining huge slabs form a
separating wall dividing the circle into two.
Besides Stone seats, Dolmens are also found in Maram villages. Different types of megaliths
found in Maram villages which are listed with local names, classified type and functional types (Devi,
2005: 151).
Table 1: Types of Megaliths in Maram Areas of Manipur
Sl. No
Local name
Type
Function
1
Beitung
Menhir
Associated witness stone with
dolmens
2
Ranii Atu
Cairn
Watch tower
3
Tisum
Menhir
Memorial stone
4
Arou Atu
5
Tiirosum
Small heap of stones with
platform
Large horizontal slab
Grave stones
Stone seats
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6
Amailui
Small Alignments
Representing male members of
the village
7
Atuchaga Kamatei
Monolith
Holy Stone
8
Atu amei ogija Phuigung Khei
Karanijangba AtuwaiKhei bamle
Capstone or Hoodstone
A capstone for the pit where
decapitated heads were buried
In Willong village, there are numerous numbers of megaliths standing on the left side of the
village. Most of these megaliths were erected by the ancestors of the present inhabitants of the
village, which possesses cultural significances. Over 500 megaliths are found in this village, out of
which 200 are arranged in circle or in cluster and were erected by their ancestors. Each of them bore
their names on the stones. These stones are mostly menhirs and flat stones. Some of the important
kinds of megaliths found in the Willong village are Beitung (Menhir), Tüsum (Menhir), Atu Chaga
Kamaitui (Small alignments), Arou Atu (Small Cairn), Atu Mei Ogiaja (Dolmen), Capstones and Spung
Hoibina Rang (Menhir) at Maram Khullen village (Daniel, 2014).
Rang Taiba’s Stone
Every tomb has its story and its significance. It marks an end of a life and pass on its legacy.
The Rang Taiba’s tombstone (see Figure 1) too has an interesting story and significance. It plays a
significant role in the history and culture of the people of Maram. It is regarded sacred and is well
protected by the locals living in the area. It is said to carry a bad omen if offerings are placed at the
tomb by anyone from outside the community. A menhir (seee Figure 2) of about 8 ft. tall is seen
standing near the tomb. This menhir was erected by King Taiba’s son Rang in memory of his father.
The Rang Taiba’s tombstone is a capstone burial site located at Maram Khullen village of Senapati
District, Manipur. It is situated at a hill-top and dominated by the people of the Maram Nagas. The
tomb is near the Maram king’s house and there are 10 more capstones scattered around it. These
burial sites are collectively known as ‘Bongnamei’ in local dialect.
According to local lores, Taiba was one of the king of the Maram Nagas . Before he passed away,
he gave an instruction to his people that on his death, his body should be buried after 7 days. When
the king died, the people waited till the third day, but the body began to decay giving a foul smell. So
they decided to bury the deceased king. While the preparation was going on for his funeral, the body
disappeared mysteriously. The people who came for the funeral were astonished. Not a single person
knew how and where the body disappeared.
On a side note, Taiba’s daughter was married to a man from the Mao tribe. On hearing about her
father’s death, she started her journey from Mao village to Maram village. When she reached Maram
village, the spirit of her father appeared to her near an escape route (made in almost every Maram
village for evacuation in emergency situations) (Figure 4). He asked her, where she was going and she
replied “she had come to attend his funeral”. Her father was pleased and told her, he has no property
or valuables to give, but as her husband belongs to Mao tribe, the Mao people will receive the blessing
of harvesting earlier than the Maram people. It is because of this, the Mao people harvest earlier than
the Maram people every year and this tradition is being followed to this very day by the Mao and
Maram tribe.
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They never found Taiba’s body and the tomb do not contain his body. The tomb stone is a
representation of his burial site. Beneath the capstone lies only his property and valuables.
Discussion
Like other living communities in Northeast India, such as the Khasi and Jaintia (GodwinAusten,1872; Gurdon, 1914; Roy, 1963; Bareh, 1981; Sen, 1981; Mawlong, 1996), even among the
Marams, the living nature of megaliths is seen. Many types of megaliths differing in morphology
and function are seen, such as menhirs, dolmens, cairns etc. Interestingly, megaliths, which are
morphologically similar, have different functions too. For instance, the Beitung is a menhir which is
used as a judiciary stone. It is a witness stone used during trials.
On the other hand, a Tisum is morphologically a menhir, but functionally a memorial stone. Thus,
it is not the morphological characteristics of a stone that is important, rather it is its functions that
define its inherent cultural meanings. This meaning is an inherent part of the socio-cultural context.
Local lore plays a very important role in the creation of importance and persistent use of megaliths
among living communities. The Rang Taiba tomb continues to be sacred to the people of Maram.
It is the burial site of king Taiba who is considered to be the father of the Maram people. Due to
such socio-cultural implications, important rituals and activities continue to be performed at this
site. Annually in the month of December or early January a post- harvest festival called ‘Kang- He’ is
hosted which lasts for 3 days. It starts from the 16th day of the lunar month of the Marams. During
this festival no form of domestic works are carried out. It is believed that no seeds will thrive even
if planted and firewood collected for domestic uses will rot. It is a complete period of rest for the
people. The king and the people gather near the tomb and various forms of indigenous games and
sports are played. Among these, the most popular one is wrestling in which the participants compete
naked. This game of strength exclusively for males is expected to become a new attraction to the
visitors to the region. Naked wrestling has been an important event of the festival as it provides an
opportunity exclusively to the men to test their strength.
A significant belief of the people is that, the tomb stone has the power to regulate rainfall. If
annual rainfall is less, they perform rituals and the tombstone is struck once with a staff. They believe
that, this ritual will compel their deceased king Taiba to send rain in the land. In case of excessive
amount of rainfall the tombstone is struck twice to stop the rain.
Additionally, the present day Mao-Maram agricultural practices too have its genesis in the folklore
of king Taiba. Due to the affection shown towards the dead king by his daughter, the spirit of the
dead king supposedly blessed the daughter. Since she was married to a Mao man, thus the blessings
bestowed on her spread over the whole Mao tribe. Therefore, even today the neighboring Maos are
seen to harvest before the Marams.
Conclusion
Cultural meanings and interpretations are found to be contextual in all aspects of socio-cultural
life. The present paper revealed how a megalithic stone, the Rang Taiba stone, has its genesis in the
Maram oral traditions, thus reiterating the living nature of this stone.
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The burial site not only tells us a story about a king, but also signified the rich culture and
strong beliefs of the Maram people in the afterlife. This can be seen in the story of the mysterious
disappearance of the king’s body and his appearance before his daughter after his death. It also
showed how a king has the power to even decide the time of harvest. The people of Maram look up
to Rang Taiba’s tomb as a mark of their unity and prosperity. To this day, the tradition of capstone
burial is still in practice though in a smaller scale.
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Appendix
Figure 1: Rang Taiba’s tomb stone (Capstone)
Figure 2: A monolith (erected by King Taiba’s son in memory of his father)
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Figure 3: The Maram King’s house and its surrounding with the Rang Taiba tomb stone at the left corner
Figure 4: An Escape route in the village (where King Taiba’s spirit is believed to have met his daughter)
Potbelly Sculptures as False Mortuary Bundles
Arnaud F. Lambert
Associate Professor of Anthropology, Department of Social Science, Onondaga Community College, 4585 West Seneca Turnpike, Syracuse, New York
13215, USA, e-mail: [email protected]
keywords
abstract
potbelly sculptures
mortuary bundles
ancestor veneration
Preclassic Maya
The present paper investigates the possibility that the potbelly sculptures of southeastern Mesoamerica
may have served as false (or effigy) mortuary bundles in public rituals tying ancestor veneration to emerging
forms of rulership among the Preclassic Maya. Correspondences between potbelly sculptures and the
artistic and archaeological evidence for the use of mortuary bundles among the Classic period Maya suggest
that the imagery of ancestors represented through effigy bundles may have been an integral part of the
iconography of power deployed by early Maya rulers.
Introduction
Potbelly sculptures are one of the most enigmatic forms of monumental art in ancient
Mesoamerica. Often associated with a little-known “fat god” (Scott 1988; Taube 2004), recent work
has problematized this widely-accepted interpretation of potbelly sculptures (Thompson and Valdez
2008; Guernsey 2012). In fact, Julia Guernsey (2010, 2012) has done an admirable job of shedding
light on the complex relationship between potbelly sculptures, changes in sociopolitical organization,
and ancestor veneration; implying that these monuments played a significant role in the invention of
new elite rituals during the Late Preclassic period (500 BC – AD 250). Unfortunately, we still lack
knowledge of the nature of these rituals, the manner in which potbelly sculptures were incorporated
into these ceremonies, and the significance of their imagery. In this paper, my intention is not
to cast doubt on Guernsey’s interpretation of the potbelly sculptural tradition of Late Preclassic
southeastern Mesoamerica, but rather to add some pertinent observations regarding the ways in which
these monuments may have been used to express ancestral power through public ritual. It is my
suggestion that potbelly sculptures functioned primarily as false mortuary bundles, i.e. as sculptural
effigies of burial bundles. While this contribution does not constitute a new interpretation of the
potbelly sculptural tradition in southeastern Mesoamerica (see Boggs 1969:50; Thompson and Valdez
2008:23-24), it does refine these earlier views of their funerary associations in order to lend new
insights into the socio-political role of potbelly sculptures.
Potbelly Sculptures and Ancestor Veneration
The potbelly sculptural tradition is characterized by a rich array of forms and images, from
colossal heads to full-body portrayals. The full-bodied human figures also display a great deal of
diversity, ranging from slender pedestal sculptures to more corpulent forms (Guernsey 2010, 2012;
Please cite this article as: Lambert A. F., Potbelly Sculptures as False Mortuary Bundles. Antrocom J. of Anthropology. 11-1 (2015)
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Lambert A. F. / Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, vol. 11, n. 1 (2015) 105-112
Parsons 1986; Thompson and Valdez 2008). However, these diverse forms also share a number
of morphological commonalities that have allowed for their placement within a distinct sculptural
tradition (see figure 1).
These common physiognomic features include a simple tubular or rotund body adorned with
schematic arms and legs wrapped around the abdomen or torso of the full-bodied sculptures. Their
feet are often outlined without the toes and their fingers are typically rendered in block form. Fullbodied potbelly sculptures are rarely depicted with clothing. Most are portrayed with very minimal
forms of body decoration such as a loin cloth or collar. The head of a potbelly sculpture is one of its
most characteristic features and consists of the following morphological traits: closed eyes with heavy
sometimes puffy eyelids, large pendulous cheeks, a flattened nose, a bald head, and blocky rectangular
ears decorated with circular ear ornaments.
Potbelly sculptures have been documented in archaeological sites throughout southeastern
Mesoamerica. Their distribution extends from southern and central Mexico (Delgadillo Torres and
Santana Sandoval 1989; Navarrete and Hernandéz 2000; Martínez Donjuán 2010:73-74), to the Maya
Lowlands, the Maya Highlands, and the Pacific coast of Guatemala (Guernsey 2012:83-84; Marcus
1987:48, Fig. 16; Richardson 1940:408-409), and into portions of El Salvador (Amaroli 1997:51;
Anderson 1978:156; Demarest 1986:138-139). Despite their broad distribution, potbelly sculptures
appear to be concentrated along the Pacific coast of Guatemala and the Maya Highlands region with
the majority found at three Late Preclassic period sites: Kaminaljuyú, Monte Alto, and Tak’alik Ab’aj
(Love 2010; Parsons 1986; Rodas 1993).
Given Guernsey’s observations about a possible relationship between potbelly sculptures and
ancestor veneration, the present effort is geared towards presenting data demonstrating a connection
between potbelly sculptures and mortuary bundles, a common way to honor deceased ancestors
throughout Mesoamerica (Barba de Piña Chan 2002:46, 2004:94). In particular, information about
burial bundle morphology, bundle decoration and the archaeological associations of mortuary bundles
will be explored to determine if any links between this funerary custom and potbelly sculptures can
be discerned. It is also hoped that such comparisons may provide insights on the possible ritual uses
of potbelly sculptures even though many of these stone carvings have been found in secondary or
tertiary contexts. I will begin with an examination of the archaeology of Maya mortuary bundles.
Potbelly Sculptures and Mortuary Bundles in Archaeological Context
The bundling and re-positioning of corpses was a significant aspect of elite Maya mortuary
customs during the Late Preclassic and Early Classic periods. The use of funerary bundles has been
noted at a number of Lowland and Highland Maya sites such as Uaxactun, Tikal, K’axob, Cuello,
Zacualpa, Chalchuapa, and Kaminaljuyú (Fowler 1984:609-610; Hammond 1999:55-56; Kidder et
al. 1978 [1946]:47; McAnany 1998:276-277; McAnany, Storey, and Lockard 1999:132; Weiss-Krejci
2006:80). Among both the Preclassic and Classic Maya, bundle burials appear to have been attempts
at passive excarnation or possible mummification (Weiss-Krejci 2006:74, 80). Funerary bundles were
created either by wrapping a seated or flexed body in a woven cloth and providing it with a mask or by
encasing an extended body in clay plaster. One early example of this practice is Tikal Burial 80, dating
to 50 BC (Fitzsimmons 2009:81). Another possible example of bundling was found in Tomb A-1 at
Kaminaljuyú but involved the preservation of an extended body on a wickerwork platform (Kidder
et al. 1978 [1946]:47). These practices became more consistent over time, allowing mortuary bundles
to acquire a fairly uniform set of morphological attributes (e.g. a flexed posture, wrappings in woven
107
cloths, and masks). These features, in turn, correspond to many of the physiognomic traits seen in
full-bodied potbelly sculptures. By being wrapped around the torso and abdomen of the figures, the
schematic arms and legs of these potbelly sculptures, for instance, mimic the “seated” posture of
flexed bundle burials (Figures 1a-1d). In light of these similarities, the characteristic facial features
of potbelly sculptures may have served two purposes. Their closed eyes, slightly open mouths, and
corpulent features may not only have referenced death and decomposition (Thompson and Valdez
2008:23-24); but it is also plausible that these standardized traits —seen in both full-bodied figures
and colossal heads (Figures 1d and 1f)— referenced the mortuary masks in bundle burials.
While both Late Preclassic and Classic period bundle burials shared many of the same morphological
features with potbelly sculptures, changes in their archaeological associations indicate that the customs
and rituals connected to mortuary bundles changed over time. While Late Preclassic period (50 BC –
AD 250) bundles, such as those at Tikal and Kaminaljuyú, appear to have been associated exclusively
with elite tombs and crypts, Classic period mortuary bundles were involved in the widespread practice
of ritual caching, either as dedicatory burials (Becker 1993:53-60) or in relation to the curation of
body parts and relics from important individuals (Gillespie 2001:89-90). Such bundles contained
partially cremated remains or a few parts of the original bodies of the deceased – such the long bones,
maxilla, or the mandible -- and it is unclear whether they belonged to elite members of society or to
sacrificed prisoners (Hammond 1999:55; McAnany, Storey, and Lockard 1999:131). Other mortuary
rituals involving bundles seem to have been intended to help transform deceased lords into powerful
ancestors and are associated with the increasing importance of ancestor-related shrines throughout
the Maya Lowlands (Gillespie 2001:91-92). And in a few instances, it appears that funerary bundles
were used in rituals that consulted deceased ancestors during important calendrical ceremonies
(Fitzsimmons 2003:672). In many of these rituals, the “seated” or flexed position of the body in
bundle burials was seen as analogous to the seated posture of a living ruler (McAnany 1998:276). For
example, in Uaxactun Burial C1, the “seated” and bundled body of a Classic period lord was placed
on a low throne outfitted with a stuccoed pillow for a backrest. His facial bones were then removed
and replaced with mask made of jade, shell and obsidian. Both Taube (2000:306-307) and Headrick
(2007:44-71) have noted a similar pattern for the representation of mortuary bundles at Teotihuacán,
suggesting that these ritual associations were fairly common throughout Mesoamerica during the
Classic period.
Even though potbelly sculptures do not appear to have been used in dedicatory rituals or to
have been placed in crypts, with the possible exception of a potbelly-like ceramic vessel from Cohla
(Anthony and Black 1994:50), very little of their primary contexts of use remains intact. Nonetheless,
vestiges of their ritual associations to royalty can be gleaned from their sculptural features. The
portrayal of some potbelly sculptures on pedestals (Guernsey 2012:70-73; Parsons 1986: Plate 111),
for instance, may provide clues to their significance in the Late Preclassic period. Given their overall
morphological similarities to masked burial bundles, the pedestals could have served as the functional
equivalents of Classic period platforms for elite mortuary bundles (Headrick 2007:57, Fig. 3.10).
Further examination of representations of mortuary bundles in Maya art may help to clarify these
intriguing links.
Potbelly Sculptures and the Iconography of the Mortuary Bundle in Maya Art
The clearest depictions of funerary bundles in Maya art are found in Postclassic period (AD 9501540) codices, especially the Codex Tro-Cortesianus (1967), as well as Late Classic period codex-style
ceramic vessels (AD 672-751) (Reents-Budet et al. 2010) (Figure 2). The primary morphological
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features of bundles as depicted in these sources is fairly consistent and bears strong resemblances
to both the potbelly sculptural tradition of the Late Preclassic period and archaeologically-attested
bundle burials. These features include the deceased individual’s arms being wrapped across the chest
and their legs placed in a seated position or “flexed” posture with the knees bent near the elbows (See
Figures 2a-2b).
Often the features of the body are covered by plain wrappings, giving the bundle a rotund
appearance.
The mortuary bundles are sometimes shown decorated with items indicative of elite status such
as a cape or huipil (Figures 2c-2f). Necklaces, collars, and other items of jewelry (Figures 2c-2e) are
also commonly portrayed on funerary bundles as well as potbelly sculptures (Thompson and Valdez
2008:18). The mortuary bundle is typically decorated with a mask and headdress in Late Classic
period examples. Some of these masks are elaborate and refer to deities such as Chaahk and Itzamna
(Figures 2c-2f); suggesting that the Classic period rituals associated with some royal bundles linked
the deceased ancestor with powerful and sacred forces. On the other hand, masks could also be plain,
representing the outline of the deceased individual’s face using closed heavy eyelids, a large nose, and
a slightly open mouth (Figure 2a) as signifiers of death. In this sense, Classic period representations
of funeral bundles had much in common with potbelly sculptures.
In terms of their contexts, artistic representations of mortuary bundles typically show them placed
on benches or small platforms, where they appear to have been part of important rituals linking rulers
to divine patrons who were referenced by the masks on the bundles. It appears then that the rituals
of ancestor veneration that began in the Early Classic period continued to be manifest in the art of
the Late Classic and Postclassic periods. In these rituals, mortuary bundles created hierophanies
that connected living rulers with the divine through ritual acts related to the dedication of buildings,
the apotheosis of ancestors, and the consultation of ancestor bundles on important calendar dates.
However, such rituals do not appear to have taken place prior to the Early Classic period. Although
bundle burials were associated with royalty they do not appear to have had the same religious and
socio-political significance as later bundle burials. It is my contention that the potbelly sculptures of
the Late Preclassic period played this important ritual role in the form of effigy mortuary bundles.
Discussion
Both the archaeological and iconographic data discussed so far seem to indicate that potbelly
sculptures served as the morphological cognates of Late Preclassic and Classic period mortuary
bundles. They depicted individuals in a flexed or seated position with a highly uniform face that
not only denoted the physiognomic features linked to decomposition and death but may also have
represented burial masks. But whereas Late Preclassic period mortuary bundles do not seem to have
been used in rituals of ancestor veneration and consultation, it appears that potbelly sculptures did
participate in comparable cultural practices. Like their Classic period burial bundle counterparts, it is
likely that the flexed posture of potbelly sculptures recalled the posture of seated rulers. In addition,
the use of pedestals as a common base for these monuments bears a strong resemblance to the
benches and platforms used to reference the elite status of bundle burials. In the case of Santa Leticia
in El Salvador, there is also evidence that potbelly sculptures were placed on small platforms of stone
(Demarest 1986:139). In other cases, like Tak’alik Ab’aj, potbellies were placed in front of terraces
and mounds near altars and small thrones (Schieber de Lavarreda and Orrego Corzo 2010:179, 184).
109
Although many potbelly sculptures are relatively unclothed, a significant number are decorated with
pendants and collars that recall the highly decorated forms of high status Classic period funerary
bundles (Figure 1b). There is also evidence of deity identification in the few potbelly sculptures
with elaborate clothing and masks. The potbelly from Copán (PN-46) (Richardson 1940:408), for
example, is shown in a feathered outfit indicating a possible association with the Principle Bird Deity
(Figure 1c). By contrast, Kaminaljuyú Anthropomorphic Sculpture 61 is depicted wearing a flayed
skin on its face and holding a human femur, alluding to a close affiliation with the Preclassic Maya
equivalent of the Postclassic god, Xipe Totec (Lambert 2013:4-7). There is even evidence that some
of these effigy bundles may have been re-used to dedicate new monuments in the Early Classic
period; suggesting that recognition of their ritual equivalence to royal mortuary bundles persisted into
the Classic period. This appears to have been the case at Copán, where two potbelly sculptures were
deposited underneath Altar X and Altar Y (Newsome 2003:11). The archaeological, iconographic,
and morphological correspondences mentioned above suggest that the potbelly sculptures found
throughout southeastern Mesoamerica may have played an important ceremonial role as false
mortuary bundles. In this role, potbelly sculptures appear to have memorialized and honored elite
ancestors at the same time that their monumental nature allowed these carvings to be moved into
more visible areas of the civic-ceremonial centers of Maya cities where they were employed in rituals
that both symbolically and materially linked deceased ancestors to the power of the emerging elite
stratum in Preclassic Maya society (Gillespie 2001:92-93).
Conclusions
The evidence presented in this paper suggests that potbelly sculptures in southeastern Mesoamerica
took part in a set of cultural practices and rituals intended to commemorate ancestors and link them
to Preclassic Maya rulers. While bundle burials were common in both Late Preclassic and Classic
period Maya sites and had a strong morphological resemblance to potbelly sculptures, data from
their archaeological contexts as well as Maya iconography indicate that funerary bundles acquired
a number of ritual associations linked to ancestor veneration in the Classic period. Although Late
Preclassic burial bundles were not linked to such practices, it appears that potbelly sculptures—as
false (or effigy) mortuary bundles—were placed in much more public contexts on top or in front of
mounds where they could have been used in public rituals linking rulers to deceased and apotheosized
ancestors. This link was also explicit in the iconographic features of potbelly sculptures, i.e. their
pedestal bases, collars and pendants, and (on occasion) elaborate costumes linked to various deities.
In their role as effigy burial bundles, potbelly sculptures played a crucial part in the development of
rituals of ancestor veneration that helped ruling groups establish a sense of continuity with their
predecessors and thereby legitimize their political authority.
110
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Appendix
Figure 1: Examples of potbelly sculptures from southeastern Mesoamerica: (a) Teopán potbelly sculpture; (b) Kaminaljuyú Pieza C; (c)
Copán potbelly sculpture (PN-46); (d) Monte Alto Monument 4; (e) Tak’alik Ab’aj Monument 109; and (f) Santa Leticia Monument 1
(drawings by the author).
Figure 2: Examples of mortuary bundles in Classic and Postclassic period Maya art: (a) a simple masked bundle from codex-style ceramic
vessel Kerr No. K1382; (b) a wrapped burial bundle from page 101 of the Codex Tro-Cortesianus (1967); (c) a mortuary bundle with an
Itzamna mask from codex-style ceramic vessel Kerr No. K1081; (d) a decorated burial bundle with a Chaahk mask from codex-style ceramic
vessel Kerr No. K1081; (e) a decorated funerary bundle with an Itzamna mask from codex-style ceramic vessel Kerr No. K3716; and (f) a
decorated mortuary bundle with an Itzamna mask from codex-style ceramic vessel Kerr No. K7838 (drawings by the author).
Ciocche e trecce: la donna tra i suoi nodi
Berti Nadia
keywords
abstract
hair
women
gender
violence
hairdo
capelli
donna
acconciature
violenza
This work shows the role of women’s hair in society and in history. The work was presented at the
ninth edition of the festival “The violence illustrated” of Bologna, within Open (h) Air, a Paola Luciani
project. Hidden under the hair’s symbol there is the image of a woman free to dance in the wild, how the
photos of Paola Luciani show. The hair represent a paradox anthropology: waste body and symbol of the
individual; here we come to the “not violent violence.”
Noi siamo fatti tutti di pezzetti, e di una tessitura così informe e bizzarra che ogni pezzo,
ogni momento va per conto suo. E c’è altrettanta differenza fra noi e noi stessi che fra noi e gli altri.
(Montaigne 2005:435)
Introduzione
I capelli rappresentano un paradosso nell’ambito umano e antropologico, in quanto sono considerati
scarti del corpo (come possono essere le unghie o lo sputo), e allo stesso tempo rappresentano un
legame indissolubile con la persona e la sua identità, tanto da poter diventare oggetto di riti magici,
stregonerie e malefici in ogni cultura e in ogni epoca. Il capello reciso è quindi un’ appendice stessa
della persona e rappresenta la sua vera identità, per questo va tutelata. Nella donna il capello acquisisce
un’ ulteriore valenza, quella legata alla femminilità, alla sensualità, al tabù. I capelli e l’acconciatura
sono quindi uno dei poteri della donna e dalla sua femminilità, e questo fattore può scatenare anche
un’arma a doppio taglio. La donna, da sempre e in moltissime culture, ha vissuto su di sé il pericolo
della violenza, il peso dell’essere donna, del poter o non poter esprimere liberamente la propria
femminilità. La femminilità, che venga percepito in modo conscio o inconscio dall’Altro, è un potere
e come tale fa paura. La paura nei confronti della donna spesso non è controllata e può scatenare
violenze e soprusi di cui purtroppo siamo sempre più spesso spettatori inermi. Come si lega la paura
verso la donna e la sua sensualità, la violenza verso il mondo femminile e i capelli? I capelli sono stati
tagliati, rubati, strappati, segretamente custoditi, rasati, e così via: sono cioè diventati uno strumento
Please cite this article as: Berti N., Ciocche e trecce: la donna tra i suoi nodi. Antrocom J. of Anthropology 11-1 (2015)
114
Berti N. / Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, vol. 11, n. 1 (2015) 113-124
diretto per umiliare la donna, per dimostrarle la sua sottomissione ad un potere più alto (che si tratti di un uomo,
una dittatura politica, un regime, una divisa, un ordine religioso). Il capello può anche essere visto
e analizzato sotto l’aspetto psicanalitico dell’ archetipo il quale scatena dei meccanismi inconsci che
apparentemente non possiedono una motivazione logica. Questo tipo di violenza può essere studiato
da un punto di vista antropologico: infatti come si potrà leggere, i capelli contengono una storia e una
simbologia che racconta la donna, racconta la violenza che la donna subisce, anche quella violenza
“nascosta”, psicologica (come l’umiliazione di essere rasate perché adultere o perché appartenenti
ad una determinata fede religiosa o gruppo politico, oppure quella di diventare vittime di un marito
geloso che taglia ciocche di capelli per rabbia 1, o del feticista che a Bologna tagliò le chiome di nascosto
sugli autobus per poi conservarle). Sul tema della violenza contro le donne, Laura Boella scrive:
«Chi pensa la differenza sessuale oggi non contrappone certamente il corpo come dato biologico
alla storia e allo spirito. Il pensiero della differenza sessuale si fonda al contrario sull’idea di una
corporeità vivente e parlante, pensante e agente, unità di corpo e di anima, situata in un mondo
storico e spirituale. Dire questo vuol dire che la differenza sessuale non è solo un fatto psico-fisico,
bensì attraversa e coinvolge la vocazione spirituale delle donne degli uomini: la differenza dei corpi
è anche differenza spirituale. Questo è uno dei principali profili attraverso i quali la soggettività
femminile si rende riconoscibile nel campo della creatività artistica, culturale, filosofica, politica e
spirituale in contrasto con l’impersonalità del “neutro”, ossia di creazioni che si suppone abbiano
autori senza sesso o indifferentemente sessuati o, ancora più esattamente, di sesso maschile talmente
enfatizzato da elevarsi a paradigma universale. Il mito dell’immacolata concezione sta alla radice
dell’idea maschile del concetto, secondo Maria Zambrano: una creazione increata, senza nascita,
come, appunto, la creazione divina, una creazione dal nulla (e, nell’epoca moderna, spesso del nulla).
Pensare la corporeità vivente sessuata (non il puro dato biologico) come elemento che qualifica la
presenza di ogni essere umano sulla scena del mondo invita a un’ulteriore riflessione: in che modo
un corpo vissuto da una donna si esprime nella vita quotidiana, nel diritto, nella politica, nell’arte,
nell’economia, nella filosofia? E’ solo un peso, un limite, un ingombro, o una qualità che si può
facilmente occultare, mascherare, travestire, con cui infiniti frammenti o rappresentazioni si può
giocare, che si può usare? Oppure, come testimonia la passione femminile della differenza sessuale,
e l’asimmetria con cui storicamente il tema della differenza sessuale, tranne rare eccezioni, è stato
pensato soprattutto dalle donne, è un di più, la leva di un’eccedenza, di un andar oltre, una potente
e inesauribile riserva di significato? Se si va nel senso di quest’ultima possibilità, in che modo la
corporeità vissuta in cui si incarna la differenza, l’essere nati uomo o donna, rinvia a qualcosa
d’altro, mette in gioco altro da sé, in quali forme concrete di azione, di conoscenza, di partecipazione
alla civiltà umana e alla sua storia? Un primo, fondamentale ostacolo da superare è quello relativo
alla facilità con cui la differenza viene pensata in opposizione binaria con l’uguaglianza. E’ vero
che la differenza storicamente è stata ed è tuttora fonte di disuguaglianza, ma non ci si rende conto
della facilità con cui il valore della differenza viene azzerato non solo dalla disuguaglianza, ma anche
dall’egualitarismo che sembrerebbe porre rimedio a quest’ultima.(…) La differenza diventa invece
liberatoria quando non significa più devianza che esclude, pietrificazione in una natura e in carattere
1
Sentenza 10413/13 pubblicata il 6 marzo dalla quinta sezione penale della Cassazione. “Il marito geloso che
taglia i capelli alla moglie contro la sua volontà commette reato di violenza privata. Lo ha detto, di recente, la Cassazione
che ha condannato un carabiniere genovese il quale, dopo aver appreso la notizia di un presunto tradimento, ha sfogato la
propria ira contro l’acconciatura della sua ex compagna. A nulla è valsa la ricostruzione avanzata dalla difesa, secondo la
quale il passionale militare avrebbe tutt’al più commesso i più lievi reati di minaccia e ingiuria (quest’ultimo configurabile,
secondo il codice penale, ogni qualvolta si attuano condotte tali da umiliare l’onore e il decoro della persona offesa). In
particolare la Suprema Corte ha ribadito che se l’umiliazione della persona avviene attraverso l’uso della forza o ricorrendo
a strumenti violenti e intimidatori, come nel caso di specie, non si può parlare di ingiuria, ma del più grave delitto di
violenza privata poiché la vittima, oltre alle offese, subisce una restrizione della propria libertà morale”. Consulenza
giuridica fornita dall’avv. Marta Baiotto.
Berti N./ Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, vol. 11, n. 1 (2015) 113-124
115
fissi, ma specificità, variazione, eterogeneità, relazioni di somiglianza e dissimiglianza. (…) La
differenza sessuale costituisce dall’interno l’identità di ogni essere umano, uomo o donna, fa differire
da sé ogni essere umano e lo fa essere se stesso: uomo o donna. Non si tratta di una mediazione o
di una tensione tra due entità, bensì di una ricerca del senso di sé che avviene tra sé e ciò che non
si è ancora. La differenza sessuale è il banco di prova dell’identità di ogni essere che conquista
ciò che gli è più proprio- esistenzialmente, storicamente- accettando una mancanza, una parzialità,
una dipendenza dall’altro da sé. Il dominio, la disuguaglianza appare in questa luce una violenta
abbreviazione di questo percorso dell’elaborazione del senso di sé.» (Boella 2003:26-29)
I capelli e le acconciature nella storia dell’uomo
Nel mondo antico il valore legato alla capigliatura trova la sua essenza nella convinzione che la
testa raccolga il seme della vita, mentre la coscienza e il pensiero (che noi normalmente leghiamo alla
testa e al cervello), sono posti nel cuore e nei polmoni. Questa concezione dell’anatomia umana deriva
innanzitutto dal fatto che il cervello e la sostanza cerebrospinale sono ritenuti il principale veicolo del
fluido seminale. Per comprendere come i capelli rappresentino l’identità della persona è necessario
fare un passo indietro per rendersi conto di come la cura del capello e la sua bellezza siano sempre
stati presenti nella storia dell’uomo e della donna, fin dai tempi più antichi, anche quando non esisteva
uno specchio dove specchiarsi, o un concetto di estetica e di importanza data all’immagine esteriore
così forte ed elaborata come nell’epoca attuale. Partendo proprio dall’uomo primitivo, per fare un
esempio storico, a Brassempouy 2, in Aquitania (Francia), è stata trovata una statuetta di avorio di
mammut datata dagli archeologi 25.000 a.C., ovvero dopo la fine dell’era glaciale. Di questa statuetta
ci giunge solo la testa, ha l’acconciatura finemente decorata da righe ortogonali ed è stata per questo
sopranominata “la signora della cappa” o anche la “dama dal cappuccio”, proprio per la cura data
all’acconciatura, intenzionalmente orientata. Più o meno contemporanea sembra essere la Venere di
Willendorf 3 (Austria), realizzata nel Paleolitico superiore, tra il 23.000 e il 19.000 a.C. Presenta la testa
arrotondata e la capigliatura molto curata, è raffigurata attraverso piccole protuberanze disposte in
file orizzontali e parallele che coprono quasi tutto il volto. Uno degli oggetti più antichi ritrovati negli
scavi archeologici sono i pettini, utensile prodotto con materiali diversi quali osso, legno, corna, lische
di pesce; confermando ancora una volta l’attenzione e la consapevolezza data ai capelli e alla loro cura,
ma non solo, in quanto questo strumento veniva utilizzato anche per altri usi tecnici. 4
«Nel mondo antico, questo valore della capigliatura, trova la propria ragion d’essere in una
diversa mappa dell’anatomia corporea, che identifica nella testa non la sede del pensiero o della
coscienza (posti nel cuore e nei polmoni), ma il contenitore sacro del seme generatore di vita. Il cervello,
in particolare la sostanza cerebrospinale, è ritenuto il principale veicolo del fluido seminale, una
potenza che anima i singoli corpi e al contempo li trascende, identificandosi con lo spirito immortale
e divino la psychè dei greci o il genius dei latini che permea l’intero universo. Per analogia, anche il
macrocosmo è quindi provvisto delle sue “teste”, dalla fonte di un fiume alle radici di una pianta fino
alla spiga del grano, attributo di Ceres quale dea della fertilità. Finché i capelli restano, come per
2 Venere di Brassempouy, 23 000 a.C., avorio di mammut, alt. 3,65 cm. Musée d’Archéologie Nationale di SaintGermainen-Laye, Francia.
3
Venere di Willendorf, 23 000-19 000 a.C., pietra calcarea, alt. 11 cm. Vienna, Naturhistorisches Museum.
4
PETTINE (kteiv, kténion, xéavion; pecten). - L’invenzione del p. risale a epoca remotissima. I primi esemplari
che conosciamo provengono dalle stazioni scandinave (Ertbølle e Meilgaard) dell’inizio del Neolitico (protoneolitico) o
ancora, secondo alcuni, del mesolitico, stazioni formate da ammassi di conchiglie (kjokkenmöddings): sono di piccole
dimensioni, in osso, e presentano una forma alta e stretta che ricorda, appunto, nelle proporzioni, la mano umana
(Enciclopedia dell’Arte Antica Treccani, 1965 alla voce “Pettine”).
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Aristotele, il prolungamento del cerebrum da cui si crea la vita (keras, cereo, creo) “perché il cervello
è fluido e il cranio ha molte suture”, e l’intero universo - dalle comete o “astri chiomati” descritti
da Luciano di Samosata alle chiome arboree di cui parla Omero nell’Odissea - è visto permearsi
di psychè nelle sue multiformi capigliature, nessuna degradazione può intervenire a intaccarne la
sacralità.» (Violi 2008:8)
A tal riguardo possiamo citare la seguente affermazione di Mariella Combi, per comprendere
come la cura del proprio aspetto faccia parte di quel bagaglio comunicativo ed espressivo del potere
dominante e non solo:
«Acquistano particolare importanza i messaggi che l’ideologia dominante, in un certo periodo
storico e in una particolare società, mette a disposizione dell’individuo. Essi implicano, infatti, forme di
spiegazione e di razionalizzazione tendenti a far emergere sia alcuni aspetti, alcune puntualizzazioni
della realtà sociale e naturale e non altri, sia prescrizioni riguardanti comportamenti disponibili
o consentiti ai vari livelli e specie di individui e gruppi che compongono il sistema. Tali sistemi
di messaggi hanno come scopo proprio quello di spiegare perché il mondo è così com’è, fornendo
contemporaneamente delle indicazioni che servono a mantenere coerente il sistema e a rassicurare
l’individuo sulla posizione che occupa al suo interno. Il corpo e la parola rientrano in queste spiegazioni
e prescrizioni». (Combi 1988:32-33)
Introduzione all’antropologia del corpo
«Identità non è restare presso di sé, bensì avere cura di sé nell’incontrare gli altri (…)» (Nivola
e Satta 2006:24)
L’uomo è anche un corpo. Anzi, potremmo affermare che è soprattutto un corpo, non perché
questa sua componente sia la più importante ma perché è sicuramente la prima che vediamo,
osserviamo e soppesiamo, è lo strumento con cu ci presentiamo al mondo e agli altri, è una delle
principali cause della nostra soddisfazione o insoddisfazione riguardo noi stessi, è quindi l’ arma con
cui ci auto-critichiamo e auto-valutiamo, è la prima causa del nostro giudizio sugli altri. Il corpo hai
suoi strumenti, le sue appendici, il suo contatto con il mondo esterno, attraverso le mani, i piedi, i
5 sensi. Attraverso il corpo si definisce e si costruisce la nostra cultura. Al corpo è collegato anche
il gesto, ovvero ciò che Marcel Mauss definisce “tecniche del corpo”. Marcel Mauss scrisse il saggio
“Le tecniche del corpo” nel 1950, contenuto nel testo “Teoria generale della magia e atri saggi”, in
seguito sua alla celebre conferenza “ Les techniques du corps” tenuta il 17 maggio 1934 presso la
Société française de psychologie di Parigi, e definisce qui le tecniche del corpo come «i modi come
gli uomini nelle diverse società si servono, uniformandosi alla tradizione, del loro corpo» (Torre, Turi
e Veroli 1991). Ci sono diverse scelte che una persona può fare sul come agire, quali gesti compiere,
in che sequenza, con che manualità, con che atteggiamento corporeo, quali strumenti usare e come
usarli… ecc. L’autore ci spiega che queste scelte sono dettate dalla tradizione specifica della società
che stiamo analizzando. Ciò che spesso ci sembra banale o scontato non lo è, ciò che crediamo non
possa essere fatto in modo diverso da come lo facciamo tutti i giorni, in realtà avrebbe decine e decine
di modalità differenti. Mauss continua la sua analisi e ci racconta che la tecnica del corpo adottata va
analizzata sia da un punto di vista storico-culturale (e qui possiamo intuire quanto la tecnologia e il
mondo virtuale influiscano su questo aspetto), ma anche osservando il ritmo e la ripetitività dei gesti,
che vengono arricchiti dalla ricerca di un contatto attraverso i cinque sensi, che ci aiuta, ovviamente
in modo inconscio, a riproporre elementi di un passato che possiamo solo ricordare, riformulare,
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mettendolo in relazione con il tempo presente. In questo modo la tradizione si crea, attraverso la
sua ripetizione, e viene trasmessa. In questo l’uomo si distingue dagli animali: per la trasmissione
delle sue tecniche e per la loro trasmissione orale, il corpo è il primo e più naturale oggetto tecnico
e allo stesso tempo, mezzo tecnico dell’uomo. Mauss diceva che le tecniche del corpo sono forme
di riconoscimento collettivo e identitario, ma anche modelli per la società, a cui si avvale il singolo
individuo nel processo di identificazione all’interno del gruppo e di formazione personale per la sua
quotidianità. Si comprende così anche come il singolo individuo sia fondamentale per il successo della
società nel suo complesso, e quindi quanto potere di azione abbiamo, nel bene e nel male. La società
serve all’individuo, ma senza l’individuo la società non potrebbe esistere.
Mauss, durante il discorso tenuto alla conferenza sopra citata disse che «abbiamo commesso l’errore
fondamentale di ritenere che esistano delle tecniche solo quando ci sono strumenti». In sintesi l’autore ci dice che
ci stavamo dimenticando dell’uomo, e spesso lo facciamo ancora! E prosegue «Io chiamo tecnica un atto
tradizionale efficace, e vedete che sotto questo aspetto esso non differisce dall’atto magico, religioso, simbolico. Occorre
che sia tradizionale ed efficace». Mauss ci fa comprendere che la tradizione è composta da atti, gesti, azioni
del nostro corpo sull’ambiente, azioni condivise dal resto della comunità, creando un continuum fra
un gesto e l’altro e arricchendolo così di senso non solo pratico (l’azione determina un risultato, un
prodotto) ma anche simbolico e identitario. Lo strumento più efficace per questo scopo è appunto
il nostro corpo, che viene utilizzato e strumentalizzato (a volte anche modificato) in modi tali da
distinguerci dal mondo animale, il quale “sfrutta” il corpo solo da un punto di vista biologico e non
individualistico e culturale. l’uomo si distingue per la creazione dell’utensile, per il gesto con questo
applicato, per il simbolo legato ad esso, per la sua capacità di addomesticare il tempo e lo spazio
(ovvero l’esser riuscito a creare un tempo e uno spazio umani). La creazione di un tempo, legato al
gesto, non è altro che la creazione di un ritmo; non solo un ritmo legato all’azione e alle sue parti
scomponibili, ma anche applicabile al mondo che ci circonda: il giorno e la notte, le stagioni, i tempi
di azione e di riposo, il rapporto del nostro corpo con la natura, creano un ritmo non più caotico
ma cadenzato a intervalli regolari, diventando l’elemento principale della socializzazione umana,
l’immagine dell’inserimento sociale. Ricordiamoci che la parola ritmo è etimologicamente legata alla
parola rito e così possiamo facilmente comprendere perché Mauss riteneva che un atto tradizionale
efficace non differisce dalla magia: la magia, il simbolo, il rito, il sacro, sono tutti aspetti che mettono
in relazione l’uomo con l’ambiente circostante, cercando di addomesticare lo sconosciuto per farlo
diventare conosciuto. Come disse Ernesto De Martino, la tensione per la fine del mondo implica
il rischio di non esserci culturalmente da nessuna parte, questo timore rappresenta per De Martino una
possibilità antropologicamente permanente, che supera tutte le culture umane. Nonostante ciò la
capacità dell’uomo di combattere per esserci e la sua fede in questo orizzonte di speranza e di istinto
di sopravvivenza è fuori discussione:
«Certo il mondo “può” finire: ma che finisca è affar suo, perché all’uomo spetta soltanto rimetterlo
sempre di nuovo in causa e iniziarlo sempre di nuovo (…) il pensiero della fine del mondo, per essere
fecondo, deve includere un progetto di vita, deve mediare una lotta contro la morte, anzi, in ultima
istanza, deve essere questo stesso progetto e questa stessa lotta.» (Frazer 2003)
A questo proposito, tornando al corpo e all’antropologia del corpo, si può citare nuovamente
Mariella Combi, che scrive:
«In ogni società il corpo, così come è vissuto dal singolo individuo, è impregnato dal simbolismo,
dalle reazioni ai rapporti interpersonali e dalle emozioni. E’ un corpo su cui il sociale con i suoi riti e
le sue norme, le rappresentazioni fantasmatiche, la magia, la scienza e l’esperienza personale lasciano
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il segno» (Combi 1988:57).
Trattandosi di un elemento culturale, che agisce sulla cultura e a cui a sua volta ne viene influenzato,
il corpo, non può essere qualcosa di statico, così come non lo è la cultura. Ovvero, la percezione del
corpo e la sua valutazione/svalutazione, si commisura alla cultura e all’epoca storica che si sta vivendo
in un determinato territorio. Sappiamo, innanzitutto, che la società fino al Medioevo e al Rinascimento
si è basata sul concetto comunitario, il corpo quasi non apparteneva all’individuo stesso, il quale si
identificava con il gruppo, la comunità a cui apparteneva e non tanto con i propri desideri e le proprie
esigenze personali. Con la società moderna, invece, strutturata su un incalzante individualismo, un
processo di secolarizzazione che lo emancipa dal religioso e dall’attesa che la divina provvidenza
decida le sue sorti, padrone della sua vita, del suo destino e anche (apparentemente) della natura,
attraverso lo sviluppo della scienza da Galileo in poi, l’individuo diventa anche padrone del suo corpo,
distaccandosi dalla folla, dalla comunità, perdendo così anche il forte legame con le tradizioni, le
credenze popolari, il senso dei valori condivisi dalla comunità, il concetto di “bene comune”, e così
via. L’uomo è ora il suo corpo e le sue priorità girano attorno ad esso e a tutto ciò che rappresenta se
stesso, tra questi anche il valore esasperato dato all’immagine, a discapito spesso dei contenuti. Come
afferma David Le Breton in “Antropologia del corpo e modernità”(Le Breton 2007) il corpo è un’
icona che si impone sull’altro superando e contrastando tutte le altre caratteristiche psicologiche ed
emotive della persona, la personalità del soggetto viene quindi sostituita dalla sua corporeità. L’autore
parla anche di un mondo che perde la funzione di universo di valori, per divenire un universo di fatti.
Su questo importante concetto scrive nuovamente Mariella Combi:
«Nelle società preletterate è il corpo comunitario che unisce i membri, mentre il corpo individuale
porta i segni materiali e simbolici delle potenzialità del riconoscimento di questa appartenenza in
molteplici modi. Imprimere, incidere tratti sul corpo, sulla carne del singolo significa iscrivere un segnosimbolo condiviso da quella stessa comunità che decide quale deve essere l’importanza dei segni stessi.
Esso indica e permette non solo il riconoscimento dell’uguale o del diverso da sé, l’appartenenza o meno
allo stesso gruppo sociale, ma indica soprattutto la condivisione di una stessa elaborazione simbolica
che trova nei segni corporei l’espressione immediata di una comunicazione sulla realtà più generale.
(…) Al contrario la società occidentale avendo attuato una scelta che ha tagliato i legami più profondi
con il corpo comunitario, ha dissolto lentamente il senso di partecipazione della parte con il tutto. Nel
momento in cui il corpo ha significato solo se stesso nella sua singolarità, senza agganci pregnanti
con il riconoscimento dell’origine comunitaria e con il suo ruolo di produttore di segni collettivi e
condivisi, ha perso la sua possibilità di rappresentare l’insieme. Permane, come si è detto, l’incidenza
dell’iscrizione sociale nell’uso del corpo, nella sua percezione, ecc., ma non più come riconoscimento del
“Medesimo” e della globalità» (Combi 1988:65-66)
I capelli nei riti di passaggio e di separazione
«Orrore dell’informe, orrore dei rifiuti, orrore dei peli e degli odori che possono nascondere, orrore
di un elemento organico, di un’entità vivente che sfugge al nostro controllo (…) i peli rigettano l’uomo
nello stato della pura animalità, della vita oscura e autonoma degli organi. (…) I peli screscono
sul cadavere, si attorcigliano, si aggrovigliano, come i vermi che si vedono brulicare sui corpi dei
monumenti funebri che la spiritualità della fine Quattrocento aveva moltiplicato. E anche quando la
carne si è decomposta, i capelli restano, setosi e soffici» (Clair 2004:12-13)
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L’interesse
dell’antropologia verso i capelli cominciò fin dall’800, quando i primi studiosi si
scontrarono con tribù “primitive” che svolgevano pratiche in cui i capelli venivano posti al centro
dell’attenzione. Il capello, la ciocca, viene fatta anche circolare tra queste popolazioni, come vestigia
del corpo a cui era appartenuta. Già nel 1850 la collezione di oggetti raccolti da Augustus Henry
Lane e poi confluiti nel museo etnografico di Oxford da lui stesso fondato, comprende oggetti quali
“crani e capelli tipici”. Nasce così la prima riflessione sui capelli e questa si sviluppa proprio da
un punto di vista magico-religioso, ritualistico e cerimoniale. Le prime ricerche di rilievo si hanno
agli inizi del secolo‘900 grazie a Robert Hertz e Arnold Van Gennep. Secondo Hertz, che scrisse
“Rappresentazione collettiva della morte” nel 1907 (Hertz 1978), i riti funebri includono l’uso di capelli,
ossa e unghie, oggetti che diventano simboli, in quanto contenitori dell’anima del defunto. Con l’uso
di questi scarti corporali, il cadavere passa da uno stato impuro a quello di reliquia incorruttibile.
Ardonld Van Gennep scrisse il celebre “Riti di passaggio”(Van Gennep 2012) nel 1909, e individuerà il
taglio dei capelli in riti funebri, nei matrimoni, nei riti iniziatici per il passaggio di età o di status sociale,
ovvero in tutti quegli eventi che cerimoniano le varie fasi dell’esistenza e la transizione fra queste.
«Quel che viene definito “il sacrificio dei capelli” comprende due distinte operazioni: a)tagliare i
capelli; b)dedicarli, consacrarli, ovvero sacrificarli. Orbene tagliare i capelli equivale a separarsi dal
mondo precedente; dedicare i capelli significa legarsi al mondo sacro, più specificatamente a una divinità
o a un demone, di cui si diventa così parenti. Ma questa è soltanto una delle forme di utilizzazione dei
capelli nella quale consiste una parte della personalità dell’individuo, esattamente come nel prepuzio
e nelle unghie tagliate. Molto spesso questa idea non c’è affatto, e non si dà alcun uso di questi scart.
Là dove esiste, invece, essi vengono sotterrati, bruciati, conservati in un sacchetto, affidati a un parente,
ecc. Ugualmente il rito di tagliare i capelli o una parte della capigliatura (tonsura) viene impiegato in
circostanze assai diverse: si rade la testa del bambino per indicare che entra in un altro stadio, cioè
nella vita vera e propria; si rade la testa della ragazza quando si sposa, perché ciò sta a significare
il cambiamento di classe d’età; analogamente le vedove si tagliano i capelli per distrugger il legame
prodotto dal matrimonio, dal momento che deporre la capigliatura sulla tomba del defunto rafforza
il rito. Talvolta è al morto che si tagliano i capelli, sempre per la stessa ragione. Orbene, vi è una
spiegazione al fatto che il rito di separazione riguarda i capelli: è che essi, per la loro forma, colore,
lunghezza e acconciatura, costituiscono un carattere distintivo sia individuale che collettivo facilmente
riconoscibile.» (Van Gennep 2012:146)
Anche i primi antropologi quali Edward Tylor e James Frazer intravidero nei capelli una dimensione
magica, anche se venne, come era abitudine all’epoca, associata ad una mentalità primitiva e sulla
visione che questa aveva del mondo, della natura e delle interconnessioni con il corpo. Da questo
punto di vista Frazer analizzò il taglio delle chiome come psyché o principio generativo della natura,
collegando l’analogia con le varie divinità del mondo naturale e lo spirito Keras contenuto nella testa,
oltre che con miti e fiabe. In sintesi, per Frazer, che espose le sue teorie nel celebre libro “Il ramo d’oro”
(Frazer 2003), i capelli recisi sono attorniati da tabù, come altri oggetti del corpo, quali lo sputo, le
unghie, il sangue. Come questi diventa “oggetto” del corpo perché può distaccarsene e disperdersi,
anche con il pericolo di attacco esterno, nonostante la recisione infatti rimane il legame spirituale,
intimistico con la persona e la sua identità, creando un alone magico e superstizioso che accompagna
il taglio dei capelli, sia esso rituale o meno. Per questo motivo le ciocche recise, i capelli che rimangono
nella spazzola o nel pettine (consuetudine presente ancora nell’Italia contadina del 1900 inoltrato),
vanno seppelliti, custoditi, bruciati, nascosti. Le parti di un corpo, infatti, se finiscono nelle mani di
uno stregone, possono ricostruire l’intera identità della persona, che può diventare vulnerabile agli
attacchi magici.
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«Lo stregone prendeva dei capelli, dello sputo, o qualunque altro rifiuto corporale dell’uomo che voleva
danneggiare, lo avvolgeva in una foglia e metteva il pacchetto in una borsa fatta di fili o di fibre intrecciate
e seppelliva il tutto con certi riti speciali, dopo di che la vittima deperiva e languiva per venti giorni.
Gli si poteva salvare la vita scoprendo e dissotterrando i capelli, lo sputo o quel che fosse, perché
appena fatto questo la potenza dell’incantesimo era infranta.» (Frazer 2003:24-25)
Frazer utilizza il termine “rifiuto corporale”, facendo emergere l’ambiguità del termine e del
significato dei capelli (così come delle unghie, dello sputo, e così via), quale scarto e/o parte di identità
individuale della persona: infatti l’aspetto magico e identitario dello scarto risulta proprio dall’evidente
ruolo dell’oggetto-chioma come forma di potenza, che può tanto uccidere quanto salvare la vittima
predestinata. Lo scarto che diventa oggetto di potenza e dominio può essere modellato con della
cera fino a plasmare un modello della vittima, laddove questa effigie sia assente, l’involucro stesso
(la foglia, il sacchetto..) che contiene i capelli diventa una sorta di amuleto dalla incredibile potenza.
Una pratica importante per la comprensione di questo atto è l’intreccio di fili e fibre, la tessitura cioè
trasforma i capelli in oggetto culturale, o, per citare Alessandra Violi, in ordito culturale.
«Una sezione del capitolo sui “Tabù di oggetti” (del “Ramo d’Oro” di J.Frazer n.d.r.) è infatti
dedicata a nodi, anelli, o artefatti simili quali corde, reti, cinture e serrature, tutti accumunati da un
potere di legare o sciogliere che si manifesta sia nella loro struttura – sono legati, prodotti intrecciando
dei fili – sia nella funzione di legatori che essi assolvono nel creare o impedire quella che Frazer
chiama “catene corporali e spirituali”. Tale potere, intrinsecamente ambiguo nelle sue oscillazioni tra
effetti benefici e malefici, agisce di nuovo sul corpo per magia omeopatica o imitativa – un nodo nei
capelli o nelle vesti può per esempio intralciare il parto, mentre l’anello può trattenere la propria anima
nel copro o legare a sé quella di qualcun altro - , ma dal corpo sembra anche derivare se teniamo
conto ancora una volta della continuità fra questi factitia e i capelli come modello primario per la loro
produzione.» (Violi 2008:117)
Come disse l’architetto tedesco Gottfried Semper, citato dalla Violi, «il nodo è probabilmente il simbolo
tecnico più antico e l’espressione delle prime idee cosmogoniche sorte fra i popoli» (Violi 2008:119). Ricordiamo a tal
riguardo l’ampia presenza della figura del Tessitore Primordiale in svariati miti cosmogonici, legando
il simbolo del nodo (dal greco gónu) alla generazione (dal greco gónos). Anche l’immagine del Sole,
mitologicamente, è stato visto «come un ragno che secerne “capelli” luminosi dalla sua chioma raggiata per dar
corpo alla tela del mondo». (Violi 2008:120)
Anche Frazer tratta della tessitura, come oggetto-nodo che diventa ornamento, un corpo
trasformato in oggetto posticcio che si aggiunge a un altro corpo, si parla qui ovviamente dei talismani,
degli amuleti, dei gioielli. Il tema dei gioielli e dei capelli trova un luogo di dialogo comune proprio
nell’uso delle chiome come gioielli, usanza diffusa nell’Inghilterra del‘600 e in generale nell’Europa e
nell’America del XIX secolo (Susan Stewart indicò il 1560 come l’inizio della storia dei gioielli-reliquia,
trovando come oggetto promotore il “locket”, ovvero la creazione di ritratti in miniatura da portare
indosso, con inseriti all’interno del capelli della persona ritratta (Stewart 1993:126-127): molto alla
moda era infatti l’uso di cinture o cinturini di orologi fatti di capelli intrecciati, ciondoli e medaglioni
con all’interno chiome di cari estinti o dell’amato e dell’amata da donare al proprio partner. Il monile
ci riporta anche al concetto di “presenza-assenza” nel Mondo, presenza del Sé e dell’unione tra i due
corpi e le due anime degli amanti. Il concetto di “presenza individuale nel mondo” e di “crisi della
presenza” sono concetti che l’antropologia ha affrontato, in particolare lo fece Ernesto de Martino, in
“Sud e Magia” e nella sua celebre analisi del fenomeno della taranta. Ernesto de Martino, al riguardo
scrive:
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«In virtù del piano metastorico come orizzonte della crisi e come luogo di destorificazione del
divenire si instaura un regime protetto di esistenza, che per un verso ripara dalle irruzioni caotiche
dell’inconscio e per un altro verso getta un velo sull’accadere e consente di “stare nella storia come se
non ci si stesse”. In virtù di tale duplice complementare funzione protettiva la presenza individuale si
mantiene nel mondo, e attraversa i momenti critici reali o affronta le reali prospettive incerte “come
se” tutto fosse già deciso sul piano metastorico secondo modelli che esso esibisce: ma intanto, pur entro
questo regime protetto di esistenza, si reintegra il bene fondamentale da proteggere, cioè la presenza
individuale, la quale attraverso il momento critico o affronta la prospettica incerta rischiudendosi di
fatto ai comportamenti realistici e ai valori profani che la crisi senza protezioni magica avrebbe, nelle
condizioni date, compromesso». (de Martino 1959:97)
L’individuo vive una crisi nel mondo reale, non riesce a far aderire la sua personalità, la sua vera
identità con ciò che lo circonda, il proprio ruolo va in crisi: una nuova presenza nell’atto magico non
è quindi da vedere come una assenza o come una perdita di coscienza, anzi, va letta come un rituale
che permette alla persona di sopravvivere al suo disagio, di ricollocarsi nel mondo, dopo questa fase
magica di “presenza-assenza”, potrà quindi rientrare nel suo ruolo. Il feticcio, l’amuleto, l’oggetto
magico che dir si voglia, sarà quindi uno strumento tramite, un oggetto di transizione che fungerà
quasi da porta tra il “fuori” e il “dentro”, il presente e l’assente.
Ecco che il feticcio creato con i capelli diventa un vero e proprio oggetto magico, con cui tenere
legato a sé la propria anima e quella dei propri antenati e/o del proprio amato e della propria amata.
Il monile di capelli è quindi, usando le parole di Alessandra Violi «un esplicito prototipo della materia come
supporto memoriale»,(Violi 2008:126) il gioiello-reliquia diviene strumento di esibizione di una storia
intimistica e famigliare, ma altresì una dichiarazione di segretezza, che suscita curiosità e interesse
da parte dell’osservatore. Susan Stewart ha trovato proprio nella miniatura descritta poco sopra, la
capacità di esprimere attraverso un gioiello-reliquia il concetto di “presenza-assenza”, e infatti scrive:
«In this sense the miniature, althought a kind of mirror of the world, is the anthithesis of the
“self-reflecting” mirror, for the mirror’s image exist only at the moment the subject projects it. In
contrast, the miniature projects an eternalized future-past upon the subject; the miniature image
consoles in its status as an “always there” (…) if the miniature is a kind of mirror, it is a mirror
of requited love. Like other forms of magic, it guarantees the presence of an absent other through
either contagion or representation. When the miniature exist simply as a representation, it functions
as sympathetic magic; when it is enclosed with a lock of hair, a piece of ribbon, or some other object
that is “part” of the other, it functions as contagious magic.» (Stewart 1993:126)
La miniatura è quindi una sorta di specchio di noi stessi, che prolunga la nostra immagine come
una eco, al di là del tempo e dello spazio, dell’assenza o della presenza (un “vero” specchio può
riflettere la nostra immagine solo nel momento in cui siamo posti di fronte ad esso, la miniatura
prolunga invece questo atto, in un “sempre presente”); il solo dipinto, se accresciuto dalla presenza di
una ciocca di capelli del proprietario o di un’altra persona, diventa una magia contagiosa.
Proseguendo l’analisi dei capelli nei riti, Arnold Van Gennep nel libro “I riti di passaggio”(Van
Gennep 2012), tratta molto del tema dei capelli, uno degli esempi di rito di passaggio che tratta è quello
dell’India vedica, in cui al compimento del terzo anno di età di un bambino ha luogo una cerimonia
nella quale avviene il primo taglio di capelli, ogni famiglia porta una particolare acconciatura con la
quale può essere riconosciuta dalla comunità e questa stessa viene imposta al bambino, in questo
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modo il suddetto rito diviene al tempo stesso di separazione (il bambino dai 3 anni comincia il suo
cammino verso l’autonomia) e di aggregazione alla società famigliare, e quindi anche di riconoscimento
dell’individuo-bambino all’interno della comunità di appartenenza.
Nell’ambito invece dei riti di separazione si riporta, tra i vari esempi, quello di disfare la pettinatura,
tagliare o radere i capelli o la barba. Quanto invece l’acconciatura sia indice di stato civile o famiglia di
appartenenza, lo racconta sempre Van Gennep citando un passo di E. Doutté da Merrâkech
«Quando sono molto giovani, le ragazzine dei Rehamma (Marocco) portano il capo rasato, salvo
i capelli davanti e un ciuffo in alto. Quando giungono alla pubertà, lasciano crescere i loro capelli,
mantenendo quelli che sono sulla fronte e attorcigliando gli altri sulla testa. Quando si sposano, li
dividono in due trecce che pendono lungo le spalle; ma da quando diventano madri fanno scendere sul
davanti le due trecce, al di sopra delle spalle» (Van Gennep 2012:147)
Conclusione
Il presente saggio è stato scritto e presentato in concomitanza dell’evento-spettacolo Open (h)
Air di Paola Luciani, fotografa e ideatrice del progetto. La ricerca ha accompagnato nel loro percorso
le giovani ballerine e tutte le persone coinvolte nel progetto e nel set fotografico. Questo progetto,
contro la violenza sulle donne, è stato presentato all’interno della IX edizione del “Festival la
Violenza Illustrata” di Bologna, il 25 novembre 2014 a Casalecchio di Reno; unico festival in tutta
Italia che tratta il tema della violenza contro le donne. Il festival, e tutti gli eventi del palinsesto
presentati in questa edizione, sono stati patrocinati dalla “Casa delle donne per non subire violenza”
di Bologna. In particolare questo progetto è stato patrocinato anche dall’associazione Antrocom
Onlus e dall’associazione di promozione sociale Radices. L’idea proposta da Paola Luciani, quando
mi contattò, era quella di ritrarre giovani ballerine mentre danzano liberamente in mezzo alla natura,
con i capelli al vento. Le ragazze non conoscevano inizialmente la mia ricerca, e men che meno il
significato simbolico e antropologico dei capelli. Durante una delle giornate del set fotografico ho
partecipato anche io, incontrandomi con tutte le ragazze (si tratta di 9 ballerine professioniste, tutte
con un’età compresa tra i 14 e i 17 anni). In questa occasione abbiamo parlato di antropologia, materia
che non avevano mai sentito nominare, e abbiamo affrontato il problema dell’identità femminile,
della costruzione identitaria, del riconoscimento della propria personalità e individualità al di là delle
apparenze e dell’estetica. Uno degli obiettivi di questo saggio, e del progetto stesso, è quello di trattare
un tema come la violenza contro le donne senza mostrare immagini violente e senza parlare in modo
diretto di violenza. Questa scelta di controtendenza è stata fatta per due motivi: dimostrare che non
è sempre necessario creare la galleria di mostruosità per trattare un tema sociale delicato e molto
attuale e mettere il riflettore sulle dinamiche culturali, sociali e antropologiche che portano l’individuo
a compiere atti di violenza. Inoltre da questa riflessione ho potuto coniare l’espressione violenza non
violenta, per dimostrare come molto spesso l’individuo non prende coscienza delle situazioni che vive,
delle azioni che compie o subisce, o per lo meno non ne individua la velata violenza che sottintende:
prova disagio, imbarazzo o paura, ma non sempre comprende e riconosce il volto della violenza.
Ovviamente non è responsabilità dell’individuo ma della visione culturale che la società dà alla violenza
e al significato di questa parola. Al giorno d’oggi siamo troppo avvezzi a immagini crude e violente,
ogni sera al telegiornale la galleria di sangue e atrocità che ci raccontano femminicidi, bullismo, omicidi
inter famigliari, disuguaglianze, guerre e genocidi, atti di terrorismo. Esistono diversi tipi di violenza:
umiliare una persona, toglierle la dignità e il rispetto in quanto essere umano, al di là del sangue che
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possa scorrere, è e sarà sempre una violenza. Questo è il significato di violenza non violenta: qualcosa
di nascosto, velato, ma pur sempre presente, forse non vi saranno cicatrici visibili, ma nell’anima e
nella memoria sicuramente rimarranno indelebili. I capelli, in questo caso, ci hanno aiutato a fare un
percorso antropologico che ne evidenzia il ruolo nell’ambito dell’antropologia del corpo. In un’epoca
in cui l’estetica diventa a volte anche ossessione, oltre che strumento di comunicazione, in un’epoca
in cui l’aspetto conta spesso più del resto, e fa parte della nostra costruzione identitaria e comunitaria,
è necessario fermarsi, fare un passo indietro e tracciare la storia della nostra estetica, comprenderne
le origini e il cammino, per non perdere di vista i valori antropologici che giacciono dietro alle scelte
estetiche e dietro ai ruoli sociali del femminile e del maschile, sempre più deboli e mescolati fra di loro,
espressi anche attraverso l’acconciatura.
References
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Boella, L. (2003). Femminile Plurale. Percorsi tra identità e differenza. Mantova: Tre Lune Edizioni
Chisesi, I. (a cura di) (2000). Dizionario Iconografico, Milano: Edizioni Bur.
Clair J., De immundo, Abscondita, Milano 2004, pag.12-13
Combi, M. (1988). Il grido e la carezza. Palermo: Sellerio Ed.
De Marino, E. (1959). Sud e magia. Milano: Feltrinelli.
de Martino, E. (1977). La fine del Mondo. Contributo all’analisi delle apocalissi culturali. Torino: Einaudi.
Durand, G (2013). Le strutture antropologiche dell’immaginario. Bari: Edizione Dedalo.
Frazer, J, G. (2003). Il ramo d’oro. Torino: Bollati Borighieri.
Hertz, R. (1978). Sulla rappresentazione collettiva della morte. Roma: Savelli Editore.
Le Breton, D. (2007). Antropologia del corpo e modernità. Milano: Giuffrè Editore.
Mauss M. (1950). Teoria generale della magia e altri saggi. Torino: Einaudi Editore.
Micheli, M. E., Santucci A. (a cura di) (2011). Comae: identità femminili nelle acconciature di età romana. Pisa: ETS Editore.
Monaghan P. (1987) Le donne nei miti e nelle leggende. Dizionario delle dee e delle eroine. Como: Red edizioni.
Montaigne, de M. E. (2005). Saggi, Milano: Adelphi.
Nivola E., Satta M. E. (2006) ‘Tessitura di pace’. In Quaderni Satyāgraha, forza della verità. Bagno a Ripoli (FI): Libreria
Editrice Fiorentina, Centro Ghandi Edizione Pisa.
Pont-Humbert C. (a cura di) (1997) Dizionario dei simboli, dei riti e delle credenze. Roma: Editori Riuniti.
Stewart, S. (1993). On longing. Narratives of the Miniature, The Gigantic, the Souvenir, the Collection. Durham, NC: Duke University
Press.
Torre, G., Turi, R., Veroli, L. (1991). Autocoscienza tra fiabe e realtà. L’eros nell’immaginario della donna. Milano: Melusine c/o
Centro Azione Milano Donne.
Van Gennep, A. (2012). I riti di passaggio. Torino: Bollati Boringhieri.
Violi, A. (2008) Capigliature. Passaggi del corpo nell’immaginario dei capelli. Milano: Bruno Mondadori.
Vlad Borrelli, L. (a cura di) (1965) Enciclopedia dell’Arte Antica Treccani.
Il matrimonio lucano e il suo universo culturale:
lo specchio di una società che cambia
Michela Forgione
academic position author e-mail
keywords
abstract
wedding
tradition
Basilicata
glocal
wedding clothes
wedding party
food & wine
gifts
This survey, commissioned by the province of Potenza (Basilicata) for the “Basilicata Factory”
Project, analizes the exchange of knowledge between generations through the transfer of cultural heritage
in the post WW2 war Lucan wedding. The fieldwork produced a documentary account about the various
steps of it. The rituals’ analysis prompted a comparisons with the historical and social context of the
past through a biographical investigation. People’s stories allowed a historical reconstruction of the wedding
rite, its historical and social process, and the examination of the connected customs and beliefs. The
cultural richness of the past was confronted with current socio-cultural ways. The development of people’s
relations and the changes in the organization of the wedding, was achieved by submitting a semi-structured
questionnaire to couples married between 1940 and 2013. The results produced a report on the change
of the rite and the perception of the collective memory, helping to shape a strong identity in the wedding
reconstruction and re-actualization.
Premessa
Nelle società tradizionali, compresa quella lucana del secondo dopoguerra, il cui modo di vivere
dipendeva da un sistema di parentele ben funzionante, il matrimonio doveva avere una riuscita sicura:
infatti non è soltanto il benessere della moglie e del marito che venivano considerati, ma anche quello
delle rispettive famiglie e del parentado. La società meridionale basata talvolta su articolati ed estesi
sistemi parentali, considerava il matrimonio non tanto un rapporto tra due individui quanto un
rapporto tra gruppi. Con l’unione matrimoniale si stabilivano nuove relazioni, si formavano comuni
interessi che orientavano l’agire, si acquisiva un’identità diversa nella quale la partecipazione alla vita
collettiva delineava un senso di responsabilità più ampio. Questa identità, socialmente derivata, della
nuova coppia, andava suggellata da un processo di scambio con le risorse relazionali della comunità
di appartenenza.
Il matrimonio quindi assumeva la sua caratteristica di processo sociale capace di coinvolgere la rete
relazionale allargata.
In una società come quella attuale, in cui il sistema parentale e quello relazionale hanno subito
notevoli mutamenti, il matrimonio perde progressivamente la tradizionale funzione di “bene sociale”
e assume sempre più la connotazione di “benessere individuale” e il legame matrimoniale risulta
funzionale alla realizzazione dei singoli.
Please cite this article as: Forgione M., Il matrimonio lucano e il suo universo culturale: lo specchio di una società che cambia. Antrocom J. of Anthropology
11-1 (2015)
126
Forgione M. / Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, vol. 11, n. 1 (2015) 125-152
Il pendolo della concezione matrimoniale ha iniziato ad oscillare così dall’utilità socio-istituzionale
al benessere individuale, per trovare una giusta e perseguibile realizzazione nella concezione del
matrimonio in quanto bene interpersonale che riconosce all’uomo e alla donna l’identità di persone
che attivano un nuovo sistema di scambio.
Il processo ritualizzato del matrimonio con tutte le sue usanze e i significati simbolici, è riuscito
comunque a conservare molti aspetti della ritualità pregressa, ponendosi ancora come momento alto
di coesione sociale, sia all’interno per il sistema parentale, sia all’esterno per quello socio-relazionale.
L’analisi del matrimonio oggi in Basilicata, in quanto forma sincretica che vive nel presente
nutrendosi anche del passato, permette la ricostruzione dell’organizzazione della vita sotto i suoi
molteplici e variegati aspetti. La sua importanza si registra nella volontà di seguire le usanze tramandate,
riattualizzandole nel nuovo costume societario.
I. Riti, miti, credenze: l’indagine e i suoi diversi approcci
La ricerca diretta sul campo, la raccolta di storie di vita, la somministrazione di questionari e le
interviste ad opinion leaders hanno permesso, ciascuna secondo la propria specificità metodologica
ed euristica, di produrre materiale documentario relativo alle diverse fasi che hanno connotato lo
svolgimento del matrimonio.
Questa metodologia integrata d’indagine è stata utilizzata per poter osservare i mutamenti avvenuti
nella sfera della celebrazione del rito matrimoniale, ricostruendo le fasi salienti dei matrimoni in alcuni
paesi della Provincia di Potenza.
L’indagine ha seguito i passaggi convenzionali della ricerca empirica. Si è partiti da una prima fase
di “discesa sul campo”.
In questa prima fase sono state delineate le caratteristiche dei soggetti da intervistare, presi contatti
con associazioni della Provincia di Potenza, visitati centri di cultura ed è stato consultato, da fonti
diverse, il materiale esplicativo delle modificazioni socio-culturali del territorio e i cambiamenti sociali
della popolazione.
Parte delle informazioni integrate nell’esposizione dell’analisi sono state inoltre raccolte
partecipando ai convegni organizzati sull’argomento in questione.
Rilevanti sono state le informazioni informali reperite tramite fixer del posto.
Una volta delineato l’universo di riferimento e rintracciato l’ambito socio-culturale nel quale
indirizzare la ricerca, è stato definito l’obiettivo d’indagine collegandolo al suo contesto storico.
Il lavoro, fin dall’inizio, orientato a studiare le caratteristiche rituali riferite al processo sociale del
matrimonio, ha richiesto un efficace confronto con il contesto storico e sociale del passato. Per questa
ragione si è ritenuto opportuno avvalersi di un metodo d’indagine biografico. Attraverso testimonianze
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orali, raccolte nelle storie di vita, si è pervenuti alla ricostruzione storica dell’organizzazione del rito
matrimoniale, definendo le sostanziali caratteristiche di percezione comunitaria della generazione del
passato ed esaminando la cerimonia nuziale nel suo processo storico e sociale, compresa la disamina
delle usanze e delle credenze connesse.
Il patrimonio di idee e di immagini ancorate al passato e riguardanti i territori lucani, sono stati
messi a confronto con le caratteristiche socio-culturali del processo matrimoniale attuale.
Si è deciso di restituire un’analisi dei mutamenti socio-relazionali avvenuti e la direzione che il
cambiamento ha seguito nell’organizzazione e celebrazione di questo evento, somministrando un
questionario semi-strutturato alle coppie che hanno contratto matrimonio dal 1940 al 2013 in Basilicata.
Le informazioni che non sono state raggiunte attraverso la somministrazione del questionario,
sono state comparate ed integrate con interviste ad opinion leaders operanti nel territorio lucano e
coinvolti dal processo cerimoniale del matrimonio, nello specifico: albergatori e ristoratori; fotografi e
videomaker; fioristi; commercianti di articoli da regalo e bomboniere; operatori di agenzie di viaggio.
Un’ulteriore raccolta delle informazioni è stata possibile attraverso la consultazione sulla rete di siti
specifici e siti d’interesse locale 1.
I.1 Le storie di vita per il recupero di una ritualità cerimoniale
del passato
Il metodo di tipo qualitativo utilizzato per la raccolta delle informazioni, le storie di vita, permette di
accedere in maniera diretta ad esperienze e fatti successo nei casi in cui occorre osservare i mutamenti
avvenuti nella sfera di vita quotidiana e in particolare per rilevare l’andamento degli stili di vita delle
famiglie e della società intera nei ricordi dei testimoni.
La tecnica di rilevazione delle storie di vita può essere considerata come un’intervista divisa in due
parti: una prima parte in cui al soggetto viene permesso di parlare liberamente e senza interruzioni dei
propri ricordi e della propria esperienza; e una parte successiva in cui l’intervistatore può porre delle
domande specifiche riguardanti la storia appena raccontata dal soggetto.
In questa seconda parte al soggetto vengono posti dei vincoli tematici, per permettere al percorso
della memoria di seguire un iter possibilmente attendibile. Per questa ragione i soggetti intervistati sono
stati guidati suddividendo il racconto in due parti: la preparazione al rito cerimoniale con riferimenti
anche alla fase del corteggiamento, e la celebrazione del rito con riferimenti a credenze e pratiche.
I vincoli tematici rintracciati, sono stati suggeriti all’intervistato piuttosto che inseriti specificamente
all’interno delle singole domande, questo al fine di consentire una conversazione non condizionata.
L’unica accortezza richiesta, prima ancora che l’intervista avesse luogo, è stata quella di seguire un
percorso della memoria dalla fase del fidanzamento alla celebrazione delle nozze.
1
Nel lavoro di raccolta dei dati è doveroso ringraziare i presidenti delle pro-loco lucane che hanno collaborato alla ricerca dell’universo
di riferimento; la Dott.ssa Concetta D’Adamo di Albano di Lucania per la somministrazione delle interviste; i cittadini che hanno contribuito alla
realizzazione delle interviste e facenti parte del territorio del Vulture e della Val d’Agri, l’Associazione folkloristica di balli e canti lucani ‘A Nanninella di
Rapone e il suo Presidente; gli opinion leaders di Corleto Perticara, Lagonegro, Melfi, Potenza e Rapone. Nel lavoro di decodifica dei dati ci si è avvalsi
del prezioso contributo della Dott.ssa Katiuscia Laila Vene.
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L’importanza di introdurre dei limiti narrativi è riconducibile alla fase di decodifica dei dati, infatti
dove esistono questi vincoli è possibile operare in direzione dei dati per “categorie omogenee”.
Attraverso le singole biografie si è potuto risalire ad un percorso illuminante per la comprensione
dei rituali cerimoniali del passato e utilizzare le informazioni raccolte per una comparazione dei dati
su esperienze più recenti.
Una storia di vita generalmente è allo stesso tempo la biografia di un individuo concreto e la
storia di un individuo-tipo, poiché l’individuo non parla solo per sé, ma anche per il contesto sociale
in cui si colloca. Ogni storia singola allora contiene in sè un referente collettivo. È stato possibile
ricostruire in questa maniera le pratiche e le credenze legate al matrimonio inteso come processo
sociale ritualizzato e il senso di responsabilità e di appartenenza verso il proprio contesto abitativo
riferito ai primi anni del ’900.
Per quanto riguarda la fase di pubblicazione dei brani narrati solitamente si fraziona l’intervista
raccolta seguendo le principali tematiche affrontate nella ricerca. Saranno quindi riportati solo i passi
più significativi del racconto allo scopo di una comparazione e una comprensione del passato.
I.2 I significati simbolici della preparazione e della rappresentazione del rito attraverso
le testimonianze delle coppie
A questo punto è stato necessario definire le differenze sostanziali nello svolgimento del
rito matrimoniale tra la generazione del passato, e quella attuale. Le informazioni riguardanti
l’organizzazione del processo cerimoniale attuale sono state reperite attraverso un questionario
semistrutturato somministrato alle coppie lucane che hanno contratto matrimonio dal 1940 al 2013.
Il questionario semistrutturato ha adottato uno schema di campionamento stratificato. Le variabili
di stratificazione utilizzate fanno riferimento agli intervalli temporali in cui sono stati celebrati i
matrimoni, divisi in 4 classi: 1940-1960; 1961-1980; 1981-2000; 2001-2013.
I paesi appartenenti al territorio in esame inseriti nell’analisi sono: Albano di Lucania, Avigliano,
Bella, Corleto Perticara, Lagonegro, Lavello, Melfi, Montemurro, Muro Lucano, Paterno, Pietragalla,
Potenza, Rapolla, Rapone, Rivello, San Fele.
Il questionario somministrato agli sposi è stato diviso in sezioni che raccolgono domande relative
allo stesso argomento includendo nella batteria di domande diverse aree di indagine:
1. domande relative a proprietà sociografiche di base: cioè le classiche caratteristiche
di profilo individuale della coppia (genere, età, luogo di nascita, luogo di residenza al
momento del matrimonio e dopo il rito, professione prima e dopo il matrimonio). Nello
specifico il questionario inizia con una serie di domande circa l’età; il paese di residenza e
la professione da nubile e da celibe delle persone intervistate.
2. domande relative ai preparativi cerimoniali riferite al primo stadio del processo sociale ritualizzato: con
domande riferite alla data, all’ora e al luogo del matrimonio. La fase degli inviti e la scelta
dell’abito nuziale rientrano in questa fase. Anche le domande relative al dono e alla bomboniera
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come fase di rappresentazione del concetto di reciprocità rientrano nei preparativi cerimoniali. I
dati sono stati ricercati al fine di stabilire una relazione fra tutte le variabili. L’area qui esplorata
è quella che fa capo all’organizzazione, alla partecipazione collettiva, al coinvolgimento
comunitario, alla comunicazione dell’evento dei futuri sposi. In questa fase verranno indagati
indici riferibili all’aspetto socio-economico del rito, della rappresentazione della memoria e
dello scambio simbolico. Per quanto riguarda la scelta dell’abito e le usanze collegate a questo
momento si indagano i significati simbolico-rituali che investono la fase. Nel momento della
scelta dell’abito come anche della location e della bomboniera di nozze, si assiste ad un grado di
collaborazione parentale che naturalmente ne influenza il livello di partecipazione e misura il tipo
di solidarietà familiare. Il coinvolgimento diventa comunitario e si attiva un legame sociale tra i
futuri sposi e la comunità di riferimento che è invitata a partecipare all’evento. Esistono diverse
modalità che sono state indagate in quest’area per comunicare la data e il luogo del felice evento
agli invitati. La modalità della comunicazione è spesso legata al livello relazionale della coppia
con i partecipanti, quindi essa può essere confidenziale, distaccata o semplicemente formale
come ad esempio l’inoltro della partecipazione scritta.
3. domande relative alla vestizione degli sposi e al momento di aggregazione vero e proprio: misurando il livello
di partecipazione personale e di affezione al rito delle singole parti coinvolte nel momento di
unione e di celebrazione, se ne può dedurre l’intimo coinvolgimento emotivo da una parte
e il senso di solidarietà familiare dall’altra. In questa fase i testimoni raccontano in genere il
momento dell’uscita dalla casa paterna come significato simbolico dell’attraversamento della
soglia, momento topico del rito che nella tradizione cerimoniale persiste ed è colma di significati e
simbologie, nonché di credenze. Dopo l’uscita della sposa in genere assistiamo al rito di passaggio
del corteo, il momento dell’esposizione di sé all’altro, inteso come dimensione pubblica di un
momento liminare di passaggio ad una nuova condizione, fino ad indagare il momento della
separazione dalla figlia e la consegna alla nuova famiglia da parte del padre della sposa.
4. domande relative alla fase dei festeggiamenti come fase che suggella pubblicamente l’unione: la consumazione
del cibo attraverso il banchetto nuziale e la partecipazione ludica attraverso il ballo suggellano
pubblicamente l’entrata nella comunità di una nuova coppia con la condivisione collettiva. La
tipologia dell’offerta scelta dagli sposi e la modalità di organizzazione del banchetto nuziale,
restituiscono informazioni sul grado di reciprocità insito nella convivialità e l’aspetto economicosociale dell’offerta.
5. domande relative al post-matrimonio riferibili alla serenata come rituale pubblico e collettivo di
partecipazione e condivisione e al viaggio di nozze in quanto indicatore di aspetti socio-economici
di base.
6. Domande relative alla rappresentazione della memoria attraverso le immagini, dove si esaltano le
convenzionalità della posa, si restituisce il ricordo e se ne decide la funzionalità. La foto di
matrimonio, in studio o durante la celebrazione, in gruppo o raffigurante solo la coppia,
disegna i mutamenti del tempo e segue le tendenze della moda, stigmatizza la scena e identifica
i luoghi e le persone.
I.3 Gli opinion leaders e gli aspetti organizzativi, metodologici ed economici del rito
La ricostruzione del rito e la descrizione della cerimonia da parte delle coppie intervistate, si
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avvale nell’analisi di informazioni aggiuntive preziose rilasciate da informatori privilegiati che hanno
collaborato all’indagine al fine di rintracciare i dati quantitativi riferiti all’organizzazione dell’evento.
Gli opinion leaders restituiscono nelle loro dichiarazioni tutte le informazioni sottese al momento
della preparazione e della celebrazione e che hanno a che fare con le dinamiche socio-economiche
dell’evento.
Gli opinion leaders contattati tra albergatori, ristoratori, operatori del turismo, musicisti, commercianti
e artigiani sono tutti residenti nella Provincia di Potenza ed esercitano nei paesi lucani la loro
professione, spesso indirizzata all’organizzazione e celebrazione del rito matrimoniale.
Il colloquio con i professionisti di categoria si è svolto attraverso un’intervista-testimonianza
o intervista documentaria volta a restituire informazioni specifiche sul singolo operato di ogni
intervistato, nell’esclusivo ambito tematico del matrimonio. Durante il colloquio non si è seguito
uno schema preciso di domande, si è deciso piuttosto di affrontare una sequenza di argomenti per
recuperare i dati legati agli aspetti organizzativi, economici e metodologici della preparazione e dello
svolgimento delle nozze.
La scelta di utilizzare come strumento di ricerca l’intervista libera è stata condizionata dalla necessità
di scovare opinioni dell’intervistato e esplorare le diverse fasi organizzative dei singoli professionisti
del settore nell’ambito dell’offerta dei servizi.
I contenuti delle dichiarazioni degli opinion leaders, funzionali al racconto delle coppie e alla
ricostruzione delle cause dei cambiamenti socio-economici registrati, sono stati inseriti nell’analisi
della celebrazione delle nozze come supporto alla veridicità dei dati e come integrazione contenutistica
alle testimonianze, laddove informazioni di carattere prettamente metodologico risultavano assenti.
Anche in questo caso, come nel questionario inoltrato alle coppie di sposi, l’intervista è stata divisa
in sezioni d’indagine: da domande relative ai dati sociografici di base si è passati alla registrazione di
informazioni riferite ai servizi offerti.
L’offerta delle categorie di settore segue in ogni caso specifico una metodologia diversa che trova
la sua correlazione con la tipologia di domanda. Sono state indagate a tal proposito le diverse fasi
metodologiche e recuperate informazioni sulle quantità e i costi del servizio.
L’intervista agli opinion leaders ha permesso la disanima delle cause del mutamento riferite al periodo
attuale e la raccolta di dati quantitativi e descrittivi dei movimenti del mercato regionale di riferimento.
II. Credenze e usanze dal passato. Storie di vita
Una premessa sui riti e le azioni cerimoniali riferite alla tradizione lucana è d’obbligo nella
prefazione all’analisi delle interviste alle coppie sposate. L’orizzonte culturale sommerso, costituito
da credenze e pregiudizi, rintracciato nelle testimonianze attraverso le storie di vita, merita una nota
d’attenzione sia per il suo rimando al processo simbolico del rito sia per la capacità di ricostruzione
contestuale e temporale dello svolgimento dell’evento.
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Il riferimento alle fasi e alle pratiche connesse ad ogni momento del cerimoniale, dalla preparazione
del matrimonio alla sua celebrazione, si adatta all’analisi dei riti che propone Van Gennep, secondo cui
il rituale controlla e facilita i passaggi dell’individuo da una condizione ad un’altra. I riti di passaggio
distinti in riti di separazione o preliminari, riti di margine o liminari e riti di aggregazione o postliminari, si ritrovano nel matrimonio lucano, nei primi anni del ’900, in una situazione molto complessa
e si evincono soprattutto nella condizione della donna e delle due famiglie coinvolte.
Per la donna dei paesi agricoli lucani, il matrimonio era uno dei pochi orizzonti verso cui orientare
aspirazioni e desideri. L’anima sognatrice della giovane, in vista del futuro status di donna sposata
era fortemente influenzata da credenze popolari relative all’amore e al matrimonio che rientrano
in un vasto spazio di operazioni preliminari del fidanzamento, al netto naturalmente di quei casi di
matrimoni combinati totalmente dai genitori.
Nell’ambiente contadino lucano vi erano numerose pratiche per pronosticare l’evento.
La notte di S. Giovanni, verso il tramonto, si prendeva un fiore di cardo, se ne bruciava la corolla,
quindi lo si poneva in qualche buco del muro; se al mattino i petali apparivano rinverditi era segno
di buon augurio, al contrario, era segno di cattiva sorte se rimanevano bruciacchiati. Sempre il 24
giugno, le ragazze mettevano sotto il guanciale tre fave, una intera, l’altra semi sgusciata e la terza
completamente sgusciata; la mattina successiva, la ragazza stendeva la mano sotto il guanciale e
prendeva a caso una fava, “ se era senza buccia avrebbe sposato un uomo povero, se ne aveva metà non era né ricco
né povero, se era quella con la buccia integra sarebbe stato ricco”. Moltissime sono le leggende e le usanze legate
al giorno di San Giovanni e al futuro delle donne in cerca di marito.
“La notte del 24 giugno ti procuravi un albume di uovo e lo versavi nel bicchiere, la forma che
si componeva ti suggeriva notizie sul tuo futuro marito; anche sciogliendo il piombo in un pentolino e
gettandolo nell’acqua si formava un disegno e lo associavi al mestiere del futuro sposo”.
Il ricorso a formule magiche o ad altri rituali nei giorni di festività religiose fa riflettere sul
notevole influsso che anche l’atmosfera magico-religiosa esercitava per le classi popolari contadine.
La fanciulla, però, poteva limitarsi solo a questi espedienti, lasciare libera la sua immaginazione;
le reali possibilità di un approccio erano affidate unicamente all’uomo e sempre in modo molto
limitato: “Potevamo avvicinare le ragazze quando si lavorava insieme nei campi, durante le feste di paese, a volte
attraverso degli intermediari che conoscevano le famiglie delle ragazze che ci interessavano”, è quanto restituisce un
contadino dei paesi del Vulture.
Dopo la conoscenza delle virtù della giovane che si voleva conquistare, il pretendente doveva
compiere delle prove d’amore.
Un’usanza, forse decisamente meno praticata oggi, è quella del ceppo che un ragazzo lasciava
davanti la casa della desiderata a dimostrazione delle sue intenzioni. La giovane a quel punto aveva
due possibilità: o accettava il dono, accettando quindi anche il ragazzo, oppure lo rifiutava facendolo
rotolare via. Spesso capitava che non si sapeva chi avesse messo quel ceppo davanti alla porta di casa
per cui il padre della ragazza andava in giro per il paese urlando: “Chi ha inceppunato la figlia mia?”.
Questa testimonianza ci viene restituita nelle storie di vita raccolte a Rapone e a Corleto Perticara.
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Il ceppo può venire ricondotto a simbolo di focolare domestico, visto che ad esempio tra gli
Albanesi e i Bulgari vi è ancora l’usanza di inaugurare la nuova casa accendendo il fuoco, simbolo
dell’ardore amoroso. In quanto simbolo di floridezza invece l’albero viene ancora in alcune aree della
Basilicata, e non solo, piantato in ogni tappa importante della vita dell’individuo come augurio e
simbolo benefico.
Che in Basilicata il simbolo dell’albero sia fortemente radicato nella cultura lo dimostrano alcuni
piccoli gesti compiuti tutt’oggi dagli sposi lucani. Ad esempio a Rapolla i neo sposi devono passare,
dopo la cerimonia, sotto un albero di gelsi.
Dopo la fase liminare del fidanzamento, atto pubblico e solenne un tempo, che iniziava con la
visita ufficiale dell’uomo e della sua famiglia alla casa della donna e con lo scambio dell’anello e di
altri doni, quindi stabilito il legame e reso pubblico il vincolo instauratosi tra i giovani, iniziava la
preparazione della dote o la sua ultimazione, dalla quale dipendeva anche la decisione della data della
celebrazione delle nozze. A dote finita, quando ogni altra cosa era pronta, si contraeva matrimonio.
La dote si componeva di due parti: la donora o dote interna, costituita dalla biancheria e dagli oggetti
utili alla casa ed il denaro, ovvero quella esterna composta da terreni o bestiame, più avanti con il tempo
da una somma di denaro elargita alla donna dalla famiglia, per contribuire alle spese matrimoniali.
La preparazione del corredo vede coinvolte ancora oggi molte famiglie che reiterano l’usanza in
vista di un contributo cadenzato nel tempo e donato alla figlia. Le mamme delle future spose ad ogni
occasione utile, acquistano tutt’oggi capi d’arredo o commissionano alle ricamatrici lavori preziosi sui
tendaggi acquistati o sulle stoffe procurate. La preparazione della dote oggi non sembra avere una
funzione diversa dal passato; semplicemente si è chiusa in un emisfero privato. La privatizzazione
dell’usanza ha annullato il suo carattere economico; la dote non è più un importantissimo indicatore
di rango e prestigio come un tempo quando provocava addirittura un indebitamento delle famiglie.
La dote ha conservato il suo aspetto funzionale, è mutata nella forma e nella manifattura,
abbandonando spesso quella artigianale delle ricamatrici per acquistare capi pre-confezionati.
Si ha testimonianza fino al 1987 della fase di esposizione del corredo di nozze. La “visita al corredo”
con l’esposizione dei panni, avveniva una settimana prima delle nozze. La promessa sposa esponeva il
corredo in casa invitando i parenti e il vicinato a visitare la casa per prenderne visione. “Se ti dimenticavi
di qualcuno, scattava l’offesa e per molti anni non ti parlavi più con una famiglia perché avevi trascurato di invitarli e
quelli non si presentavano al tuo matrimonio ricambiando l’offesa”.
Dopo l’esposizione si organizzava, il giovedì prima del matrimonio, “la sfilata dei panni”; le ragazze
non sposate del paese sistemavano il corredo nelle ceste che dovevano essere acquistate basse e larghe,
per via del fatto che tutti potessero notarne il contenuto. Poi con in capo le ceste si sfilava nel paese
fino alla nuova casa degli sposi dove avveniva un rinfresco e la sistemazione dei panni.
Il giorno prima delle nozze, al calar del sole si preparava il “primo letto”. L’operazione avveniva
al cospetto della suocera e con la collaborazione della mamma della sposa. Qui sono presenti una
serie di credenze magico-religiose che conducono alla buona predisposizione del rapporto sessuale. A
Lavello si usavano amuleti contro il malocchio conservati bene sotto il materasso, o esposti ai quattro
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angoli del letto come a Rapolla.
Dopo la fase del fidanzamento, conclusi i riti collaterali che preparavano al matrimonio, si dedicava
un particolare riguardo alle cerimonie che avvenivano il giorno stesso delle nozze. Con la carrozza del calzolaio, a piedi cioè, il corteo nuziale partiva da casa. Usciva prima lo sposo in
mezzo a un gruppo di amici, solo uomini e spesso familiari della sposa. Seguiva a poca distanza la
sposa tra un gruppo festoso di ragazze.
Nei paesi della Val d’Agri il padre dello sposo apriva il corteo e rendeva libero il suo passaggio dai
bambini gettando loro dei confetti. Se durante il corteo nuziale si alzava il vento, si sussurrava allora
che la sposa avrebbe litigato molto con la suocera.
Dopo molte precauzioni prese durante il percorso, il corteo giungeva finalmente in chiesa. Terminata la cerimonia, lo stesso corteo, a volte più numeroso, raggiungeva la casa della sposa dove
ad attenderli era stato preparato il banchetto.
Lo sposo con al braccio la moglie, girava le strade del paese passando sotto gli archi famosi di
merletti e fiori, e, intanto, le persone del paese gettavano “pugni di grano sugli sposi in segno di ricchezza.
Altrove a ciò univano spari col fucile”. I mortaretti, chiamati anche “colpi scuri” avevano la funzione di
scacciare gli spiriti cattivi portatori di influenze malefiche oltre a essere segnali di gioia.
All’arrivo, sulla soglia, la sposa riceveva in bocca dalla suocera un pezzo di dolce (Rapone), o un
cucchiaino di zucchero (Avigliano), o un quadratino di zucchero (Stigliano).
L’usanza cambia in altri paesi della Val d’Agri, dove era la suocera a mettere per terra un dolce per
farlo calpestare dalla nuora. Le insegnava a dominare in casa, ma con dolcezza (Lauria). Finalmente gli sposi entravano in casa: “A un certo momento la sposa si sedeva: era il segnale per iniziare a
ricevere i doni dagli invitati. Subito dopo il marito ordinava la distribuzione dei tarallucci, bubbuniett’ e rosoli”.
La cerimonia si concludeva con un lauto banchetto. Al banchetto o alla ‘tavola de la zita’, come
era chiamato fino a pochi anni fa, il posto d’onore a capotavola spettava naturalmente agli sposi
che avevano al loro fianco i compari ai quali erano rivolti i maggiori riguardi. La lista delle vivande
consisteva in “Provolone piccante e fellata di savcizza; brodo con scarola bianca e polpettine di manzo, oppure
cannazze al ragù; braciole di castrato ripiene al lardo, aglio, prezzemolo, formaggio, cucite con l’ago e cotte nel sugo;
agnello al forno con patate condito con sugna e pecorino; finocchi o sedano crudi; frutta secca: noci, nocelle, fichi secchi”.
Al pranzo a volte seguiva il ricevimento degli altri invitati. E tutti ballavano. Al suono della
zampogna e del tamburello. Si ballavano valzer, mazurca, polka saltellante, tarantella. Il festino nuziale
terminava con la quadriglia. Poteva durare qualche ora per permettere a tutti gli invitati di ballare, a
turno, per dieci minuti ciascuno.
A sera gli sposi raggiungevano la loro casa già premunita di ferro di cavallo, di corna d’animali al
fine di salvaguardare la coppia. Davanti la porta della camera si era soliti mettere, fra i tanti amuleti
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che variavano a seconda del paese, la scopa. Altrove spargevano del sale sotto il materasso per
salvaguardare la sposa dal malocchio e favorire la sua gravidanza, che doveva essere messa in atto, per
così dire, fin dalla prima notte.
Il giorno dopo le nozze era usanza che la sposa recasse con sé il lenzuolo del primo letto e lo
consegnasse alla suocera. Se le cose erano andate come previsto la suocera si recava a casa della nuora
per rifare il letto della seconda notte. La suocera portava con sé in dono alla sposa, il pane (simbolo di
abbondanza), il sale (simbolo di saggezza) e il peperoncino contro il malocchio. Inoltre per due giorni
consecutivi il vicinato e i parenti che non avevano avuto la possibilità di partecipare all’esposizione del
corredo, potevano recarsi in visita a casa della coppia per prenderne parte.
Un’altra usanza presente per lungo tempo in alcuni paesi lucani, molto probabilmente l’ultima
testimonianza della sua esistenza risale al 1965, era l’assuta della sposa.
Ne restituiscono testimonianza, nelle storie di vita, diversi testimoni privilegiati e l’inervistata
Annamaria Tozzi di Rapone, Presidente della ‘A Nanninella, gruppo musicale costituitosi a Rapone nel
1992 e che reitera la tradizione degli stornelli e dei balli lucani in occasione dei matrimoni. Il Presidente
racconta che “Il gruppo folk ‘A Naninella ha dedicato un ballo ad un episodio tipico della tradizione raponese:
L’ASSUT. Dopo il matrimonio gli sposi rimanevano in casa per otto giorni. All’ottavo giorno, che solitamente
coincideva con la domenica, gli sposi facevano “l’assut” cioè la prima uscita come marito e moglie e venivano accolti dalla
famiglia con una piccola festicciola”. Gli sposi trascorrevano sette giorni di clausura e gli facevano visita i
familiari per portar loro cibo e beni di cui avevano necessità, e quando la sposa conquistava finalmente
l’uscita le si dedicava una giornata di festa con offerta di cibo e canti al quale banchetto partecipavano
solo i parenti stretti.
Nella Val d’Agri esiste la stessa usanza e si racconta che la coppia usciva di casa solo la sera per
andare a cena dai genitori e dopo i sette giorni di permanenza in casa, la domenica i parenti si recavano
da loro per prelevare la sposa e portarla in Chiesa. Alla funzione seguiva poi un banchetto.
Sono numerosi i rituali che i testimoni privilegiati sono riusciti a restituire nelle storie di vita e
molti seguono un ritmo ben delineato del tempo che lo rende sacro e gli attribuisce la cadenzialità che
una coppia necessita per la preparazione nuziale. Le simbologie di queste credenze trovano conferma
ancora oggi in alcune pratiche rituali del matrimonio, anche se si mostrano in forme diverse.
Come nel passato le giovani spose portano con sé il corredo, non attribuendo ad esso questa
denominazione; non rinunciano al velo e alla sua simbologia sacrale, e ne esaltano il fascino; indossano
tutti gli elementi del corredo della vestizione (l’oggetto o indumento di colore blu, quello prestato,
quello nuovo e quello usato), anche se non sempre se ne conosce la simbologia; escono di casa
per guidare il corteo fino in Chiesa assolvendo ai riti di margine; organizzano le serenate prima del
matrimonio e la sera stessa della celebrazione; si rivolgono a gruppi etnici di balli e canti folkloristici.
Le testimonianze raccolte in questa fase sono riuscite a sintetizzare l’esistenza di alcune pratiche
cerimoniali ereditate dal passato e l’attaccamento emotivo e identitario al rito.
Al fine di restituire un’analisi dei mutamenti socio-relazionali avvenuti e la direzione che il
cambiamento ha seguito nell’organizzazione e celebrazione di questo evento, si è deciso di confrontare
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le testimonianze delle storie di vita con le informazioni raccolte attraverso gli altri due strumenti
d’indagine: i questionari somministrati alle coppie sposate in Basilicata e le interviste agli opinion leaders.
III. Sopravvivenza, mutamenti, sincretismi. Dal rito alla festa
Nella realtà lucana il sistema matrimoniale ha subito una logica di cambiamento e di
trasformazione: in parte eredità del passato recente, in parte prodotto da eventi nuovi, in parte
riflesso di trasformazioni globali, in parte specifici.
La mobilità geografica, le opportunità economiche, il mutamento delle funzioni del sistema
familiare, l’importanza della realizzazione personale come chiave del successo, incidono fortemente
sul processo sociale del matrimonio.
Il passaggio dalla famiglia complessa alla famiglia nucleare ha condizionato ad esempio tutti gli
aspetti della fase di preparazione al matrimonio proprio perché la famiglia è stata privata di molte delle
funzioni che svolgeva in passato. Il modello neolocale della residenza della nuova coppia ha invece
ridotto i vincoli familiari e quindi il coinvolgimento attivo in tutte le fasi organizzative.
Oggi la selezione del partner è di tipo omogamico, ecco perché i coniugi tendono ad avere
pressappoco sempre la stessa età. Il matrimonio in alcuni casi non segna più l’inizio della vita coniugale,
in quanto alcune coppie vivono insieme prima delle nozze, apportando conseguenze sul sistema
socio-relazionale, socio-economico e soprattutto rituale.
Questi mutamenti e le dinamiche ad essi connessi trovano una voce nelle testimonianze rilasciate
attraverso i due strumenti d’indagine del questionario e delle interviste.
Segue dunque un’analisi del materiale raccolto nei paesi lucani durante l’anno 2013.
III.1 Un’omogamia altalenante
Analizzando i dati delle interviste raccolte si denota in prima istanza, in linea con andamenti
nazionali, un aumento dell’età da matrimonio caratterizzante gli sposi. In effetti il campionamento
adottato diviso in classi dimostra che fino agli anni ’80 le donne contraevano matrimonio tra i 19 e i
23 anni e la maggioranza degli uomini non arrivavano ai 28 anni. Dalla fine degli anni ’90 al 2000 la
situazione si presenta diversa, in quanto le donne che prendono marito rientrano nella fascia di età 24-28
anni; situazione identica per gli uomini. Dal 2001 al 2013 la fascia di età caratterizzante uomini e donne
si allarga ulteriormente fino ad arrivare ai 29-33 anni, con qualche ulteriore eccezione del campione
maschile che contrae matrimonio anche tra i 34 e i 38 anni. Inoltre mentre le differenze di età tra i due
generi inizialmente non sono significative, assistiamo ad un salto differenziale nell’intervallo di anni
’61-’80 (le donne oscillano tra i 14-18 anni e i 19-23 anni, a differenza degli uomini che contraggono
matrimonio verso i 30 anni) per poi arrivare a unioni matrimoniali fra coetanei trentenni nell’ultimo
ventennio [Vedi grafico A1] . Quest’ultimo dato restituisce uno sguardo d’insieme sull’aspetto più
emotivo relazionale delle singole persone, unite nella dimensione coppia. Difatti si può ipotizzare in
coppie di coetanei, una vicinanza e comunanza di esigenze e desideri da un lato e quindi anche una
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collaborazione più partecipativa per comunione d’intenti, ma anche una difficoltà esperenziale vissuta
contemporaneamente, che potrebbe condurre ad una difficile risoluzione delle difficoltà.
Le coppie che decidono oggi di sposarsi occupano ad esempio una posizione lavorativa, se non più
sicura, in via di definizione e costruzione, densa di investimenti, (si pensi all’alta percentuale di nuove
posizioni lavorative indirizzate verso la libera professione), e considerando il periodo storico, anche
più impegnativa, dove innanzitutto il tempo a loro disposizione non gli concede grandi investimenti
sull’organizzazione dell’evento in questione. A tal proposito servono d’ausilio alcuni dati riscontrati
dalla ricerca. Difatti per quel che concerne le professioni prima del matrimonio [Vedi grafico A2] e
le professioni dopo il matrimonio [Vedi grafico A3], si denota una stabilità delle professioni nell’arco
temporale che va dal 1981 al 2013, riguardante sia la sposa che lo sposo, a differenza degli anni
precedenti dove a condizionare i dati si inseriva anche la minore possibilità occupazionale riferita al
genere femminile.
La poca disponibilità di tempo per via delle professioni lavorative che investe sia il genere femminile
che quello maschile e la maggiore disponibilità economica rispetto al passato, potrebbe aprire una serie
di riflessioni sui nuovi bisogni richiesti e dunque sui servizi da attivare. Ciò significa che si configura la
possibilità anche in Basilicata, come altrove, che ci siano margini di inserimento per attività connesse
alla preparazione degli eventi, i cosiddetti wedding planner.
III.2 Il fantasma del lignaggio e i modelli di residenza
Se un mutamento significativo subisce l’età in cui si contrae matrimonio, la scelta del luogo di
celebrazione religioso delle nozze rimane invariato. In quasi tutti i casi analizzati le coppie scelgono
di sposarsi nel luogo di origine anche se diverso dalla residenza; nella maggioranza dei casi il luogo
scelto è quello di appartenenza della donna. Un’usanza che con il tempo non si è modificata segno di
una marcata continuità con la tradizione. Questo dato risulta importante in quanto è uno dei pochi
presi in analisi a non subire variazioni in relazione al tempo, all’estrazione sociale, al tipo di impiego
e al luogo di lavoro. Il rito del matrimonio soprattutto per l’emisfero femminile, viene riferito al
contesto di provenienza e quindi percepito come fortemente contestualizzato nel paese di origine e
legato alla famiglia che è rimasta nel paese.
Le osservazioni finora addotte però sembrano trovare correlazione con un altro dato: le coppie
intervistate si sono conosciute quasi tutte nel proprio paese d’origine [Vedi grafico A3]. Meno
numerosi sono i casi in cui gli sposi provengono da paesi diversi. Una costante che non cambia
significativamente con gli anni, anche nei casi in cui i due lavorano o hanno lavorato fuori dal proprio
paese d’origine, o comunque hanno vissuto fuori per qualche altro motivo (ad esempio per studio).
I matrimoni sono comunque avvenuti tra compaesani e, eccetto i casi in cui la coppia ha trovato
lavoro in un altro paese, decide di vivere nel proprio paese anche dopo il matrimonio. Questo dato
rimane assolutamente invariato per le classi di anni dal 1940 al 2000 e la residenza, se diversa, segue
quella dello sposo in paesi comunque appartenenti la Basilicata. Quindi mentre la celebrazione religiosa
avviene presso il paese della donna, la residenza definitiva segue quella dello sposo. Si potrebbe rilevare
da questi dati il forte attaccamento al territorio e alla famiglia; il vivere in piccole comunità riesce a
dare ancora oggi, come 70 anni fa, un senso di protezione e di continuità. Il dato appena esposto
come si nota dal grafico in allegato [Vedi grafico A4], subisce in minima percentuale delle modifiche
per quanto riguarda l’ultimo decennio. Le coppie, in alcuni casi, vanno a vivere anche in contesti
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diversi da quello di appartenenza.
È facilmente ipotizzabile un condizionamento della scelta a cause lavorative e d’impiego che
costringono come sappiamo molti giovani ad abbandonare il contesto d’origine in cerca di un’offerta
occupazionale più alta, già prima dell’unione matrimoniale. Difatti mettendo in relazione i dati della
residenza dopo il matrimonio con i dati della professione lavorativa del prima e del dopo l’unione
matrimoniale, e concentrandoci soprattutto sugli ultimi anni, deduciamo immediatamente che le
donne seguono il marito nel cambio di residenza scegliendo a loro volta un’occupazione diversa dalla
precedente, vista la stabilità occupazionale raggiunta dall’uomo.
III.3 Il calendario dell’evento. Tempo di festeggiamenti
Prima della scelta del luogo di celebrazione religioso occorreva stabilire la data di celebrazione del
proprio matrimonio. Per quanto riguarda i giorni della settimana la scelta ricade quasi prevalentemente
sul sabato, “di venerdì e di martedì né matrimoni né partenze” , “il giovedì chiama dolorosamente
il venerdì”, sono le spiegazioni che restituiscono le coppie intervistate. Dalla maggior parte delle
interviste si deduce che nella prima fascia di anni analizzata (1940-1960), non esiste una preferenza
specifica sul mese nel quale contrarre matrimonio. Non si può comunque evitare di annotare che la
scelta era influenzata anche da credenze legate ai giorni della settimana e ai mesi. Non ci si sposava a
maggio perché era il mese in cui ragliavano gli asini e si spiega che “quando la fidanzata si girava si
trovava l’asino che ragliava”.
Va detto che nelle pratiche di divinazione, legate soprattutto al culto del Battista, il ragliare di un
asino era considerato assai nefasto per la sua cadenza lamentosa.
Non ci si sposava neanche ad agosto perché considerato mese cimiteriale e a novembre essendo
il mese dei morti ma anche il mese più impegnativo nei campi. Vi erano poi periodi come Avvento e
Quaresima in cui, fino a metà del Novecento (e in alcuni casi ancora oggi) erano interdetti i matrimoni.
La particolarità del dato sta nel fatto che nessuna delle coppie intervistate si sia unita in matrimonio
nei mesi di maggio e di novembre dal 1940 al 2013; la tradizione viene rispettata per tutti questi anni
dimostrando un interesse ancora accertato verso il passato.
Dal 1961 al 1980 la scelta dei mesi ricade tra la primavera e l’autunno a differenza della fascia 19812000 dove per la prima volta viene scelto in assoluto il mese di Agosto come mese ideale per l’unione
matrimoniale. Questo dato lo si riscontra senza eccessive variazioni anche negli anni successivi (20012013). [Vedi grafico B1]
La scelta del periodo in cui sposarsi può essere messa in relazione con due variabili: la diversificazione
delle professioni e la scelta del tipo di ricevimento con il relativo numero di invitati. Mentre nella
prima fascia di anni presa in considerazione le professioni più comuni erano indirizzate all’agricoltura
e al massimo all’industria con una relativa presenza di operai, negli anni successivi compaiono i liberi
professionisti e dal 1981 al 2013, gli impiegati nelle strutture statali. Ragion per cui se prima la data
dipendeva dagli impegni dei parenti, dall’ultimazione del corredo, della costruzione della casa, dal
lavoro dei campi e quindi dalla possibilità di abbandonare le culture agricole, negli ultimi anni occorre
attendere le ferie estive perché svincolati dal lavoro ci si può dedicare all’organizzazione dell’evento.
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Inoltre occorre considerare che se prima le cerimonie venivano svolte per lo più presso le proprie
abitazioni e prevaleva un’organizzazione minimalista del rito con pochissimi partecipanti, negli ultimi
decenni la fase dei festeggiamenti viene indirizzata verso le strutture ricettive. Aumenta il numero
degli invitati, le esigenze crescono, le aspettative aumentano e si complica l’organizzazione dell’evento.
Il passaggio nell’immaginario collettivo di quel che un tempo era rito e che oggi diventa festa,
presuppone quindi un affidamento alle strutture che mettono in atto una calendarizzazione più
ristretta e indirizzata ai mesi estivi sia per l’offerta che per le disponibilità degli sposi stessi.
Un altro dato che influenza la successiva scelta della location dove accogliere gli invitati è l’orario
della celebrazione.
Dal 1940 al 2000 la maggioranza dei casi analizzati dimostra che la scelta dell’orario di celebrazione
delle nozze ricade nella fascia di orario mattutina (h 10.00- h 11.00 del mattino) per poi protrarsi fino a
notte tarda con l’offerta di una spaghettata finale a suon di fisarmoniche e organetti. Dal 2001 al 2013
l’ora di celebrazione delle nozze si divide tra una fascia di orario mattutina e una pomeridiana nella
stessa percentuale, quel che subisce una rilevante modifica piuttosto è la durata della celebrazione
[Vedi grafico B2]. I tempi si dimezzano sensibilmente e dalle interviste rilasciate gli sposi dichiarano di
prediligere la celebrazione del loro matrimonio nelle ore pomeridiane per via della poca disponibilità
delle coppie a protrarre a lungo il tempo del festeggiamento e per via del fatto che la tipologia
di offerta del banchetto è più vantaggiosa per i motivi che di seguito verranno analizzati. Questa
minore predisposizione al coinvolgimento collettivo e la considerazione del fatto che il matrimonio
e la sua celebrazione sono vissuti come un eccessivo investimento di energie, va messo in relazione
con la minore predisposizione delle coppie più giovani intervistate a rilasciare commenti sul proprio
matrimonio.
III.4 Una scelta glocale
La scelta dei mesi durante i quali celebrare il matrimonio e l’orario mattutino o pomeridiano
vedono quindi una forte correlazione con la scelta del ristorante e della tipologia di banchetto.
Dai dati raccolti risulta che mentre nella prima fascia di anni presa in considerazione la scelta del
luogo e del ristorante era prerogativa quasi esclusiva dei parenti che condizionavano e vincolavano
la decisione in relazione ad obblighi e doveri, nonché a una forma di rispetto e di considerazione
comunitaria, nei successivi intervalli temporali il ruolo esplicito e formale dei parenti viene sfumando,
sebbene resti ben presente sullo sfondo.
E mentre si predilige la celebrazione delle nozze presso la Chiesa di appartenenza da nubile e ancor
prima la preparazione degli sposi presso le case dei familiari, e quindi nel contesto di appartenenza
familiare e locale, la scelta del luogo dei festeggiamenti dopo la celebrazione in Chiesa è totalmente
libera da condizionamenti e usanze; anzi si registra con il passar del tempo una predisposizione degli
sposi a scegliere location diverse rispetto al proprio contesto di provenienza [Vedi grafico B3]. Dalle
testimonianze si denota la preferenza verso locali che sono distanti dal proprio paese fino ad assistere
nel 2000 alla completa destinazione verso location fuori regione, prediligendo la costiera amalfitana
o il litorale pugliese.
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Nella somministrazione delle domande gli sposi hanno motivato e indirizzato le loro preferenze
nel festeggiare la fase ludica della cerimonia in location anche molto distanti dal luogo di celebrazione
religioso, per il desiderio di offrire agli invitati delle scelte diverse rispetto alla quotidianità. Diversità
riscontrabile nel paesaggio marino e costiero, nella scelta del menù che predilige quello a base di pesce,
nella possibilità di ricevere una serie di servizi più eterogenea. La sfera della commensalità quindi
subisce evidenti cambiamenti in relazione al passato dove anche la fase ludica dell’evento prevedeva
una certa ritualità e un riguardo considerevole per l’aspetto tradizionalista.
Cocktail, rinfresco, cena placè o piuttosto festa danzante. Cena in piedi oppure comodamente
seduti come la tradizione vuole. La scelta per il banchetto matrimoniale oggi è davvero eterogenea
e ogni opzione è collegata ad uno stile, ad esigenze e a gusti diversi. Le variabili sono l’ora del
matrimonio, il numero degli invitati, le dimensioni e la capienza della sala in cui si terrà il ricevimento,
la disponibilità economica.
Molti sposi oggi sembrano scegliere come tipologia dell’offerta il pranzo o la cena piuttosto che il
rinfresco o il banchetto che era prerogativa invece degli anni 1940-1960.
L’idea di scegliere una villa per ricevimenti per festeggiare il proprio matrimonio compare solo
negli anni 2000, in sostituzione ad essa e in percentuale nettamente superiore viene scelto ancora il
ristorante [Vedi grafico B4].
Le strutture che vengono selezionate dagli sposi sono quelle che hanno saputo mettersi in evidenza
per tipologia dell’offerta gastronomica, per la cura prestata alla coppia già nella fase di selezione, per
la cura nella scenografia e nell’esposizione personalizzata in riferimento all’allestimento della sala, e,
ultimamente, per l’aspetto coreografico pensato sulle esigenze e sulle personalità degli sposi e degli
invitati.
A quest’ultimo aspetto i ristoratori hanno dedicato un interesse completamente nuovo seguendo le
dinamiche attuali delle celebrazioni matrimoniali che avevano registrato un calo per via dei ritmi lenti,
cadenzati e ripetitivi. Le coppie non sempre amano gli sfarzi ma rincorrono l’originalità, l’unicità. Si
tenta così di stupire gli sposi e gli invitati con la proposta di angoli cubani, i candy bar in sostituzione
alle confettate, l’ultima tendenza inglese finger food, ossia cibo tradizionale in miniporzioni servito
su vassoi che saranno fatti girare dai camerieri rigorosamente in divisa. Molto ricco diventa il menù
delle bevande, con vini e cocktail realizzati al momento, bevande analcoliche e champagne; momenti
dedicati al divertimento con l’esibizione di artisti o musicisti singolari. Alcune strutture consigliano
l’organizzazione di un wedding party da abbinare al rinfresco o al cocktail dove la scelta del DJ risulta
fondamentale. Particolare attenzione viene dedicata alla presentazione dei piatti e dei tavoli allestiti
con segnaposti tematici, carte del menu che riportano brevemente le ricette quasi a diventare biglietti
da visita delle strutture.
Da un’intervista rilasciata da un’agenzia di Wedding Planner della Provincia potentina si registrano
le nuove tendenze degli sposi: le portate meno abbondanti, ma sempre più curate dal punto di vista
estetico, dove il motto è less is more, ovvero più qualità e meno quantità. Il menù ideale di una cena
placè dovrebbe prevedere l’antipasto (meglio se a buffet), due primi e un secondo. In chiusura: buffet
di frutta e dolci prima della torta nuziale. La coerenza con la stagione e la location scelta è sempre
fondamentale. E sebbene il gestore dell’Agenzia tende a tenere lontano gli sfarzi e il lusso superfluo
nelle sue proposte matrimoniali, essendo di evocazione tradizionalista, “è mio proposito che l’identità
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del luogo e della coppia resti sempre abbastanza visibile”, sostiene che la scenografia e l’allestimento
dei tavoli è un aspetto che non è quasi mai trascurato e quindi si propongono tableau mariage e
guest book in linea con tutta la tematica matrimoniale. I tavoli dei ricevimenti, quelli dedicati alle
bomboniere come quelli dedicati al buffet, vengono ad esempio allestiti con composizioni di frutta
dove si realizzano vere e proprie sculture solo per gratificare l’estetica. Ad esempio si realizzano cigni
con l’ananas in sovrapposizione sulle angurie, queste a loro volta lavorate formando vasi o bottiglie.
L’intervistato inoltre propone associazioni tematiche in linea con lo stile del matrimonio e degli
sposi. L’associazione tematica può essere riferita al tema del viaggio, del paesaggio, del vintage,
dell’esotico, della natura. Di moda sono le associazioni tematiche legate alle piante e alle erbe officinali
o spezie. Non sempre gli sposi però prediligono l’originalità e sono orientati spesso verso uno stile
classico.
Negli ultimi anni inoltre si è avanzata l’usanza da parte dei ristoratori di offrire a prezzi vantaggiosi
un “assaggio tipo” del menu tradizionale. L’offerta è quasi sempre valida per più persone in quanto
si conosce il ruolo comunque importante dei genitori degli sposi. Inizia così il giro enogastronomico
alla ricerca del ristorante più convincente.
III.5 L’invito: dalla partecipazione a facebook
La scelta degli sposi sulla location del banchetto nuziale è condizionata, e a volte vincolata, dal
numero degli invitati. Dal grafico in allegato [Vedi grafico B5] si denota la tendenza in netta crescita con
il trascorrere degli anni dei partecipanti al matrimonio.
Mentre si registra un numero massimo di 30 invitati fino a raggiungere in pochissimi casi anche i
50 ospiti negli anni 1940-1960, dal 1980 fino al 2013 il numero dei partecipanti sale vertiginosamente
fino a superare i 300.
Allargandosi i legami parentali e aumentando le disponibilità economiche, le scelte del locale dove
svolgere il banchetto nuziale ricadono su strutture molto ampie con la capacità di ospitare un numero
di invitati in crescita.
In considerazione a questo dato sensibilmente in crescita anche la modalità degli inviti subisce un
mutamento considerevole. Con il trascorrere del tempo dalla forma orale degli inviti si passa a quella
scritta. Attraverso questo invito scritto, importante anche per la forma di presentazione, la grafica e il
materiale cartaceo impiegato, si è riusciti a presentare il “lieto evento” in maniera perentoria. L’invito
viene curato nei dettagli sia per la tipologia che per il suo significato.
È la prima esposizione e annunciazione (oltre alla “pubblicazione” e alla “Promessa”) da parte
degli sposi alla comunità di riferimento che hanno scelto di coinvolgere.
Gli inviti portano in molti casi la dicitura “I genitori della sposa e i genitori dello sposo sono lieti di invitarvi
al matrimonio dei loro figli…” o in alternativa “I genitori e gli sposi invitano…”. Questa specificazione
rappresenta una forma di rispetto nei confronti della genitorialità per via del fatto che venendo meno
l’invito orale e quindi la presenza degli adulti all’atto della comunicazione presso i parenti, occorre
ristabilire la partecipazione e il coinvolgimento dei genitori in virtù del ruolo che rappresentano nei
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confronti del vicinato, della parentela o dell’amicizia. In questa fase, i genitori degli sposi dimostrano
un forte coinvolgimento collaborativo, investito a volte anche di un sentimento di doverosità. Una
costante nella fase degli inviti è il divieto assoluto di presentarsi presso gli invitati o di spedire le
partecipazioni il venerdì in quanto giorno non propizio per un buon auspicio sul futuro. In alcuni
paesi, si accompagna all’invito orale l’offerta di vassoi di dolci o di confetti.
Entrando più nello specifico, dall’osservazione dei dati raccolti si riscontra che negli anni 19401960 esisteva una divisione delle responsabilità e dei compiti per la preparazione delle nozze da
parte delle famiglie della coppia che attivava una dimensione collaborativa e partecipativa rilevante.
Dai dati si denota una preferenza verso la forma orale rispetto a quella scritta degli inviti. Non
esistevano le partecipazioni scritte se non per i parenti lontani difficilmente raggiungibili. Agli invitati
si conserva uno spazio temporale più curato, dove il contatto era diretto e personale. I parenti degli
sposi, soprattutto della sposa, un mese prima della celebrazione (in alcuni casi solo 15 giorni prima) si
recavano di casa in casa per la comunicazione dell’evento, dopo aver stilato tutti insieme una lista degli
invitati. Il fatto che la responsabilità degli inviti fosse quasi per intero assolto dall’emisfero femminile
e quindi dato in gestione esclusivamente ai parenti della sposa e alla sposa stessa, sottolinea il ruolo
preponderante della donna nella sua nuova acquisizione di status.
“Separata” dalla famiglia di origine, sospesa in una situazione “liminare”, prima della nuova
alleanza, nel periodo di fidanzamento di per sé molto elaborato; poi “aggregata” alla nuova famiglia
attraverso numerosi riti sia individuali che collettivi (commensalità, contatti, riti sessuali, scambio
di doni), la donna è una figura che conserva una grande mobilità all’interno dell’intero processo
matrimoniale. La donna infatti vedeva nel matrimonio un mezzo privilegiato per la costruzione di
un’identità personale e sociale.
La situazione subisce un netto cambiamento con il passare degli anni. Infatti tra il 1961 e il
1980 gli inviti vengono assolti indifferentemente da tutti i soggetti coinvolti, ma esiste ancora una
partecipazione considerevole da parte dei parenti della sposa [Vedi grafico B6].
Il matrimonio detiene ancora in sé l’idea di processo sociale ritualizzato, secondo cui il rituale
controlla e facilita i passaggi di un individuo da una condizione ad un’altra senza spezzare la coesione
sociale.
Quel che subisce un netto cambiamento è la modalità dell’invito in quanto viene meno la
comunicazione orale e aumenta la modalità degli inviti scritti. La consegna però rimane quella del
sistema “porta a porta”. Per di più la consegna a mano perdura fino al 2001 senza cambiamenti
significativi, per poi assistere alla comparsa (integrativa) dell’uso della rete nel 2008 [Vedi grafico B7].
Esiste ancora l’idea dell’onere, del senso di obbligazione, del rispetto nei confronti della comunità,
assolti da una precisa decisione: quella di essere presenti all’atto della comunicazione.
Nella fascia 1981-2013 il dato che subisce variazione, oltre alla modalità della consegna, è la
responsabilità dell’atto. Chi si occupa della consegna sono sempre più gli sposi stessi. L’impegno
diventa sempre più appannaggio della coppia. Il matrimonio si rinchiude in una sfera per lo più privata
degli sposi e viene sfumando la fase collaborativa della famiglia.
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Complicandosi la gestione del tempo ci si affida alle partecipazioni e negli ultimi anni anche all’uso
della rete con l’inoltro degli inviti scritti tramite e-mail, messaggi su facebook e altri social network,
messaggi sui cellulari, annullandosi del tutto l’invito orale prima molto caratterizzante.
Negli ultimi 5 anni a causa molto probabilmente delle nuove tipologie lavorative, e quindi in
relazione alla diminuzione del tempo libero a propria disposizione per l’organizzazione dell’evento,
le coppie sono tornate ad affidare la gestione degli inviti ai propri familiari (seppure in minima
percentuale rispetto al passato).
La necessità di condivisione dei compiti con la rete familiare, nonostante la disponibilità della
rete telematica che renderebbe tutto più celere e più semplice, dimostra una predisposizione delle
giovani coppie a reiterare l’usanza tradizionale dell’invito, conservandola in una sfera più affettiva e
partecipativa.
Dalle testimonianze infatti si evince un ricorso ai social network rivolto esclusivamente ad amici
lontani e poco frequentati. Il rapporto familiare invece viene sempre gestito con la presenza fisica o
l’invito spedito per posta.
Un discorso a parte merita l’indicatore temporale dell’emisfero degli inviti [Vedi grafico B8].
Dal 1940 al 2000 gli inviti vengono notificati in tutti i casi indagati un mese prima delle nozze, per
poi subire un evidente mutamento dal 2001 al 2013.
I tempi si anticipano significativamente da un mese prima della celebrazione ai tre mesi. In alcuni
casi gli inviti vengono spediti anche quattro mesi prima.
Le cause possono essere associate a dinamiche diverse. La precarietà affettiva (liquidità dei
sentimenti direbbe il sociologo Zygmunt Bauman), potrebbe incidere sulla scelta nella misura in cui
il timore verso un improvviso cambiamento di decisione, vede suggellare “la promessa” in netto
anticipo, dando la propria parola di impegno di fronte a tutta la comunità.
Se invece non si volesse prendere in considerazione la liquidità affettiva come causa, ma piuttosto
l’attualissima precarietà economica occorre riconsiderare la scelta nei termini di un’esigenza pratica di
organizzazione economica, sia da parte degli sposi che degli invitati.
I primi verrebbero a conoscenza in tempi utili dell’effettiva partecipazione degli invitati al proprio
matrimonio e quindi del numero preciso di commensali presso la struttura ricettiva. Gli invitati invece
avrebbero il tempo di organizzare economicamente e temporalmente la loro partecipazione.
III.6 L’abito del travestimento
Sempre nella fase di preparazione al rito, dopo la scelta del luogo religioso e della location
cerimoniale, si assiste al momento più importante in assoluto per quanto riguarda l’organizzazione: la
scelta dell’abito cerimoniale.
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Un emisfero molto particolareggiato dove si innescano dinamiche relazionali di condivisione e
collaborazione e dinamiche socio-economiche. Sicuramente è la fase dove il racconto si arricchisce di
elementi e dettagli significativi.
L’abito rappresenta iconograficamente l’idea di travestimento per assolvere alla funzione di
“comparsa” e di presentazione alla comunità in una nuova veste. I colori scelti, gli accessori di
accompagnamento, le ritualità della vestizione, rientrano in un emisfero culturale contestuale e
simbolico.
Le spose del primo e secondo intervallo temporale elencano nel racconto le pratiche e le credenze
che investivano questo momento, testimoniandone una continuità indiscutibile con le usanze
tradizionali. Le giovani coppie invece tendono a sorvolare nella restituzione del racconto sui riferimenti
alle pratiche ereditate dal passato e al rapporto magico-religioso che investiva il momento.
Gli sposi intervistati appartenenti all’intervallo temporale 1940-1960, ricordano alcune usanze,
riferite a questo particolare momento, che hanno reiterato nella celebrazione della loro unione. Alcune
coppie ad esempio dichiarano il veto assoluto ai maschi della casa di scoprire l’abito della sposa prima
del giorno del matrimonio. Ovunque le donne mantenevano una certa riservatezza sui particolari
dell’abito con le proprie amiche per il timore di essere soggette a invidie e ‘affascini’. Le coppie inoltre
raccontano che le promesse spose dovevano evitare di indossare e provare abiti nuziali di altre donne
che avevano già contratto matrimonio.
Gli elementi indiscutibilmente necessari al corredo nuziale della vestizione che dovevano essere
procurati e indossati il giorno delle nozze erano indumenti o oggetti di colore blu (zaffiri, fazzoletti,
elementi dell’acconciatura) che simboleggiavano la purezza e la fedeltà della sposa. Un elemento
vecchio poiché rappresentava un vincolo familiare della sposa prima del matrimonio; un elemento
nuovo che richiamava il successo e la riuscita nella vita futura; infine un elemento prestato per
garantirsi la fortuna.
Il ricorso a questi elementi è notevolmente aumentato tra le coppie appartenenti all’intervallo
2000-2013. Queste pratiche vengono rimesse in auge negli ultimi anni, anche se non si riconduce ad
esse il loro significato simbolico e, l’estrapolazione del dato, ha comportato un’indagine più mirata per
riuscire ad ottenere le informazioni.
La ricerca di informazioni riguardo l’orizzonte culturale sommerso, caratterizzato da credenze
e pregiudizi, è risultata la più complicata a causa del rifiuto a rispondere o anche della negazione
dell’esistenza di alcune pratiche piuttosto ritenute rappresentazioni di un ritardo culturale.
Le donne soprattutto negano la conoscenza di alcuni rituali, eppure ad un’indagine più approfondita
con l’utilizzo di domande stimolo, molti elementi che sembravano aver perso la loro simbologia, si
sono registrati ancora presenti.
Da un’intervista ad una giovane coppia si estrapolano le seguenti considerazioni: “Credo che mia
moglie non abbia mai dato credito a certe usanze che in realtà trovi scritte solo in alcuni libri, neanche
troppo recenti. Non ho mai partecipato a matrimoni di coetanei e riscontrato pratiche contro la
superstizione”.
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Interrogando la moglie le considerazioni risultano pressoché le stesse per poi scoprire attraverso
un’indagine più confidenziale la reiterazione e la riattualizzazione della tradizione: “Mi sono rifiutata
di indossare l’elemento prestato al mio matrimonio, non credo in questo genere di cose”; dopo una
lunga conversazione e le osservazioni sui significati simbolici di alcune pratiche condivise con la
testimone, adottando il confronto con altre realtà geografiche, la sposa sostiene: “il mio bouquet è
stato composto da un insieme di rose bianche con al centro una rosa blu e quel giorno mia zia mi ha
prestato una collana da indossare come legame familiare”.
L’elemento caratterizzante la tradizione è accettato e utilizzato non tanto per le sue capacità
intrinseche di rimando simbolico o come segno di affezione al concetto stesso di tradizione, bensì
l’oggetto diventa un feticcio di una volontà comunicativa della tradizione come possibilità di distinzione
e di esclusività.
Le giovani coppie non conoscono nella maggior parte dei casi i significati simbolici dei segni
rappresentativi il rito matrimoniale, ma non limitano un possibile interesse alla reiterazione delle
pratiche, a differenza delle coppie sposatesi negli anni 1940-1960 che dimostrano una certa affezione
alla rappresentazione delle credenze e la conoscenza dei significati ad essi sottesi.
I dati raccolti dimostreranno in effetti questo legame con il passato analizzando in prima istanza
una serie di elementi ridondanti nella scelta dell’abito. Il vestito delle spose ad esempio, nonostante
l’offerta sempre aggiornata e attuale che segue il mutamento della moda, è quasi sempre bianco,
emblema della verginità della donna.
Non si evidenzia in nessun caso un desiderio di cambiamento o la volontà di stupire il pubblico
nella scelta dell’abito; le coppie seguono una semplicità composta. La scelta al massimo ricade su
un colore crema o avorio e piccole applicazioni di colori alla moda: fucsia, lilla, rosa. L’abito bianco
sembra una prerogativa essenziale dell’abito da sposa.
Fino agli anni ’80 l’abito nuziale inoltre era esclusivo appannaggio della manifattura artigianale.
Tutti gli intervistati hanno fatto ricorso ai sarti del paese. Nella metà dei casi analizzati in riferimento
a questi anni, l’abito è stato prestato da parenti o da amici per subire poi comunque aggiusti sartoriali
con aggiunte personalizzate.
In nessun caso l’abito è stato ereditato dai genitori; si parla sempre di prestito da parte di una
sorella o di un familiare, ricollegandosi anche alla forte simbologia rappresentativa che poteva avere la
credenza di indossare un elemento prestato il giorno del matrimonio. Se il prestito avveniva da parte
della suocera, come nei casi di Avigliano o di Rapolla, se ne voleva sottolineare l’accoglienza della
sposa nel nuovo nucleo familiare del marito.
Per lo sposo più che di prestito si trattava dell’abito buono della festa. Un abito confezionato dal
sarto, quasi esclusivamente scuro, tra il nero e il blu, che permetteva un riadattamento in vista di altre
occasioni. Lo stile nel migliore dei casi poteva essere quello del tait inglese. In alcuni casi l’abito era
di lana, portava quasi sempre il gilet o il panciotto e un fiore all’occhiello. Completava il tutto una
cravatta generalmente regalata dal testimone.
Spesso l’abito della sposa era donato dai genitori dello sposo che coprivano le spese anche sartoriali.
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Nel caso dell’uomo veniva acquistato personalmente. Negli ultimi anni analizzati invece sono quasi
sempre gli sposi a farsi carico delle spese per l’acquisto, conquistando così una maggiore libertà di
scelta e indipendenza della coppia dalla famiglia. [Vedi grafico C1].
Perdura comunque, come si registra nel grafico di cui sopra, l’usanza del dono dell’abito da sposa da
parte della suocera. È un doveroso compito quello della suocera nel darsi alla sposa senza restrizioni,
atteggiamento che si protrae da anni come un atto in sé fortemente simbolico e rappresentativo della
stabilizzazione dei legami e del mantenimento dell’ordine.
Una testimone di Rapolla riporta in sintesi l’usanza del costume e delle prassi di quegli anni:
“Per le donne che non avevano la possibilità economica di farsi fare un abito su misura esso
veniva chiesto in prestito ad una donna sposata, oppure venivano riadattati gli abiti appartenenti alle
donne della famiglia. Nel momento in cui l’abito veniva acquistato la sposa era di solito consigliata
dalla madre e dalla suocera. Coloro che riadattavano un vestito già usato si rivolgevano alle sarte.
Tradizione voleva e vuole ancora che l’abito veniva pagato dalla suocera, il che stava a sottolineare
l’accoglienza della futura moglie del figlio. Il vestito nella maggior parte dei casi era bianco per
indicarne la verginità della sposa. Le stoffe utilizzate spesso erano il tulle, la seta, il taftà. L’abito
era lungo fino a terra e gonfio, privo delle odierne decorazioni e si poteva notare anche l’assenza della
scollatura. Il velo e i guanti erano sempre utilizzati, il primo era lungo e spesso copriva il volto della
sposa, i guanti erano lunghi fino al gomito oppure corti dal polso, di tessuto lucido. Il vestito dello sposo
era generalmente di colore scuro, nero o blu notte. Era caratterizzato da un pantalone a vita dritta,
da una camicia bianca sopra della quale veniva posta la cravatta e il gilet e infine la giacca con le due
tasche poste in basso ai due lati e un fiore bianco nel taschino alto a sinistra”.
Nei primi intervalli di tempo analizzati il materiale impiegato per il confezionamento degli abiti
da sposa era il broccato, il pizzo, il raso o il tulle ricamato, eccetto in un caso particolare del 1950
dove fu adoperata la stoffa di un paracadute della Seconda Guerra Mondiale. Negli anni ’90 gli abiti
champagne o avorio erano di seta con applicazioni di swaroski, perline, strass e uno stile impero
preponderante. Oltre al colore dell’abito un altro elemento che non ha subito cambiamenti e al quale
ci si dichiara particolarmente legati è l’uso del velo, rigorosamente bianco e preferibilmente lungo.
Il velo ha un aspetto sacrale importantissimo, dà l’idea del distacco dal profano e dell’avvicinamento
al sacro, in quanto evita il contatto diretto degli occhi con il mondo divino, permettendo alla donna
di elevarsi ad esso. Ciò comporta una separazione dal vecchio mondo e un’aggregazione ad un altro
universo.
In alcuni casi esiste ancora l’usanza di “passare” il velo da generazione in generazione. Solo in rari
casi al velo viene sostituito il cappello. Altri elementi sempre presenti che andavano a completare il
“travestimento” erano le calze e come abbiamo visto, i guanti. Le calze, a cui si attribuiva un notevole
valore economico ed erano simbolo di eleganza e rilevanza sociale, dovevano essere infilate da altre
donne perché farlo direttamente portava sfortuna; al contrario chi compiva l’operazione, se nubile, si
sarebbe sposata presto.
Mentre nei primi matrimoni analizzati la tendenza era quella di coprirsi, negli anni ’90 si modifica
lo stile con abiti scollati e compaiono i primi spezzati, corpetto ricamato e gonna lunga. Quel che si
perde completamente è la manifattura sartoriale dal 1981 al 2000 per poi ricomparire in pochissimi
casi negli ultimi anni, quale elemento distintivo di originalità e unicità: la tipicità diventa la moda del
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momento. [Vedi grafico C2].
Sicuramente è prassi recentissima quella di partecipare a fiere ed eventi dedicati agli sposi per
aggiornarsi sulle mode e sulle ultime tendenze. Decisa la data del matrimonio, si iniziano a seguire
gli aggiornamenti in rete per scoprire le date di eventi dedicati alle nozze. Gli intervistati dell’ultimo
intervallo temporale dichiarano di aver preso parte a “Immagine sposi” a Vallo della Lucania, “Noi
sposi” a Bari e a Tito, “Fiera degli sposi” a Lagopesole, “Tutto sposi” a Napoli. Compaiono per la prima
volta indicazioni sulle marche degli abiti: “Le spose di Mori”, “Montezemolo”, “Carlo Pignatelli”,
“Bellantuono”, “Aimèe”, “Pronovias”, “Costantini”, “Armani”, “Corneliani”. Nella maggioranza dei
casi gli abiti vengono acquistati presso atelier o negozi di abbigliamento nei paesi di appartenenza, o
al massimo negli atelier a Melfi o a Potenza per la maggiore disponibilità di scelta.
Solo in due casi compaiono come mete per l’acquisto dell’abito la città di Salerno e quella di
Napoli.
Ad accompagnare gli sposi nella scelta dell’abito si evidenzia la costante presenza genitoriale,
soprattutto della madre. E se prima degli anni ’90 la scelta dell’abito coinvolgeva la stretta rete
familiare e un ruolo decisivo veniva attribuito alla suocera, oggi fanno la loro comparsa anche gli
amici e i testimoni. Questo momento non è più relegato all’ambito familiare e parentale della coppia,
molti contribuiscono alla scelta o alla visione dell’abito; approfittando delle varie “prove” a cui sono
sottoposti gli sposi, si invitano a turni amici e parenti.
Dai racconti degli sposi sulla scelta dell’abito si riscontra una dettagliata descrizione di minuziosi
particolari che nessuno trascura. Il ricordo è sempre molto vivo, dai disegni ricamati sul bordo delle
maniche alla presenza di strass sul corpetto, dal papillon a sottili strisce blu al gilet intercambiabile
dello sposo. Gli sposi restituiscono informazioni anche sul tempo impiegato per la ricerca del vestito
e il numero di negozi visitati; le marche di ogni singolo accessorio e i costi sostenuti.
III.7 Lo spirito del dono
Sempre nella fase della preparazione al matrimonio, gli sposi si occupano anche della scelta della
bomboniera da donare a fine cerimonia ai loro invitati. L’acquisto della bomboniera che dovrebbe
rappresentare l’essenza del dono e dello scambio, simbolo di ringraziamento e oggetto del ricordo
dell’evento, avviene solo negli anni ’80 con un’unica eccezione nel 1958 a Ravello dove vengono
donate delle statuine agli invitati e una miniatura di un aratro di ferro al testimone. Dal 1940 al
1980 l’unica usanza esistente, in sostituzione dell’oggetto, era quella di distribuire a fine cerimonia e
passando tra i tavoli degli invitati con una ciotola, dei confetti in un tovagliolo di carta.
Questo momento metteva fine al festeggiamento e ringraziava gli invitati per la loro presenza.
Dagli anni ’80 la tendenza iniziò ad essere quella dell’oggetto artigianale, la scelta ricadeva tra
portacandele in ferro battuto al mortaio in legno, per poi abbandonare l’artigianato e indirizzarsi dal
1990 al fino al 2000 verso oggetti d’arredo comune, come vassoi, portafoto e argenteria in genere. Gli
oggetti venivano acquistati rigorosamente presso i negozi di articoli da regalo dei propri paesi. Alla
confettata si sostituisce la confezione con il velo e i fiori, al cui interno troviamo i cinque confetti,
numero perfetto e indivisibile, e pari alle doti necessarie per un matrimonio felice: salute, felicità,
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fertilità, longevità e ricchezza.
Dal 2001 si assiste a un mutamento. Le spose, uniche protagoniste della scelta dell’oggetto,
indirizzano le loro preferenze verso le grandi marche affermate, come la famigerata Thun, porcellana
colorata da collezione, Clara Luna, Tognana, Marta Marzotto, e preferiscono fare i loro acquisti fuori
Regione. Inoltre grazie all’ausilio della rete e alla possibilità degli acquisti on line, ultima tendenza
dal 2001 in poi è quella del “fai da te”. Le spose comprano sui siti il materiale per comporre la
loro bomboniera personalizzata che si riduce alla confettata degli anni ’40 e ’60, solo più elaborata
e consegnata in scatoline di plexiglass, quindi trasparente. L’oggetto perde il senso simbolico del
ricordo e si annulla la raffinatezza della scelta.
L’ambito del dono, occorre sottolinearlo, è prevalentemente femminile. L’universo del dono rientra
nelle competenze delle donne, sono loro che si incaricano dei regali. La competenza della donna in
questo campo si afferma nel rito più importante che accompagna lo scambio moderno di regali: la
loro confezione. Un supplemento del tutto gratuito ma essenziale a ogni regalo, simbolo dello spirito
del dono, che nasconde quel che viene donato per dimostrare che non è l’oggetto in sé il senso dello
scambio, bensì il gesto. La confezione sottolinea che non è l’aspetto utilitario della cosa donata che
conta, quanto il legame, la gratuità; la confezione è un rito che comprende tutto lo spirito del dono.
Venendo meno il riguardo e la cura verso la confezione, viene meno tutto il significato sotteso allo
scambio del dono, insito nell’oggetto bomboniera. Nel quadro della cultura mercantile dominante lo
spirito del dono verrebbe leso e lo conferma la tendenza del sistema mercantile ad avvolgere tutto
nella plastica che non cerca di nascondere, ma spesso è trasparente.
Dalle interviste somministrate a leader d’opinione appartenenti alla categoria dei commercianti e
dei wedding planner, si registra una nuova tendenza degli ultimissimi anni (dal 2007) a ricercare l’oggetto
unico, inusuale, originale. L’oggetto personalizzato o lo si crea o lo si affida a mani di artigiani o artisti.
Le richieste infatti sembrano dirigersi verso acquarelli dipinti a mano o quadri su tela, vasi in terracotta
o addirittura set di confetture fatte artigianalmente.
Ritorna inoltre una particolare cura ricercata alla confezione e alla preparazione del packaging. Per
ogni oggetto le spose si indirizzano negli ultimi anni verso la bomboniera utile e di buona manifattura,
caratteristica irrinunciabile è sempre la marca o in sostituzione l’unicità, l’originalità.
148
References
Alliegro, E. V. (2005). La Terra del “Cristo”. Percorsi antropologici nella cultura tradizionale lucana. Potenza: CRB .
Bronzini, G. B. (1964). Vita tradizionale in Basilicata. Matera: Montemurro, (2° ed.).
Busoni, M. (2000). Genere sesso cultura, uno sguardo antropologico. Roma: Carocci.
Godbout, J.T. (1993). Lo spirito del dono. Torino: Bollati Boringhieri editore.
Lévi-Strauss, C. (2008). Il crudo e il cotto. Milano: Il Saggiatore.
Signorelli, A. (2007). Antropologia culturale. Un’introduzione. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill.
Van Gennep, A. (2009). I riti di passaggio. Torino: Bollati Boringhieri editore.
Appendix
GRAFICO – A1 Età delle coppie
GRAFICO – A3 Residenza delle coppie prima del matrimonio
GRAFICO – A4 Residenza della coppia dopo il matrimonio
GRAFICO – A2 Occupazione lavorativa pre-matrimoniale
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150
GRAFICO – A3 Occupazione lavorativa post-matrimoniale
GRAFICO – B1 Mese di celebrazione delle nozze
GRAFICO – B2 Orario della celebrazione delle nozze
GRAFICO – B3 Luogo del ricevimento
GRAFICO – B4 Scelta della location per i festeggiamenti
GRAFICO – B5 Numero degli invitati in relazione agli intervalli temporali
GRAFICO – B6 Responsabilità della comunicazione della celebrazione delle nozze agli invitati
GRAFICO – B7 Dati sulla modalità della comunicazione delle nozze agli invitati
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GRAFICO – B8 Dati sui tempi di consegna degli inviti
GRAFICO – C1 Responsabilità dell’acquisto dell’abito nuziale
GRAFICO – C2 Scelta dell’abito nuziale
Compendio e riesame delle indagini di superficie di un
nuovo insediamento nella Puglia centroccidentale: Murgia e
Grotta San Pellegrino (Laterza - Taranto)
Vincenzo Stasolla
Corso di Laurea Magistrale in Archeologia del Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità e del Tardoantico - Università degli Studi di
Bari “Aldo Moro”. e-mail: [email protected]
keywords
abstract
Murgia
San Pellegrino Cave
palaeolithic
surveys
The article summarizes the results of published surveys about the archaeological material found on the
surface outside San Pellegrino Cave, Taranto-Apulia, inhabited from the middle and upper Palaeolithic,
through the Imperial Roman Age. A quite good lithic industry and large pottery sherds show that the
documented materials date as far back as the Neolithic. Outside a gap along one of the canal slopes, a
calcareous slab engraved and decorated with ochre was discovered and it is supposed to belong to a chthonian
prehistoric place of worship. Careful surveys on about 180 km2, led to the documentation of the raw material
used by prehistoric man, composed mainly of jasper matrix from the Apennines, in the form of pebbles from
alluvial deposits scattered within a radius of 1 km, torn off from the Conglomerates of Irsina. The studied
artefacts consist of partially and fully worked cores, chips and tools with polished surfaces, belonging to the
lower, middle and upper Palaeolithic. The working areas have been identified thanks to the new-looking
artefacts including Levallois cores, discoids, SSDA and blades. Remarkable are the choppers and double face
tools (probably lower Palaeolithic). The cave doesn’t show any human presence before the Neanderthalians.
Introduzione
Il presente lavoro ha come obiettivo la divulgazione dei risultati dei sopralluoghi e delle indagini
ricognitive effettuate presso località San Pellegrino, in provincia di Taranto (Stasolla, Coppola cds;
Stasolla 2014). I risultati hanno permesso di identificare diverse fasi di frequentazione della località
(ad ampio raggio, si intende) a partire dalle tracce quasi sempre fluitate del Paleolitico inf., con un
maggiore interesse riservato a Grotta San Pellegrino, frequentata dal Paleolitico medio all’età moderna,
sino alle attuali attività agropastorali.
Non dissimili sono i casi di plurime e differenti fasi di frequentazione di altrettante grotte pugliesi
(esemplare la Grotta di Papa Ciru, a Crispiano (Laddomada 2009), spesso adibite a santuari (S. Maria
di Agnano, Ostuni (Coppola 2012), alle volte bonificate allo scopo di reimpiegarle.
La documentazione del materiale raccolto in superficie è stata possibile per una o più attività di
bonifica operata in passato, causa dello spargimento dell’antico deposito lungo il terrazzo e i pendii
esterni prossimi alla cavità carsica.
Il sito e le ricerche
Le indagini di superficie e le analisi sui manufatti, condotte a partire dal 2007 nell’area
Please cite this article as: Stasolla V., Compendio e riesame delle indagini di superficie di un nuovo insediamento nella Puglia centroccidentale: Murgia e Grotta San Pellegrino (Laterza - Taranto). Antrocom J. of Anthropology 11-1 (2015)
154
Stasolla V. / Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, vol. 11, n. 1 (2015) 153-168
centroccidentale della Puglia, dimostrano una frequentazione continuativa dell’uomo preistorico e il
riutilizzo dei medesimi luoghi frequentati anche in età storica.
Di notevole interesse è Grotta San Pellegrino (PU/1007), posizionata a E dell’omonimo canale
che si articola nelle rocce calcaree mesozoiche delle Gravine di Laterza, connesse alla litostratigrafia
del Calcare di Altamura (banchi calcarei e calcari laminari del Senoniano, Cretaceo sup. (Boenzi et alii
1971), sottoposto a evidenti fenomeni carsici.
Scoperta nel 1972 grazie a una caccia al tesoro organizzata dalla ProLoco di Laterza, Grotta San
Pellegrino fu documentata per la prima volta nel 1980 dal Gruppo Speleologico Martinese (Palmisano
1980) e nel 2002 dal Centro di Documentazione Speleologica dell’Alto Salento (Laddommada 2006).
Attualmente gli studi su Murgia e Grotta San Pellegrino e sulle aree limitrofe, sono condotti dallo
scrivente con la collaborazione della sezione di Paletnologia dell’Università degli Studi di Bari “Aldo
Moro”, per il monitoraggio e la documentazione del popolamento umano nella preistoria.
Inquadramento geografico
Oggetto di questo lavoro è l’esposizione dei dati preliminari provenienti da Grotta San Pellegrino
(Laterza – TA) 1 e da alcune raccolte di superficie non sistematiche condotte nelle vicinanze del sito.
L’inghiottitoio è situato a 216 m s.l.m. nell’entroterra ionico, ai margini del territorio di Laterza, a
confine con quello di Ginosa (fig. 4), ha orientamento E/W, un ingresso seminterrato largo poco più
di 7 m, profondo 30 m e largo 15 m, ad andamento suborizzontale (fig. 5).
La cavità principale è fiancheggiata da una minore (10 m a S, PU/1008) profonda c.a. 8 m, con
orientamento NW/SE, a pianta angolare verso sinistra e a bassa volta impraticabile, con un ingresso
orizzontale rispetto al piano di campagna largo 1,40 m per 0,90 m, e una condotta scoscesa che dirige
verso il fondo della cavità.
Descrizione dell’ambiente carsico (pu/1007)
Al suo interno, sui massi distaccatisi dalla volta e nella parte terminale in penombra, vengono
documentate impronte erosive a boxwork dovute all’azione delle acque di condensa; massi calcarei di
media ed elevata dimensione che ricoprono il pavimento, attestano il continuo distacco e il rinnovo
della volta in vista di reticolate discontinuità carbonatiche e del clivaggio del calcare in corrispondenza
delle litoclasi; banchi di conglomerati dimostrano il coinvolgimento della cavità in un processo
sedimentario (alluvionale?); una finestra tettonica di strati calcarei è messa a nudo sulla parete di fondo
della grotta; si ravvisano infine concrezioni e piccole stalattiti disposte a corona, talune dallo stillicidio
ancora attivo e relative colate calcitiche. Lungo il lato N dell’ingresso della cavità si ravvisano i resti
di una muratura a secco orientata E/W (fig. 6), eretta prevalentemente secondo un’opera quadrata,
costituita da conci calcarei regolari e taluni pressoché sbozzati, che circoscrivono l’ingresso della
grotta. La parete, non dissimile dalle molteplici dell’habitat contadino e rupestre, ha h. 1,30 m visibile
per c.a. 2 m di lungh., con spess. di c.a. 42 cm: il masso più grande ha dimensioni pari a 38 cm di
lato per 110 cm di lungh. È al momento impossibile dedurne con precisione l’età di messa in opera
della struttura muraria eretta per arginare l’ingresso di ulteriori sedimenti dall’esterno e connessa ad
attività agropastorali. Tracce di una bonifica, probabilmente ben più antica, proverrebbero invece
dalle incrostazioni rossastre ubicate sulla parete di fondo della cavità che contengono piccoli frustoli
1 Long. 4° 20’ 5” E, M.M. – 16° 47’ 13” a E di Greenwich /Lat. 40° 34’ 27” N, F.° 201, Ginosa I S.O. 33 T.
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di carbone allo stato fossile, elementi probanti di una serie stratigrafica asportata che non rilascia segni
di orizzonti successivi. Se ne ipotizzano quindi non una, ma più attività di bonifica tese a sgomberare
la cavità, l’ultima coeva al paramento di probabile età moderna.
Il microclima all’ingresso della cavità ha favorito la crescita di piante facenti da cortina, soprattutto
Quercus ilex. Un evidente crollo della parete è sottolineato da alcuni conci riversatisi poco all’interno
della cavità, dovuto alla pressione esercitata dalle radici degli alberi, dall’apporto detritico e umico
dall’esterno contro i quali la parete era stata costruita. L’inizio del crollo è stimato a partire da 6050 anni fa grazie a un esemplare di leccio, un utile terminus ante quem del contesto come lo si
documenta allo stato attuale. Un recente accumulo intenzionale di conci di calcarenite è deposto
lungo il cono d’ingresso ai piedi della quercia. Fasi di cedimento dell’ingresso sono diagnosticabili dal
fronte appiattito e dai relativi massi collocati in pregrotta.
Risultati delle indagini di superficie 2
Grotta San Pellegrino
A dirci che la grotta è stata frequentata sin dalla preistoria, sono i reperti che costantemente vengono
raccolti all’esterno della cavità. Lo scrivente, che ha operato con più fasi ricognitive l’individuazione
delle diverse frequentazioni preistoriche, con la consulenza scientifica di Donato Coppola 3, avverte
come una o più bonifiche parziali della grotta abbiano asportato la sedimentazione verso l’esterno, a
cagione di manufatti litici e resti fossili in deposizione secondaria ricoperti di colate calcitiche, seguiti
da stalattiti e concrezioni mammellonari. Questa, che è una consuetudine in ambiente agropastorale,
ha causato la perdita di alcuni importantissimi dati ormai decontestualizzati.
I 129 manufatti litici rinvenuti nei pressi della grotta si presentano dall’aspetto fresco, fatta eccezione
di 2 esemplari fluitati probabilmente dal Settore C.
I prodotti fittili sono invece molto frammentari in 140 pezzi, e per la bonifica, e per il ripetuto
passaggio dei capi di bestiame.
Le attività di raccolta si sono svolte su una superficie di 800 mq, suddivisa in (fig. 4):
• Pianoro, superficie in piano del terrazzo;
• Pendii S e W, il primo a salire verso il Pianoro, il secondo a scendere verso l’alveo del canale;
• Bacini di raccolta, ai margini del terrazzo, nei quali i manufatti vengono convogliati dalle piogge;
• Grotta: con la raccolta di materiale refluito al suo interno, altro mai condotto all’esterno.
Settori A-H
Le indagini hanno interessato anche 180 kmq attorno alla cavità, nelle contigue località di Murgia
2 I reperti contrassegnati con il segno diacritico # identificano quelli non appartenenti alla raccolta consegnata dallo
scrivente presso gli uffici della Soprintendenza, ma mostratimi per concessione di privati. Cfr. nota 5.
3 Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità e del Tardoantico, sez. di Paletnologia, Università degli Studi di Bari.
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San Pellegrino (incluso il canale), Lama delle Vacche e Cavese/San Felice, coinvolgendo una porzione
del territorio di Ginosa. Si è suddivisa l’intera area per Settori A (A2, A3, A4), B, C, D, E ed F (con la
recente aggiunta di G e H) dove è concentrato il maggior numero di manufatti fluitati, ed Extrasettori 4
(da Dil. 1 a Dil. 6) corrispondenti a isolati dilavamenti, lì dove gli esigui reperti possono raggiungere
l’unità (fig. 15).
Metodologia applicata
Le analisi dei manufatti litici sono state condotte sotto un profilo tecnologico a livello macroscopico,
mediante l’osservazione delle cicatrici, dell’orientamento degli stacchi e del medesimo supporto
estratto, delle variabilità del cono hertziano e di altri elementi diagnostici, delle materie prime usufruite
e delle dimensioni totali dei manufatti, con sessioni sperimentali per la valutazione dei metodi e delle
tecniche di produzione.
Quelle sui frammenti fittili, attraverso un approccio stilistico e tecnologico, quest’ultimo soprattutto
per quelli preistorici e protostorici. Il tutto sotto luce radente a diverse angolazioni.
Di tutti i manufatti se ne citano solo gli elementi datanti, esposti di seguito.
Paleolitico inferiore. Ma da dove?
Durante le indagini ricognitive effettuate, nei Settori A, B, C, D, E e G vengono documentati
20 pebble tools (choppers, chopping tools, poliedri, chopper-raschiatoi, chopper-protobifacciali)
afferenti a un’insoluta tradizione su ciottolo al momento fatta risalire all’Acheuleano in vista di 1
protobifacciale, 2 bifacciali amigdaloidi (sensu Bordes 1988) (fig. 8.1,2) e 2 hachereaux (fig. 8.8) in
diaspro e soprattutto quarzarenite, che vanno a sommarsi ai precedenti rinvenimenti nel territorio
di Ginosa (Stasolla 2014, Tavv. I, II). Si tratta di manufatti la cui parte attiva è costituita attraverso
distacchi localizzati in posizione distale, laterale, latero-distale; il tranciante è rettilineo, obliquo,
periferico e a punta (in corso di studio; se ne può leggere una prima analisi su Stasolla 2014) (fig.
8.3,4,5,6,7). La superficie di questi oggetti si presenta molata dalle fluitazioni, trasportati a distanza
dalle correnti alluvionali in senso longitudinale, sul fondo di una lama tagliata da canale San Pellegrino,
lungo i terrazzi della murgia, corrispondente ai settori C ed E; o in senso latitudinale da un terrazzo
all’altro verso valle, con la complicità di canale San Pellegrino. La raccolta dei manufatti è avvenuta
seguendo le diverse pendenze e indagando i depositi terrazzati. Il giacimento primario di provenienza
resta pertanto ancora ignoto.
Materie prime, tecniche e metodi di débitage
I supporti per lo strumentario in pietra prodotto dall’uomo, venivano estratti da nuclei accuratamente
preparati, successivamente alla selezione e raccolta della materia prima costituita da ciottoli di colluvio
4 In passato erroneamente chiamati Infrasettori (infra- per inferiore, a identificare Settori minori, fra i Settori). Tutt’oggi,
in relazione alla terminologia in uso in ambito ricognitivo (come Infrasito, infra- interno: ulteriore suddivisione all’interno
del sito indagato), è invalso il prefisso extra- (fuori dai Settori). È invece il Settore A ad essere stato suddiviso in Infrasettori (A2-A3-A4).
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dal riconoscibile neocortice picchiettato, di dimensioni in media dai 150×120×70 mm ai 70×70×30
mm (si attesta lo sfruttamento di ciottoli più piccoli). Si tratta di rocce esogene arrotondate, spesso
fessurate e poco omogenee, in frequente diaspro (44%), quarzarenite (9,86%) e selce (14.5%) di
origine appenninica, ma facenti parte attualmente dei depositi alluvionali dell’avanfossa Bradanica
(Lazzari 2008). Raccolti in depositi secondari Plio-Pleistocenici cementificati in una matrice siltosa
com’è il Conglomerato d’Irsina (fig. 15), ben presente sulle pendici e sui terrazzi della murgia laertina
e ginosina (Boenzi et alii 1971; V. Stasolla 2014), il loro distacco per azione erosiva a seguito di eventi
alluvionali (fig. 14.1,2) è seguito da un’ulteriore deposizione a valle (fig. 14.4) che caratterizza le piane
alluvionali dirimpetto alla murgia. Si attesta lo sporadico sfruttamento del calcare carbonatico (2.17%).
Litotipi alloctoni fanno la loro comparsa nel Paleolitico sup. e nel Neolitico, con nuclei e supporti in
selce di ottima qualità di provenienza garganica, e l’ossidiana di origine al momento non diagnosticata.
Le tecniche usufruite dall’uomo sono la percussione diretta con pietra dura e tenera per l’estrazione
di schegge, con percussore organico e della percussione indiretta con scalpello organico per l’estrazione
di lame e lamelle (tuttavia si presume che questa tecnica, in assenza di nuclei documentabili, venisse
praticata in ateliers distanti, prossimi ai luoghi di acquisizione della selce). Le indagini sui 180 kmq
dimostrano che le attività di scheggiatura avvenivano sia in grotta, con la raccolta e il trasporto di
ciottoli all’interno di essa, che nei luoghi di acquisizione della materia prima.
Le aree destinate alla scheggiatura sono state individuate attraverso l’osservazione del grado di
abrasione delle superfici dei manufatti litici (nervature dall’aspetto fresco o smussato).
Dei metodi di débitage si censiscono nuclei a riduzione Levallois, SSDA, Discoide a superfici
gerarchizzate (fig. 9.7) e non gerarchizzate, a volte sfruttati su una sola metà (qui convenzionalmente
indicati semi-Discoidi) taluni a pochi stacchi convergenti tendenti a una morfologia discoide del
manufatto; altri rari sottoposti a metodo Kombewa (fig. 2) e a percussione bipolare su incudine (di
difficile diagnosi, in numero di 6, dei quali 2 pontiniani. Seguono 2 probabili scagliati); nuclei per
supporti laminari (3), lamellari (6) e microlitici (3), sottoposti a riduzione unipolare (8) e bipolare (4)
a percussione diretta, in tutte le variabili facciali (5), tornanti (1), semitornanti (2) e avviamenti (4).
Elementi diagnostici del Paleolitico medio
Le attività di ricognizione (soprattutto nei Settori C e D, distanti dalla grotta), hanno permesso di
documentare l’ingresso nel territorio di H. neanderthalensis, identificato grazie ai nuclei e ai supporti
litici, spesso fluitati, riconducibili al metodo Levallois (Boëda 1994) che in questo settore territoriale è
associato al Paleolitico medio (Boscato et alii 2004; De Stefani 2012; Ranaldo cds), nelle sue variabili
di riduzione della materia prima (al 2013: 2 a scheggia preferenziale, 8 ricorrenti unipolari, 1 unipolare
divergente, 11 centripeti, 1 bipolare, 9 convergenti, 2 per punte, 2 inscritti in una riduzione di tipoKombewa (Dauvois 1981; Bourguignon L., Turq A. 2003).
Sul pianoro e lungo i pendii S ed W, all’esterno della grotta, si documenta un grattatoio-raschiatoio
a muso (fig. 9.2). Una punta musteriana a spalla (fig. 9.1). Un nucleo buliniforme su spessa scheggia
Levallois con biseaux a scalino e a piani di percussione preparati, prossimali e inversi (fig. 9.4). Un
nucleo Levallois a scheggia preferenziale (fig. 9.5), etc. Seguono un percussore, supporti non ritoccati
e débris.
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Il Paleolitico superiore finale. L’Epigravettiano e fenomeni di arte preistorica
La frequentazione della cavità prosegue con l’uomo anatomicamente moderno, di cui si presume
abbia destinato la cavità come santuario in grotta, con il rinvenimento di due lamine calcaree graffite
e decorate in ocra 5 (rosa carne scuro oscillante tra PANTONE® DS 89-6U e DS 67-4U 6, bruno
rossastro DS 321-4 U, DS 85 3U, marrone 4705 C. Ematite o bauxite?) raccolte all’esterno della cavità
lungo il Pendio W, che documenterebbero i riti di perorazione di bande di cacciatori-raccoglitori,
e che al momento risultano essere i primi documenti artistico-cultuali in provincia di Taranto (fig.
10). Queste lamine, che per stile sono ascrivibili all’Epigravettiano finale, presentano in superficie
le incisioni a sintassi astratta del tipo a tratteggio scalariforme e a tappeto, un leit-motiv secondo
Coppola 2012), ricavate con uno strumento siliceo (come il bulino), e intercalate a campiture di
flebile pigmento rosso. Coppola coglie il nesso tra il simbolismo del tratteggio parallelo dei ciottoli e
delle lamine con i motivi “a grata” delle pitture parietali di Lascaux, identificando in essi la sintetica
rappresentazione della Grande Madre (un culto che poteva raggiungere la divinizzazione della donna,
tanto da corredarne le sepolture di inumate agghindate proprio come le note Veneri paleolitiche) (Id.
2011). Un confronto Laterza-Ostuni prende le mosse dall’interpretazione delle due cavità carsiche,
ubicate nei due differenti centri pugliesi, come santuari preistorici in grotta del Paleolitico sup.,
in vista del ritrovamento di questi manufatti. A Ostuni, sotto il capo di una gestante inumata del
Gravettiano (26-25 ka BC) agghindata come le veneri paleolitiche, viene documentato un ciottolo
col motivo a grata e ricoperto d’ocra rossa e gialla; seguono le incisioni su lamine dell’Epigravettiano
finale all’interno di circoli di pietra. Entrambi i ritrovamenti, avvenuti durante le operazioni di scavo
presso Grotta S. Maria di Agnano, sono attribuibili a rituali di perorazione per ingraziarsi la Grande
Madre rappresentata in modo estremamente schematico per richiamarne l’abbondanza di caccia e
raccolta da parte dei cacciatori raccoglitori Gravettiani ed Epigravettiani (Id. 2012), come si registra in
molteplici siti, tra i quali Grotta delle Veneri di Parabita (Cremonesi 1984, 1992), Grotta del Cavallo
(Palma di Cesnola 1972), etc., citandone solo alcuni confronti pugliesi dell’Epigravettiano finale e
dell’epiromanelliano.
L’esiguo strumentario accostabile a queste incisioni su lamina è quello tipico del tardo Paleolitico,
ritrovato all’esterno della cavità, lungo i pendii e sul pianoro: un grattatoio unguiforme frontale in
selce alloctona (fig. 9.11); microlamelle (fig. 9.9) e prodotti lamellari, delle quali si registrano anche
i nuclei prismatici in selce e diaspro; la tecnica del microbulino (Inizan M.-L. et alii 1996), con un
esemplare di residuo dal caratteristico incavo ritoccato (di più probabile fattura neolitica) (fig. 9.10),
ma al momento nessun geometrico; un bulino a biseau poligonale in ottima selce su supporto di
ravvivamento a dorsi abbattuti (di probabile fattura neolitica, in merito al regolare parallelismo delle
nervature dorsali e allo spessore del supporto) (fig. 9.8).
I reperti faunistici
Sono le dentature fossili che ci aiutano a diagnosticare quali prede facevano parte della dieta
dell’uomo preistorico, come il giovane cavallo (fig. 12.1) e un bovide (fig. 12.2) al momento difficilmente
diagnosticabili nelle loro specie. Alcune diafisi riportano probabili cut marks (fig. 8). L’opinione di
5 Il secondo esemplare di più piccole dimensioni (7×5 cm), proveniente dallo stesso punto e con i medesimi motivi, è
attualmente custodito presso l’istituendo Museo Civico del Comune di Ginosa, consegnata da un privato cittadino assieme
a diverse lame in selce alloctona di ottima qualità (macroscopicamente garganica) e frammenti di ossidiana afferenti al
Neolitico, seguite da una parete fittile a impressione a unghiate. Cfr. immagini in Coppola 2012; Stasolla 2014.
6 Le cromie indicate sono miscelate al grigio-sabbia del supporto calcareo.
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Eligio Vacca 7 pare non escludere che le tracce presenti siano dovute ad attività umana intenzionale.
In particolare appaiono suggestivi a questo proposito sia gli andamenti di segni multipli iso-orientati,
sia gli incroci quasi sempre netti nei punti di incrocio; convergente è l’opinione di Paolo Boscato 8
sul probabile esito di attività con strumenti litici, in ogni caso da approfondire con un’accurata
osservazione stereo-microscopica; non di rado compaiono frammenti di ossa e denti fossili (questi
ultimi in numero di 6), taluni combusti o calcinati, provenienti da focolari smantellati.
Altre frequentazioni preistoriche, protostoriche e storiche
La raccolta di superficie ha permesso di diagnosticare ulteriori frequentazioni, qui suddivise:
-Neolitico antico. Frammenti grossolani di spesse pareti fittili a impasto rossiccio; frammenti a
decorazione a unghiate (fig. 13.1) e incisa lineare documentano una frequentazione neolitica; frammenti
di ceramica bruna ad impasto, ricca di microinclusi silicei (fig. 13.2), lisciata all’interno o all’esterno
con spatole o con le dita. Rari i frammenti levigati. Lame e frammenti di lame in selce alloctona a
sezione triangolare e trapezoidale, estratte per percussione indiretta (fig. 11).
-Eneolitico. Frammenti fittili dalle superfici non trattate in argilla chiara, uno dei quali con le
caratteristiche bugne sinuose a seni protuberanti (simili a quelle documentate a Grotta San Biagio)
(fig. 13.3) Grotta San Biagio 9 (Del Fattore F. R. 2009).
-Età del Bronzo. Pareti frammentarie a impasto bruno. Di taluni frammenti fittili preclassici e anse
di ceramica d’impasto da fuoco, non si ha la piena certezza se afferenti all’Età del Ferro.
-Fasi peuceta e magnogreca (apula). Un solo e insufficientemente piccolo frammento fittile indigeno
di tipologia arcaica attribuibile al VII-VI a.C. con decorazione subgeometrica lineare monocroma
matt-painted (fig. 13.5), un secondo a motivo a tremolo verticale color bruno di VI-V sec. a. C. (fig.
13.7). Oltretutto si registrano fasi storiche dai frammenti di ceramica a vernice nera (fig. 13.8,9), e
cocci di varia dimensione a vernice nera molto diluita
Ai piedi della parete di fondo all’interno della cavità, l’escavazione di buche da parte di mammiferi
speleofili, ha permesso la recente raccolta di un frammento dell’orlo di un cratere apulo a campana a
figure rosse (fig. 13.12), con l’usuale raffigurazione del ramo d’alloro rivolto verso destra (IV sec. a.C.).
-Fase imperiale. Un unico frammento di sigillata attesta ingressi molto più tardi, nei primi secoli
d.C. (fig. 13.10).
-Fasi postclassiche e moderne. Recente è la raccolta di pochi e sottili frammenti fittili postclassici
7 Dipartimento di Biologia - Università degli Studi di Bari “Aldo Moro”.
8 Unità di Ricerca di Ecologia Preistorica - Sezione di Scienze Ambientali - Università di Siena.
9 Un esemplare simile ma a impasto scuro, recuperato nella zona SE del fossato Neolitico scavato presso località Trasanello (Matera), è esposto nell’esposizione “Trasanello… quattro passi nella murgia preistorica”, Museo Archeologico Nazionale
“Domenico Ridola”, Matera 9 giugno-31 gennaio 2011, datato alla media Età del Bronzo (3.6-3.4 kya) (Angeli L. 2010).
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acromi (fig. 13.11) all’esterno della cavità.
Del medesimo punto interno alla grotta, donde proviene l’orlo di cratere, è anche una lucerna
invetriata di età moderna (fig. 13.14) e due frammenti di maiolica difficilmente inquadrabili (fig. 13.13).
Non è da escludere quindi una destinazione della cavità come santuario in grotta anche in età
successive al Paleolitico sup. finale, con una frequentazione postclassica e moderna ancora da
interpretare.
Il contributo della toponomastica
Grazie a questo approccio è possibile offrire un importante contributo per ricostruire il
comportamento e le attività umane, spesso tràdite, in un determinato territorio, a partire dalle vie di
comunicazione. Grotta San Pellegrino si colloca in quello che in passato fungeva da inevitabile snodo e
ricovero lungo un interessante impianto viario: l’atavica attività agropastorale, antica e contemporanea,
può aver battezzato la località (i pastori visti come pellegrini), peraltro in connessione con una possibile
via sacra percorsa da pellegrini, verso il santuario della Mater Domini di Laterza, oppure verso Oria e
Otranto per imbarcarsi per la Terra Santa. Quella che erroneamente è stata interpretata come chiesa/
grotta intitolata a San Pellegrino, attinge in realtà il toponimo dal canale che ospita la cavità, indicata in
una pianta catastale del ‘700 come M3, e il canale Valloncello dello Romato (Dell’Aquila 1989), mentre
negli anni trenta del secolo scorso la località era indicata con i «Canali del Pellegrino» (Ricciardi 2000),
e da qui se ne denota l’estraneità del santo. Applicando il metodo dell’intervista ad anziani mandriani,
la cavità carsica è già ricordata però come Grotta San Pellegrino all’interno della quale accedevano per
riposarsi o ripararsi dalle intemperie durante le transumanze, ancora negli anni ‘50 del secolo scorso.
Se ne deducono due tradizioni, quella di locali cartografi che seguivano il filone originario non ieratico,
e quello popolare più corruttibile nel tempo, acquisito in seguito dalla cartografia I.G.M. (1949-50):
appare infatti impossibile che dagli anni ‘30 agli anni ‘50 al toponimo fosse stato aggiunto quel valore
ieratico adottato di lì a poco dalla cartografia nazionale, influenzando quei pastori che di cartografia
non conoscevano praticamente nulla. Il toponimo “San” Pellegrino era quindi condiviso dai pastori
parallelamente ad una geografia strettamente locale, ed è quindi supponibile che la stessa tradizione
popolare lo abbia alterato nel tempo, aggiungendovi un valore sacro. Che l’eremita (romato), sia esso il
pastore o il pellegrino, sia passato proprio di lì è comprovato dai resti di una via vicinalis che fungeva
da strada secondaria rispetto ad una via principalis, un tracciato di collegamento tra Lucania, Peucezia
per la Messapia, percorso da Guidone (XII sec.) 10 e da Guglielmo da Vercelli (XI-XII sec.), attualmente
la S.P. 7. Difficile da chiarire è l’ascetico soggiorno della figura dell’Eremita di passaggio in uno di
questi ambienti carsici, o nella località (una Valle dei Romiti è situata tuttavia anche sul Gargano,
frequentata in passato sia da Pastori che da Eremiti), e lo stesso San Nicola di Trani (1075/76 – 1094)
detto il Pellegrino era tanto un pastore quanto un eremita. E questo potrebbe spiegare il passaggio
da Romato 11, Pellegrino, San Pellegrino, ove l’attributo ieratico può aver assunto, in età piuttosto
recenti e in ambito popolare, un valore mnemonico e rafforzativo in ricordo di luoghi frequentati da
santoni, pii eremiti. O creduti d’esser stati frequentati, perché condizionati dal proto-toponimo? Basti
ricordare i casi di “indebita” santificazione di San Marzano in prov. di Taranto (D’Angela 2002), o
probabilmente anche di località San Felice, a Ginosa (Stasolla 2014, nota n. 46), etc. Tuttavia, le tracce
di una frequentazione cristiana (perlomeno legata a un “santuario”, come di una chiesa) sono del tutto
10 Ravennatis Anonymi Cosmographia et Guidonis Geographica, ex libris manu scriptis, ediderunt M. PINDER et G. PARTHEY.
Berolini in aedibus Friderici Nicolai, 1860, p. 486 #17-21-22-23, p. 487 #1-2-3-4.
11 Piacente è anche la proposta venuta da Gianfranco Lionetti che accosta Romato al vernacolo rumàt’ o rummàt’ (letame)
ad indicarne un luogo fetido circondato da masserie e frequentato da pastori.
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assenti, e si resta solo dell’ipotesi di una stazione non solo per pastori e viandanti ma probabilmente
anche per “eremiti, pellegrini” di fede cristiana, fatto questo al momento non documentabile. Con i
campioni magnogreci, è possibile proporre un’interpretazione che vede l’utilizzo ieratico della grotta
in età storica, sede di pellegrinaggi pagani, in presenza di alcuni reperti che richiamerebbero a tale
funzione santuariale a partire dal Paleolitico sup.
La via vicinalis che attraversa Bosco San Pellegrino, poteva collegare il villaggio Rivolta nella gravina
di Ginosa con l’attuale centro storico di Laterza (innestandosi con l’attuale S.P. 8) e la vicina via Appia.
La superficie di un segmento dell’originario tracciato che si articola per 300 m nel bosco, ha una largh.
media poco più di 3-4 m e il 10 % c.a. di pendenza. In due tratti dopo la curva verso sinistra, questo
segmento su calcare carbonatico ospita sulla superficie vistosi solchi longitudinali paralleli, elementi
probanti del ripetuto transito di carri. In alcuni tratti della carreggiata, sul solo margine orientale, sono
evidenti i resti di un lungo gradino con una sezione profonda 25 cm, segnata da solchi iso-orientati,
inclinati e ravvicinati tra loro, lasciati da uno scalpello. La strada un tempo carreggiabile era ospitata in
alcuni punti all’interno di un taglio, in altri bordata da un filare di conci a secco, manutenuta e quindi
ricoperta costantemente da un manto battuto, con la progressiva rettifica dei lati per ospitare un
riempimento che dapprima ovviasse ai dislivelli, che emergevano col ripetuto impiego e dilavamento
(venendo così immancabilmente solcati dai veicoli di trasporto, come carri ed eventualmente tregge),
in seguito per stabilizzare la viabilità ovviando ai solchi così ricoperti. La vicinanza a questo tratturo di
origine preistorica (Stasolla 2014) in connessione con altri (Adamesteanu 1962, pp. 50-51, fig. 6), la sua
posizione e le condizioni favorevoli (vicinanza al canale, quota s.l.m., massimo controllo della piana
alluvionale dirimpetto) sono considerevoli peculiarità per le quali la grotta è stata sempre frequentata.
Conclusioni
Allo stato attuale è possibile delineare in quali età della preistoria e protostoria (e della storia) sia
stata frequentata la cavità. Non si documentano ingressi precedenti ai neanderthaliani: tracce ben più
antiche si evincono su 180 kmq eccetto nei pressi della grotta, e spesso questi manufatti presentano
un aspetto fluitato, indice di un trasporto alluvionale per diversi chilometri. Sarà lo studio delle
superfici mediante future analisi cinematiche (in corso) a confermarne le reali distanze coperte. Ciò
che entusiasma tuttavia è la continua frequentazione della cavità per millenni, dal Paleolitico medio
sino alle recenti transumanze d’altura di memorabile tradizione, grazie agli elementi cronoculturali
diagnosticati in superficie.
Attraverso attività divulgative e di sensibilizzazione, con il contributo dell’amministrazione del
Comune di Laterza e del locale Centro di Educazione Ambientale “Parco delle Gravine”, da circa un
anno si sta affrontando il tema di poter effettuare, previa risoluzione degli inevitabili iter burocratici,
studi stratigrafici e paletnologici più approfonditi, rispetto alla ricerca di superficie che ha garantito
al momento un’interessante visione d’insieme sulla frequentazione della cavità e del territorio, in uno
spettro preistorico di non poca rilevanza, con l’aspettativa di una conseguente tutela, valorizzazione e
fruizione dei beni e dei risultati scientifici da essi derivati.
Attualmente i reperti qui presentati sono conservati presso gli uffici della Soprintendenza per i
Beni Archeologici della Puglia del Museo Archeologico Nazionale di Altamura (Ba).
162
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164
Appendix
Fig. 1 - Istogramma quantitativo dei nuclei per l’estrazione di supporti su scheggia, e dei relativi metodi di riduzione documentati presso Murgia
e Grotta San Pellegrino (al 2013).
Fig. 2- Indici in percentuale dei reperti raccolti presso i Settori (578 pz. al 2014) e gli Extrasettori (52 pz. al 2014).
Fig. 3 - Schema riassuntivo dei risultati delle indagini di superficie. La linea tratteggiata marca quei manufatti del Paleolitico inf. la cui
deposizione primaria è sconosciuta. A destra, istogramma quantitativo delle categorie di manufatti raccolti: la metà è costituita da nuclei, 16
% dagli scarti, solo 8.3 % da strumenti su scheggia; 4.9% da strumenti su ciottolo accompagnati dal 4.5% dei nuclei/strumento (choppercores). In basso a destra, tecnica di scheggiatura a percussione diretta con pietra dura. (dis. V. Stasolla).
165
Fig. 4 - L’ortofoto ritrae al centro del cerchio il pianoro e i pendii antistanti alla cavità carsica. In basso, suddivisione della superficie indagata
e direzione delle fluitazioni.
Fig. 5 - Grotta San Pellegrino (PU/1007), ingresso. (foto D. Stasolla).
Fig. 6 - Restituzione grafica della parete a secco sulla parete N dell’ingresso di Grotta San Pellegrino. (dis. V. Stasolla).
166
Fig. 7 - Solchi allungati e profondi, dovuti a una probabile azione longitudinale di taglio su superfici ossee.
Fig. 8 - Paleolitico inferiore. Industria litica di façonnage in diaspro e quarzarenite fluitata, documentata nei restanti 180 kmq attorno alla
cavità, ma non nei suoi pressi. Murgia San Pellegrino: 1. Bifacciale amigdaloide; 2. Piccolo bifacciale amigdaloide su scheggia; 3. Chopperraschiatoio; 5-7. Choppers; 8. Hachereau su spessa scheggia; 9. Raschiatoio a ritocco scagliato. Località Cavese/San Felice: 4. Chopping tool;
6. Chopping tools con tranciante a troncatura. (dis. V. Stasolla).
Fig. 9 - Grotta San Pellegrino. Industria litica su scheggia in selce e diaspro, documentata all’esterno della cavità. Paleolitico medio: 1. Punta
musteriana a spalla; 2. Raschiatoio-grattatoio frontale; 3,6. Elementi triangolari Levallois; 4. Nucleo buliniforme su scheggia Levallois; 5.
Nucleo Levallois a scheggia preferenziale; 7. Nucleo Discoide. Paleolitico superiore: 8. Bulino a dorsi abbattuti (probabile fattura neolitica);
9. Lamella microlitica; 10. Microbulino (di probabile fattura neolitica, ?); 11. Grattatoio unguiforme. (dis. V. Stasolla).
167
Fig. 10 - Grotta San Pellegrino, pendii esterni. Lamina calcarea graffita col motivo a grata del tipo a tratteggio, con campiture in ocra,
Epigravettiano finale (foto e dis. V. Stasolla).
Fig. 11 - Grotta San Pellegrino. Neolitico: 1,3. Frammenti di lame a sez. trapezoidale; 2,5. Frammenti di lamelle a sez. triangolare e
trapezoidale in ossidiana; 4. Lama in selce a sez. trapezoidale. A lato, in basso a destra, rappresentazione della tecnica a percussione indiretta
con scalpello per l’estrazione di lame neolitiche. (dis. V. Stasolla).
Fig. 12- Denti fossili di 1. Cavallo, 2. Bovino. (foto e dis. V. Stasolla).
Fig. 13- Grotta San Pellegrino, pendii esterni: frammenti fittili preistorici, protostorici e storici. 1. Ceramica impressa a unghiate (Neolitico antico); 2.
Sezione ceramica ad impasto, con microinclusi silicei. 3. Bugnetta a seni protuberanti (Eneolitico); 4. Parete di tazza ad impasto (Neolitico); 5. Frammento
sub-Geometrico (VII-VI sec. a.C.); 6,7. Frammenti di ceramica dipinta indigena lineare e a tremolo (V sec. a. C.); 8,9. Fondo e frammenti ceramici a
vernice nera (IV sec. a.C.); 10. frammento di Terra Sigillata (primi sec. d.C.); 11. fondo ciotola postclassica. Interno grotta: 12. Orlo cratere a campana
(IV sec. a.C.); 13. Maiolica; 14. Lucerna invetriata.
Fig. 14 - Ortoconglomerati e incoerente ghiaia poligenica, composti da ciottoli/clasti di dimensione diversa (polimittici) e arrotondati (Puddinghe), da
Murgia San Pellegrino: 1,2. Conglomerati d’Irsina, si notino le impronte dei ciottoli diveltisi in diverse fasi alluvionali; 3. ciottolo di conglomerato in fase
di distacco. 4,5. Ciottoli diveltisi e deposti lungo un terrazzo alluvionale.
Fig. 15 - Individuazione delle aree indagate su base cartografica. Grotta, Settori (A-H), Extrasettori (Dil. 1-6).
Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology vol. 11. n. 1 (2015) 169 - 172 – ISSN 1973 – 2880
Antropologia ed Evoluzione Umana nel Museo Sardo di
Antropologia ed Etnografia Finalità didattico-educative
Marco Sarigu, Rosalba Floris, Giovanni Umberto Floris, Valeria Pusceddu
Università degli Studi di Cagliari
keywords
abstract
Physical Anthropology
Museo Sardo di
Antropologia ed Etnografia
Museum Education
Human Evolution
Laboratory of
Anthropology.
The Anthropological room located in the Sardinian Museum of Anthropology and
Ethnography of Cagliari University, exhibits a permanent collection of human skeletal
remains and replicas of fossil hominids related to human evolution. The educational role
of the museum is supported by several exhibitions and laboratory activities. The final
purpose is to collect, preserve this collection and make it available for a wide audience.
Introduzione
Il Museo Sardo di Antropologia ed Etnografia dell’Università degli Studi di Cagliari nasce nel 1953
su interessamento del professore incaricato di Anatomia Umana e ordinario di Antropologia Carlo
Maxia (1907-1996). Egli dedicò buona parte della sua vita accademica allo studio delle popolazioni
sarde (Maxia, 1970) dalla protostoria ad oggi. Tale studio è documentato da numerose pubblicazioni
scientifiche e diapositive recentemente restaurate (Sarigu et al., 2014), conservate presso i locali del
Museo e oggi fruibili ai visitatori. Il Museo ospita un interessante patrimonio culturale sardo di difficile
reperimento, ed una ricca collezione antropologica studiata a partire dagli anni ‘50 del secolo scorso
ed ampliata negli anni.
La sala Antropologia ed Evoluzione Umana
La collezione antropologica, a cui è dedicata un’ampia sala del Museo, raccoglie centinaia di reperti
scheletrici sardi con particolari caratteri morfologici e paleopatologici, ed una serie di calchi di ominidi
fossili. Buona parte del materiale scheletrico trova collocazione nei locali adibiti a deposito-laboratorio,
ubicati al piano terra. La collezione osteologica include tanto reperti di ˝proprietà˝ del Museo quanto
serie ottenute in affidamento dalla Soprintendenza Archeologica per le province di Cagliari e Oristano.
Attualmente sono presenti 115 serie scheletriche per un totale di 11834 reperti catalogati (Sarigu et al.,
2014). Il materiale, in buono stato di conservazione, proviene da scavi archeologici (Domus de Janas,
Tombe dei Giganti, ripari sotto roccia) e da ossari o sepolture singole rinvenuti nelle chiese/cimiteri in
Please cite this article as: Sarigu et al., Antropologia ed Evoluzione Umana nel Museo Sardo di Antropologia ed Etnografia Finalità didattico-educative.
Antrocom J. of Anthropology 11-1 (2015)
170
Sarigu et al. / Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, vol. 11, n. 1 (2015) 169-172
epoca moderna. Parte della collezione è stata impiegata a scopo didattico: questa piccola esposizione
offre a visitatori e studenti una chiara lettura delle caratteristiche anatomiche umane e dei principali
caratteri diagnostici utili per la determinazione di sesso ed età a partire dai resti scheletrici umani.
Una vetrina apposita raccoglie un campione significativo di ossa con particolari caratteri patologici
(infezioni, traumi, malattie genetiche, malattie metaboliche) utili per comprendere lo stato di salute e
le condizioni igienico-sanitarie che affliggevano la popolazione sarda dalla protostoria fino all’epoca
Moderna.
La collezione dedicata all’evoluzione umana comprende una serie di 38 calchi di ominidi fossili
a partire dalle forme ancestrali fino al genere Homo, specie Homo Sapiens. Fanno parte di questa
collezione anche le riproduzioni di uno scheletro di scimpanzé maschio e crani appartenenti all’ordine
dei Primati, il calco delle impronte fossili di Laetoli, e repliche delle Veneri Paleolitiche.
Attraverso un percorso ordinato cronologicamente è possibile apprezzare le principali differenze
anatomiche e morfologiche che intercorrono tra i diversi ominidi, ricostruendo le tappe salienti
dell’origine e dell’evoluzione umana, il tutto in stretta correlazione a fattori biologico-culturali. Negli
ultimi anni il Museo è stato attivamente coinvolto in progetti di varia natura, principalmente finalizzati
alla catalogazione nonché alla divulgazione del materiale scheletrico in esso contenuto (Lodde, 2008),
e delle migliaia di diapositive realizzate da Maxia nel corso di innumerevoli viaggi accademici e oggi
fruibili ai visitatori (Sarigu et al., 2014).
Il ruolo didattico della collezione
La finalità principale di questa sala espositiva e della collezione in essa contenuta è quella di fornire
un valido strumento didattico e divulgativo affinché gli utenti di ogni fascia d’età possano facilmente
apprendere i concetti base di evoluzione e anatomia scheletrica umana.
Il bacino di utenza è piuttosto ampio e coinvolge tanto semplici visitatori quanto scolaresche o
universitari interessati ad approfondire specifiche tematiche di ricerca. A tale proposito vengono
proposti differenti percorsi didattici che hanno tutti come punto di partenza la tradizionale visita
guidata. Si instaura così un’interazione diretta tra l’interlocutore e il visitatore finalizzata a
coinvolgere e stimolare il partecipante. Allo scopo di rendere ancor più accattivante la visita
museale, si organizzano attività pratiche di laboratorio attivo presso il Laboratorio di Antropologia
annesso al Museo. In questo modo il bambino, l’adulto o l’anziano possono “toccare con mano”
e mettere in pratica ciò che è stato precedentemente spiegato ed illustrato nella sala espositiva.
Questo percorso integrativo garantisce un più rapido apprendimento dei concetti teorici
sviluppando capacità intuitive ed intellettive. Non meno importante è l’interesse scientifico che la
collezione riveste in ambito antropologico: il materiale, oggetto di studio e catalogazione, viene
accuratamente conservato, esposto e valorizzato con lo scopo di condividerlo con un pubblico il più
vasto possibile.
171
References
Maxia, C. (1970). ‘La civiltà nuragica alla luce delle scienze antropologiche’. Bollettino della società sarda Scienze Naturali: IV, VII.
Sarigu, M.; Floris, G. U. e Floris, R. (2014). ‘Le serie storiche e le acquisizioni recenti del Museo Sardo di Antropologia e
Etnografia: ricerca, didattica e divulgazione’. Museologia Scientifica, Memorie 11: 113-115.
Sarigu, M., Floris, G. U., Floris, R. e Pusceddu, V. (2014). ‘La collezione storica di diapositive “Carlo Maxia” del Museo
Sardo di Antropologia ed Etnografia’. Museologia Scientifica 8. (in press).
Lodde, M. e Marini, E. (2008). ‘Anthroponet: il censimento del materiale scheletrico proveniente dagli scavi della Sardegna’.
Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, 4 (1), 79-83.
172
Appendix
Reviews/Recensioni
Necat Çetin
Siediti e Ascolta. Racconti brevi della tradizione orale curda
Pentàgora Edizioni - Giugno 2015, pagine 220. €. 12,00
ISBN: 9788898187218
Per ordinare il libro: [email protected] - 019.811800
Laura Anania
Questa raccolta
di racconti racchiude
un’anima semplice
e profonda: quella
di un popolo che
alla tradizione orale
ha affidato per
necessità, per lungo
tempo, in toto la propria storia, la propria cultura,
la propria stessa identità, il senso di appartenenza
alla propria comunità nazionale, che pure non
è mai venuto a mancare: nelle parole, negli atti,
nelle piccole cose del quotidiano così come nelle
grandi ed estenuanti lotte che hanno caratterizzato
l’esistenza di questa nazione senza stato, la più
grande del mondo.
E questo avviene ed è sempre avvenuto
nonostante le barriere che la Storia (scritta
da Paesi altri) ha costruito sulle terre alle quali
quest’anima appartiene profondamente.
L’identità kurda si costruisce e si radica nella
parte più profonda della persona, quale che sarà
poi effettivamente il suo destino, ovunque la
vita, spesso tormentata e dolorosa, ne condurrà
il cammino, fin dalla nascita di ogni singolo
individuo, giorno dopo giorno.
Un’identità assolutamente preminente su ogni
altro stimolo proveniente dall’esterno.
A volte, soprattutto quando sono presenti
storie di migrazione, sia interna sia, a maggior
ragione, in altri Paesi, a uno sguardo d’insieme
può apparire sopita, sotto gli abiti e le abitudini
acquisiti nei paesi ospitanti, ma nei momenti di
maggiore difficolta riaffiora: sulla pelle, negli
occhi, nel respiro stesso, e non si può fermare,
niente può impedirle di erompere con una
potenza e un’energia sorprendenti.
Nonostante una storia segnata dalla
repressione sistematica da parte di tutti i Paesi
nel cui territorio i Kurdi si sono trovati a vivere,
l’identità di questo popolo è ancora fiera e viva.
Certo, l’assimilazione ha prodotto i suoi effetti;
alcuni Kurdi non sono più in grado di parlare
la loro lingua madre, a lungo vietata persino in
ambito privato, come è stato vietato fino ad anni
recentissimi scrivere e parlare dei Kurdi e sui
Kurdi.
Per lungo tempo non hanno avuto quindi la
possibilità di esistere, circolare liberamente ed
essere apertamente tramandate una cultura, una
letteratura, un’arte kurda, in particolare qualsiasi
opera o informazione in forma scritta.
Molti tra i figli delle generazioni che hanno
vissuto sulla propria pelle la severissima censura
sulla propria lingua madre non l’hanno mai
parlata: questo è un danno incalcolabile, enorme:
la lingua madre è l’anima, il nocciolo dell’identità
di una nazione, come ben sanno quei governi che
hanno posto in atto politiche restrittive in merito
all’utilizzo e alla diffusione della lingua madre
delle minoranze che costituiscono in qualche
modo un problema.
I Kurdi rappresentano una “minoranza” (le
virgolette sono d’obbligo, trattandosi di circa
40 milioni di persone, senza contare la diaspora)
che abita un vastissimo territorio, oggi distribuito
entro i confini di ben 5 Paesi: Turchia, Iran, Iraq,
Siria e Armenia (o, piu correttamente, i territori
caucasici, un tempo parte dell’ex-URSS).
La complessa storia dei Kurdi richiederebbe
una trattazione dedicata, lunga e articolata,
impensabile nella poche pagine di presentazione
Please cite this article as: Anania A., Necat Çetin. Siediti e Ascolta. Racconti brevi della tradizione orale curda. Antrocom J. of Anthropology 11-1 (2015)
174
Reviews / Antrocom Online Journal of Anthropology, vol. 11, n. 1 (2015) 173-178
di questo lavoro; ma chi volesse approfondire
l’argomento potrà trovare forse un utile punto
di partenza in un mio articolo pubblicato sempre
sulla Rivista Antrocom, accessibile liberamente
online sul sito www.antrocom.net (Il Kurdistan:
una terra e il suo popolo, Antrocom 2005 -Vol.
1 - n. 2 – 121-166).
Il lettore dovrà essere innanzi tutto avvisato
che aprendo questo volume non si troverà
davanti agli occhi una traduzione nel senso che
generalmente viene attribuito a questo termine.
Quella che è stata approntata in questa
occasione è una sorta di sperimentazione di
trasposizione letteraria: il testo originale infatti è
in lingua Kurmanji, la più diffusa delle quattro
lingue parlate dal popolo kurdo (Kurmanji,
Sorani, Zazaki e Gorani, appartenenti al gruppo
delle lingue indo-europee, comprendente anche
le lingue romanze, tra le quali, ricordiamo, anche
l’Italiano).
Queste lingue sono spesso molto differenti tra
loro, tanto da rendere difficile, talora impossibile,
la comunicazione tra i diversi gruppi. Questa
frammentazione si riscontra in molti aspetti
della storia e della cultura kurda, perfino nella
geografia fisica del territorio che storicamente fa
da teatro alle loro vicende, rendendo altremodo
difficile un’omogeneità di fondo che potesse
consentire loro, nel passato come nel presente, di
agire insieme per un fine comune.
Profonde sono anche le divisioni interne
a sfondo politico-partitico, che talvolta
ricalcano antiche ripartizioni tradizionali legate
all’organizzazione tribale.
Quanto abbiamo visto avvenire nei recenti
fatti del Rojava siriano, con le forze kurde di
diverso orientamento politico impegnate insieme
contro la minaccia dell’ISIS, è un fatto del tutto
nuovo, estremamente importante, che si auspica
sia foriero di una futura volontà di duratura intesa
fra le diverse fazioni, spesso profondamente
divise, presenti nel mondo kurdo, almeno per
sostenere le esigenze più urgenti e importanti per
l’intero popolo kurdo, a prescindere dai solchi,
talora profondi, che la storia e le scelte, discutibili
o meno, dei vari gruppi hanno scavato tra l’uno
e l’altro.
L’utilizzo di diverse lingue parlate dai membri
del medesimo popolo ha condotto a trovare
sovente nel Kurmanji, la più diffusa, una sorta
di lingua-ponte che permetta la comunicazione
tra gruppi linguistici differenti. Così si dà il caso
talvolta che, per esempio, un membro della
comunità kurda parlante Zazaki padroneggi
praticamente quali “lingue madri” ben tre idiomi:
la propria madrelingua naturale (lo zazaki), la
lingua per comunicare con i membri del suo stesso
popolo appartenenti a una diversa comunità
linguistica (il kurmanji) e la lingua imposta dal
governo entro i cui confini si trova a vivere (il
turco, piuttosto che il farsi o l’arabo o il russo).
Una lingua è tanto legata all’identità di un
popolo che il primo passo per renderne effettiva
l’assimilazione consiste proprio negli interventi
tesi a limitare l’uso della lingua madre, ostacolando
così, se non impedendo del tutto, la trasmissione
culturale dei saperi intrinseci propri di una
comunità etnica. Questo è avvenuto, purtroppo,
anche nel territorio abitato dai Kurdi.
In questo quadro si collocano norme di legge
del passato recente che sfiorano l’incredibile, con
l’intento di impedire l’effettivo utilizzo
delle lingue diverse da quella dominante, la cui
legittimità e unicità in Turchia è perfino sancita
nella Costituzione: a questo punto tali lingue
diventano automaticamente “fuori legge”,
clandestine, come di fatto è stato per molti
decenni il Kurdo.
A me è accaduto di incontrare Kurdi che pure
oggi, in condizioni prive di alcun ragionevole
rischio, tra loro parlano in Turco e non nella
propria lingua madre, tanto ormai è radicata
l’abitudine dettata dall’oppressione e dalla paura
in tempi non lontani.
In questo contesto mi sta particolarmente a
cuore ricordare un aneddoto legato alla mia lunga
frequentazione della Turchia e delle regioni
abitate dai Kurdi.
Un giorno, parlando con un giovane kurdo
della situazione del suo popolo in Turchia,
proprio negli anni in cui è stato pubblicato
a Istanbul l’edizione originale in kurmanji di
questo volumetto (di cui io allora non conoscevo
l’esistenza, come non ne conoscevo l’Autore),
con le lacrime agli occhi mi ha chiesto perché gli
fosse permesso parlare tutte le lingue del mondo,
tranne la sua; ascoltare la musica di tutti i popoli
del mondo, canzoni cantate in tutte le lingue del
mondo, ma non la musica del suo popolo, non le
canzoni cantate nella sua lingua; danzare con gli
abiti e i colori di qualsiasi popolo tutte le danze
possibili del mondo, ma non le danze tradizionali
del suo popolo; perché potesse leggere libri
pubblicati in tuttte le lingue del mondo, ma non
nella sua lingua... Domande cui io non ho saputo
cosa rispondere.
In questo quadro si colloca e s’intuisce la grande
importanza assunta per decenni dalla cultura
orale, in un contesto nel quale rappresentava, a
tutti gli effetti, l’unica forma di cultura possibile,
e soltanto tra le mura domestiche, e l’unico modo
per trasmettere i saperi propri della comunità
di appartenenza da una generazione all’altra.
Da considerare, inoltre, la difficile situazione
della scolarizzazione (quando era presente) in
una scuola dove non veniva utilizzata la lingua
madre, ma la lingua dell’entità statale dominante;
l’analfabetismo, del resto, negli anni in cui si sono
175
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svolte svolte le ricerche di Necat Çetin era ancora
molto diffuso.
La lingua utilizzata come “ponte” per questa
inusuale operazione di trasposizione del testo
kurmanji in italiano è il turco, linguisticamente
appartenente al gruppo della lingue altaiche,
del tutto differente come origine, costruzione
sintattica e morfologia dalle lingue kurde.
Il passaggio risulta dunque davvero ardito,
considerando che, come ogni traduttore sa molto
bene, tradurre non è soltanto una mera operazione
di “trasporto” e sostituzione delle parole espresse
in una lingua con altre dal significato più vicino
possibile (attenzione, mai uguale) di una lingua
“altra”.
Dentro ogni lingua, profondamente radicata
nell’essenza della lingua stessa, c’è l’espressione
di un modo di guardare il mondo, un modo
perspicuo di percepirlo e di viverlo, che mai è
davvero possibile esprimere perfettamente con un
altro mezzo linguistico. Quindi ogni traduzione è
in primis un’interpretazione del testo originale,
per quanto “fedele” e scrupolosa possa essere.
E questo risulta vero in modo esasperato se le
lingue a confronto sono molto distanti, in merito
sia alla collocazione linguistica sia all’ambito
culturale nel quale vengono parlate, come nel
caso del kurdo e del turco.
Esse, oltre a riflettere una differente (e molto
lontana) origine linguistica, sono pure testimoni
da un lato di una frattura culturale acuita da secoli
di convivenza conflittuale con le popolazioni
dei Paesi nel cui territorio si trovano a vivere,
soprattuttto in Turchia (in particolare durante gli
ultimi novant’anni), dall’altro di punti di contatto
e di compenetrazioni dovuti, comunque, alla
stessa contingenza della lunga convivenza nei
medesimi territori.
A questo passaggio tra lingue tanto distanti,
costantemente sottoposto a verifica fra traduttrice
e Autore, per sincerarsi di non “tradire” il testo
originale, si aggiunge la traduzione in italiano,
con la successiva costruzione di un impianto
narrativo che renda scorrevole il racconto,
mantenendo la freschezza e l’immediatezza
del racconto popolare. Anche questo ulteriore
passaggio è stato affrontato passo passo in
collaborazione con l’Autore, che ha stilato le linee
guida per l’espansione dell’imbastitura originale
del racconto.
Questo lavoro di adattamento narrativo si
è reso necessario in seguito alla rocambolesca
storia del manoscritto sul quale era costruita la
prima edizione in kurmanji dei racconti, uscita
col titolo “Pixco” a Istanbul, nel 2003, grazie
all’interessamento dell’editore Peri.
La vicenda editoriale di questo volumetto,
piccolo nel formato, grande nel significato,
considerando anche il contesto nel quale è nato ed
è stato pubblicato, è di per sé paradigmatica: viene
pubblicato nel 2003 in Turchia, in un periodo
in cui ancora la guerriglia faceva parte di una
quotidianità difficile da confessare ufficialmente,
con una vera e propria guerra non dichiarata, ma
effettiva nelle aree orientali più “calde”del Paese,
quelle tradizionalmente abitate per la maggior
parte da Kurdi: le montagne battute da migliaia di
militari, con un dispiegamento immane di forze e
risorse economiche, armamenti e veicoli del terzo
esercito del mondo, e tutta l’orribile “normalità”
che abitualmente fa da corollario a una guerra.
La lingua kurda era ancora vietata per legge in
quegli anni: ne era proibito l’utilizzo nelle scuole,
nella stampa, come nelle trasmissioni radio e
televisive.
Era vietato parlare in Kurdo per strada, nei
luoghi pubblici e, considerando che, soprattuttuo
nei contesti più lontani dai centri urbani, la
lingua turca non era spesso né conosciuta né
parlata, questo per molte persone voleva dire
essere tagliati fuori dalla possibilità di ricorrere,
per esempio, ai servizi delle poste, del municipio,
perfino di un ospedale, per non parlare della
situazione disastrosa nelle scuole nelle regioni
kurde, dove i bambini in pratica frequentavano
una scuola in cui si parlava un’altra lingua e
dove era loro proibito esprimersi nella propria.
Era vietato per legge l’ascolto e, ovviamente,
la produzione di musica kurda, con sanzioni
pecuniarie, talvolta la detenzione, a volte anche
peggio...
In questo quadro vede la luce “Pixco”.
L’Editore è andato incontro alle sanzioni cui
si accennava sopra subito dopo la pubblicazione,
come allora era, d’altronde, prevedibile.
Oggi le cose sono decisamente migliorate da
questo punto di vista, ma è costante, per esempio,
il controllo sul contenuto delle emissioni
radiotelevisive. Tra le reti televisive nazionali
da qualche anno funziona un canale dedicato
alle emissioni in lingua kurda, ma il contenuto
delle trasmissioni è comunque sottoposto al
gradimento e al controllo statale; spesso si tratta
di argomenti a sfondo religioso, quindi viene
utilizzata, è vero, la lingua kurda in un canale
televisivo nazionale, ma forse col solo esito di
rendere più efficace l’assorbimento dei contenuti
selezionati così veicolati.
Fortunatamente oggi la pubblicazione
di volumi, articoli, musica in lingua kurda è
permessa, forse sarebbe meglio dire tollerata,
in ogni caso possibile, benché ancora scrittori,
editori e musicisti si trovino talvolta a dover
affrontare qualche difficoltà.
La scelta di pubblicare accanto alla traduzione
anche il testo originale in kurmanji, oltre al
valore intrinseco di un testo originale in una
lingua qui in Italia ben poco presente, vuol essere
176
anche un omaggio al profondo significato che la
riappropriazione del suo patrimonio linguistico e
culturale assume nel grande impegno del popolo
kurdo per ottenere la piena libertà di espressione
nella propria lingua madre, coscienti che questa
sarà effettiva soltanto quando entrerà di diritto
nell’istruzione.
In Iraq, dopo la caduta della dittatura di
Saddam Hussein, il kurmanji è divenuto lingua
ufficiale insieme all’arabo, come sancito dall’art.
4 della Costituzione.
La presenza kurda in Italia non è molto forte,
concentrata per lo più a Roma e in poche altre
località della penisola che hanno offerto maggiori
opportunità di accoglienza e integrazione.
Il nostro Paese costituisce per molti Kurdi
che vi giungono solo una tappa vero altri Stati
europei, dove di solito sono già presenti gruppi
organizzati della comunità di provenienza dei
migranti.
Offrire loro, comunque, l’opportunita di
accedere a un patrimonio culturale ancestrale,
legato alla loro cultura di provenienza in lingua
madre, vuole offrire una sorta di accoglienza
e di riconoscimento della loro identità, nella
valorizzazione della ricchezza che questa apporta
al panorama letterario del Paese che li ospita.
La nascita di questa raccolta, che oggi si
presenta nella sua veste originale in un formato
piuttosto ridotto, come un volumetto di poche
pagine, affonda le radici in un lunghissimo,
antropologicamente prezioso e molto interessante
lavoro di ricerca sul campo, durato all’incirca dal
1987 al 1995. Durante quest’ arco di tempo di quasi
un decennio Necat, all’inizio appena sedicenne,
coniugava una vivace attività intellettuale svolta
nelle citta della Turchia Sud-Orientale, la regione
kurda della Turchia, alla vita scolastica. Non
da solo, naturalmente: la dimensione collettiva
è sempre molto presente nell’organizzazione
sociale di questo popolo. Questo lavoro è nato
come un’iniziativa che assumeva un carattere
rivoluzionario, voluta e condotta in modo molto
intenso, per un lungo periodo, da un gruppo
di giovani kurdi costituitosi appositamente in
gruppo di ricerca per operare nel cuore della
cultura del proprio popolo.
L’attività di ricerca era finalizzata alla raccolta
e registrazione sistematica, in dossier dedicati, di
ogni aspetto della cultura kurda, con tutti i mezzi
che era stato possibile avere a disposizione, facendo
fronte alle croniche ristrettezze economiche e
alle limitazioni dovute alla repressione che hanno
sempre caratterizzato la vita quotidiana di questo
popolo: non, ovviamente, il computer, il cui
utilizzo non era ancora diffuso, ma carta, penna,
disegni, registrazioni audio su cassette, filmati,
fotografie, documenti di ogni genere, pagine e
pagine di appunti, scritti a mano o a macchina: tutti
documenti sui quali lavorare minuziosamente in
un secondo tempo, terminata la fase di ricerca sul
campo, per la restituzione pubblica dei risultati.
I giovani la sera si recavano nei villaggi intorno
alle città di Siirt, Batman, Mardin, Van, Erciş,
Diyarbakır, Gazıantep, talvolta anche in città, per
cercare ospitalità durante la notte e, raccogliendo
nelle piazze gli anziani e, di conseguenza, l’intero
villaggio o il quartiere, le notti trascorrevano ad
ascoltare i racconti ricchi della sapienza donata
dal tempo, della filosofia legata alla storia e al
carattere di popoli antichi e fieri.
Nel corso di 8 anni, Necat ha accumulato
una quantità impressionante di documentazione,
comprendente piu di 15000 voci: racconti,
poesie, fotografie, registrazioni su musicassette;
un archivio ricco, inedito e di grande interesse
antropologico e culturale.
Ma tutta questa mole di materiale non è
purtroppo arrivata fino a noi.
Il lavoro di traduzione di quel che resta del
suo immane lavoro è stato ritenuto interessante e
sostenuto economicamente dall’Associazione di
Ricerca e Divulgazione Antropologica Antrocom
Onlus (www.antrocom.org), sempre attenta
alla valorizzazione di iniziative che ricoprano
importanza nella ricerca d’indirizzo antropologico,
in ambito nazionale e internazionale.
Quest’ attività era pressoché clandestina,
mal tollerata, tanto meno sostenuta a livello
istituzionale, e l’attivismo di Necat, come
di chiunque lo praticasse, d’altronde, era
apertamente considerato fuori legge, facendo
sì che spesso lui e i suoi compagni si trovassero
coinvolti in situazioni difficili e conflittuali con le
forze dell’ordine.
Tutte le famiglie kurde, purtroppo, hanno
conosciuto questo clima in quegli anni.
La madre di Necat viveva con apprensione
tutto questo, con altri 6 figli, i maschi tutti
socialmente impegnati, spesso alle prese con
situazioni di tensione; il suo ruolo in questi
frangenti era difficile; la paura, con il clima
poliziesco
incombente,
risultava
spesso
insopportabile: a quel tempo già la sua famiglia
aveva duramente e dolorosamente sperimentato
la durezza della repressione.
La situazione l’ha condottta quindi al gesto
risolutivo di gettare nella stufa tutto ciò che in
qualche modo potesse risultare pericoloso per
i suoi figli: tra questi “pericoli” montagne di
libri (il possesso di volumi degli Autori russi,
per esempio, era vietato: la cultura, da sempre,
è considerata pericolosa dai regimi autoritari,
osteggiata con perquisizioni, restrizioni culturali,
roghi..) … E quel grosso faldone contenente tutto
il prezioso lavoro svolto da Necat nei villaggi,
alla ricerca della memoria tramandata oralmente
da tempo immemorabile dalla gente la cui voce
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difficilmente sarebbe uscita dal ristretto confine
dei villaggi in cui era nata, vissuta e probabilmente
avrebbe terminato i propri giorni.
Parte dell’archivio era già stato sequestrato
dalle forze dell’ordine, contenendo materiali che
di per sé non avevano assolutamente un esplicito
intento politico, ma essendo legati alla cultura
kurda, ne assumevano uno intrinseco.
Pochissimo si è salvato, in modo del tutto
fortuito: un fascicolo di racconti che Necat aveva
prestato a un amico, che glielo aveva chiesto per
leggerlo e poi non glielo aveva restituito...
Questa persona aveva nella sua cerchia di
conoscenze il direttore della casa editrice kurda
Peri, tra le cui mani era giunto casualmente
il manoscritto. L’editore aveva giudicato
interessante il materiale e aveva rintracciato
quindi Necat, chiedendogli se fosse interessato
alla pubblicazione: cosi è nato “Pixco”.
La raccolta è stata pubblicata così com’era
nel manoscritto, sotto forma di appunti e note,
quindi anche largamente incompleta e mancante
dell’intera costruzione narrativa, con il testo kurdo
da rivedere e correggere. Dei racconti, in realtà,
era stata solo stesa la traccia che fissava gli eventi
principali e a grandi linee i luoghi dell’azione.
L’Editore, a seguito di questa pubblicazione
in lingua kurda e imperniata sulla cultura orale
kurda, subì un processo, conclusosi con una
condanna a quache mese di reclusione e a una
multa dell’ordine di qualche miliardo di Lire
Turche (allora una cifra esorbitante!). La vendita
del volume venne vietata.
Per questo motivo molti Editori non si
avventuravano in iniziative del genere nei lunghi
anni in cui questa lingua era al bando.
Questa situazione si protrasse fino al 2005:
da allora, piano piano, la linea dura ha iniziato a
cedere e oggi si può dire che in Turchia venga
sostanzialmente lasciata la libertà di pubblicare sia
in lingua kurda sia materiali in turco che trattino
della cultura kurda, così come libera è oggi la
riproduzione e la vendita di prodotti musicali kurdi.
L’ordine delle storie nel complesso del volume
è stato modificato rispetto all’edizione originale,
con la collaborazione dell’Autore, come sono
stati modificati il titolo del volume e quello di
qualche racconto.
Necat sottolinea la difficoltà che la lingua
kurda ha originato in fase di edizione e stampa del
libro: infatti le lingue kurde sono per lo più lingue
parlate, e i Kurdi non usano molto scriverle; anche
per l’Editore non è stato facile rispettare il testo
originale, nel quale sono presenti anche caratteri
che non fanno parte dell’alfabeto turco, talvolta
modificandolo non poco, per la scarsa abitudine
all’utilizzo della lingua kurda scritta.
Una precisazione è d’obbligo: si parla qui di
testo “originale” in quanto riferito alla trascrizione
di Necat in Kurdo, quindi nella lingua in cui è stato
trasmesso, nel corso delle ricerche, ma, come
ogni repertorio popolare tramandato oralmente,
non esiste ovviamente un “testo originale”.
Si tratta di racconti molto antichi; di alcuni si
dice siano tramandati fin da epoca sumera.
Talvolta emergono nel corpo della narrazione
la struttura sociale e l’organizzazione delle
comunità, la filosofia della vita, il sentimento
della giustizia e dell’ingiustizia, le dinamiche nei
rapporti tra i sessi e nell’ambito della famiglia
o l’atteggiamento nei confonti del pensiero
religioso.
Emerge chiaramente la matrice laica,
fortemente terrena, che caratterizza questa
cultura, legata a una forma religiosa originaria
ben diversa dalle religioni rivelate, che, benché
duramente messa alla prova nel corso dei secoli,
talvolta riaffiora.
Per godere appieno di questi racconti,
contestualizzandoli nella loro realtà culturale e
storico-territoriale e coglierne l’intima, talvolta
sottile, filosofia, ho ritenuto utile aggiungere un
glossario di base per chi non abbia confidenza
con l’organizzazione territoriale delle realtà extraurbane nella regione dalla quale provengono
i racconti e con le figure che caratterizzano
l’ambiente sociale dei villaggi e dei centri minori.
Le diverse voci sono state inserite nelle
pagine in cui compaiono termini che richiamino
specificità culturali per noi lontane, sotto forma
di brevi note al testo, in modo da non appesantire
eccessivamente l’esposizione, ma da essere
immediatamente disponibili per la consultazione.
Al testo scritto vengono affiancate le
riproduzioni di alcune opere artistiche di Halise
Cetin, sorella di Necat, che ha vissuto accanto al
fratello le tensioni e le difficoltà di un periodo
storico-culturale davvero cupo. Alcune sue opere
(qui non pubblicate) rispecchiano infatti questo
stato di tensione e un sentimento di rabbiosa
disperazione.
Le opere riprodotte sono state realizzate con
tecniche diverse: acquerello, stampe, olio su tela,
carboncino, matita.
Casualmente e felicemente ritrovate, ho potute
fotografare le sue opere una per una, dopo un
primo momento nel quale pareva ormai inevitabile
rinunciare all’idea a causa dell’irreperibilità delle
stesse in originale, trovandosene soltanto delle
piccole riproduzioni fotografiche di qualità non
soddisfacente. Purtoppo molte altre, alcune
davvero belle, sono state vendute.
Halise insegna Arte nelle scuole statali nella
città in cui risiede e conduce la sua attività artistica
in un proprio atelier, nel quale ha sperimentato
molte tecniche differenti: dalla stampa alla pittura,
dall’ebru al disegno, alla produzione plastica
ceramica.
178
La lingua Kurmanji
La lingua kurda più diffusa è il kurmanji,
appartenente, come le altre lingue kurde,
alla famiglia delle lingue indoeuropee. Non
mancano punti di contatto talora sorprendenti
con l’italiano: un esempio su tutti, il pronome
personale di seconda persona singolare tu che in
kurmanji è identico, compresa la sua declinazione
all’accusativo te; la formazione del maschile e
del femminile aggiungendo rispettivamente le
desinenze -o/-a (profonda differenza con il turco,
in cui non troviamo differenziazioni di genere); il
numero due, che in kurmanji è du e gli esempi si
potrebbero moltiplicare in abbondanza.
Così come star = stella, identico all’inglese
“star” e Brat = fratello, dall’evidente radice
comune con l’inglese “brother” e, anche se meno
immediata (ma per chi abbia un’infarinatura di
linguistica, chiara), nell’italiano “fratello”.
Rispetto all’alfabeto turco sono presenti
tre caratteri in più: x, q e w. Questa ricchezza
alfabetica ha dato luogo in Turchia a una curiosa
norma di legge (decaduta ufficialmente soltanto
lo scorso anno) entrata in vigore diversi anni fa,
mai realmente considerata dai Kurdi, che l’hanno
sistematicamente ignorata, che vietava l’utilizzo
di questi tre caratteri, impedendo, di fatto, la
pubblicazione di qualsiasi testo in lingua kurda.
L’alfabeto kurmanji vanta ben 31 caratteri, 8
vocali e 23 consonanti.
Aa Bb Cc Çç Dd Ee Êê Ff Gg Hh Ii Îî Jj Kk
Ll Mm Nn Oo Pp Qq, Rr Ss Şş Tt Uu Ûû Vv Ww
Xx Yy Zz.
E, tanto per farsi un’idea della relativa distanza/
vicinanza linguistica, inserisco una tabella dove
vengono riportate le denominazioni dei numeri
rispettivamente in turco, in kurmanji e in italiano.
Türkçe
Sıfır (0)
Bir (1)
Iki (2)
Üç (3)
Dört (4)
Beş (5)
Altı (6)
Yedi (7)
Sekiz (8)
Dokuz (9)
On (10)
Kürtçe
nîn
yek
du/dwu du
sê/sisê
çar/çhar
pênç/bênç
şeş
heft
heşt
neh
deh
İtalyanca
zero
uno
due
tre
quattro
cinque
sei
sette
otto
nove
dieci
Risulta chiarissima, direi evidente, la comune
famiglia linguistica tra italiano e kurmanji, mentre
altrettanto evidente è la distanza con il turco.
Le lettere che non sono presenti nel nostro
alfabeto sono:
ç che ha il suono della nostra c dolce
ê una e stretta
î che è una i lunga
j che assomiglia alla j francese
k come k in inglese
ş che ha il suono della nostra sc in scena
û una u lunga
w come w in inglese
x che ha un suono duro, di gola
y come y in francese
Gli altri caratteri si leggono con un suono
simile ai nostri equivalenti, tranne:
c che si legge come la nostra g dolce
g che ha sempre suono duro
h che è aspirata
q che funziona come consonante autonoma,
non come in italiano, e ha il suono della nostra
c dura u che ha un suono simile alla eu francese
in peur.
Le tabelle sono state adattate da quelle presenti
sulla pagina di Wikipedia in lingua turca.http://
tr.wikipedia.org/wiki/K%C3%BCrt%C3%A7e

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