Repertorio bibliografico Adamantius 12

Transcript

3.2. Pubblicazioni recenti su
Origene e la tradizione alessandrina
a cura di
Federica Bucchi (Bologna), Francesca Calabi (Pavia),
Antonio Cacciari (Bologna), Alberto Camplani (Roma), Federico Fatti (Perugia),
Rémi Gounelle (Strasbourg), Attila Jakab (Budapest), Lorenzo Perrone (Bologna),
Thomas P. Scheck (Notre Dame/Ind.), Chiara Spuntarelli (Roma),
Stefano Tampellini (Bologna), Andrea Villani (Bologna), Claudio Zamagni (Lausanne)
[Indice: 0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili di studiosi; 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere
generale; 2. Ellenismo e cultura alessandrina; 3. Giudaismo ellenistico; 4. LXX; 5. Aristobulo;
6. Lettera di Aristea; 7. Filone Alessandrino (1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori; 2. Edizioni e
traduzioni; 3. Miscellanee e raccolte; 4. Studi); 8. Pseudo-Filone; 9. Flavio Giuseppe (1. Bibliografie,
rassegne, repertori; 2. Edizioni e traduzioni; 3. Miscellanee e raccolte; 4. Studi); 10. Cristianesimo
alessandrino ed ambiente egiziano (1. Il contesto religioso egiziano; 2. Il periodo delle origini;
3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo; 4. La chiesa alessandrina: istituzioni, dottrine, riti,
personaggi e episodi storici; 5. Il monachesimo); 11. Clemente Alessandrino; 12. Origene
(1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori; 2. Edizioni e traduzioni; 3. Miscellanee e raccolte; 4. Studi);
13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene; 14. Dionigi Alessandrino; 15. Pierio di Alessandria; 16. Pietro
di Alessandria; 17. Alessandro di Alessandria; 18. Ario; 19. Eusebio di Cesarea; 20. Atanasio; 21. I
Padri Cappadoci (1. Basilio di Cesarea; 2. Gregorio di Nazianzo; 3. Gregorio di Nissa); 22. Ambrogio di
Milano; 23. Didimo il Cieco; 24. Evagrio; 25. Rufino di Aquileia; 26. Teofilo di Alessandria; 27. Sinesio
di Cirene; 28. Gerolamo; 29. Agostino; 30. Isidoro di Pelusio; 31. Cirillo Alessandrino; 32. Nonno di
Panopoli; 33. Pseudo-Dionigi Areopagita; 34. Cosma Indicopleuste; 35. Giovanni Filopono;
36. Massimo il Confessore]*.
0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili di studiosi
ALONSO J., Henri de Lubac y Jean Mouroux. Estudio de una correspondencia inédita, ScrTh 35 (2003)
379-414.
[1. Introducción. 2. Descripción de la fuente documental. 3. Inicio de una amistad. 4. En torno
al «affaire Fourvière». 5. Los tiempos del Concilio Vaticano II. 6. La época postconciliar.
7. Conclusión].
BASTIT A., Antonio Orbe (1917-2003), REAug 51 (2005) 3-8.
[Alle pp. 7-8: Bibliographie des principaux ouvrages d’Antonio Orbe – Abstract: «The... article is
devoted to Antonio Orbe’s (1917-2003) scientific and literary work, in order to stress the
significance of his scholarly contribution, most of it published in Spanish, his native tongue. A
former student of P. Courcelle, he was a teacher of patristic studies at the Gregorian
University of Rome for a long time. In the meantime, he dedicated himself to the study of the
*
Per le abbreviazioni si fa in genere riferimento a: Theologische Realenzyklopädie. Abkürzungsverzeichnis. 2. über. u. erw.
Aufl., zusammengestellt von S.M. SCHWERTNER, de Gruyter, Berlin-New York 1994. I titoli di opere collettive o di
raccolte vengono riportati per esteso nella sezione 1., o in relazione agli autori cui più direttamente si riferiscono e in
questo caso sono facilmente ricavabili dal contesto immediato. Si riportano le rubriche anche quando mancano le relative
indicazioni bibliografiche per illustrare l'articolazione tendenziale del repertorio nel suo complesso. Autosegnalazioni e
ogni altra forma di aiuto sono benvenute. Ringraziamo Eberhard Bons (Université de Strasbourg), Marie-Odile
Boulnois (Université de Nantes), Cristian Gaşpar (Central European University, Budapest) e Anna Tzvetkova
(Humboldt-Universität, Berlin) per la collaborazione prestata alla redazione di questo numero [NdR].
350
REPERTORIO BIBLIOGRAFICO
early Church’s doctrines and interpretations – mainly from the second and third centuries –
through its different currents: Valentinian Gnosticism, Irenaeus of Lyon’s Asian theology,
and the Alexandrian schools. He has left an enormous work, which offers the innovation of
conceiving a plural Christianity, as well as the originality of associating the dogmatic
representations with the archaic lectures of scriptural texts (most of them gospels). This
paper tries out a synthesis of his work and suggests a selective bibliography» (p. 8)].
BATLOGG A.R. SJ, Karl Rahners theologische Dissertation «E Latere Christi». Zur Genese eines
patristischen Projektes (1936), ZKTh 126 (2004) 111-130.
[1. Ein (fast) unbekanntes Stück in der Wissenschaftsbiographie Karl Rahners. 2. Eine «kleine
Doktorarbeit»? 3. Chronik: Dr. theol. im Eiltempo. 4. Hintergründe. 5. Vorarbeiten: 5.1. Frühe
Valkenburger Väterstudien; 5.2. Gemeinsamkeit mit Hugo Rahner. 6. Thema: Der Ursprung
der Kirche: 6.1. Kurzzusammenfassung; 6.2. Eine Ekklesiologie des 20. Jahrhunderts?
7. Werkgenetische Wirkmächtigkeit. 8. Kirchenväter als Lehrmeister: ein Weg in die Zukunft
der Theologie. – Summary: «Karl Rahner’s dissertation “E latere Christi”, unpublished until
1999, traces the patristic concept of the origin of the church from the side wound of the
crucified Christ to its biblical foundations. Rahner calls the study an exercise in “patristic
exegesis” and part of the “history of patristic Sacred Heart of Jesus devotion”. This essay
describes the place of “E latere Christi” within the horizon of the catholic renewal movements
of the early 20th century» (p. 130)].
BETHGE H.-G., Hans-Martin Schenke – Erinnerungen an den Lehrer, Forscher und Freund, ZAC 9
(2005) 53-63.
[Abstract: «This contribution appreciates the achievement of Hans-Martin Schenke (19292002) in teaching and research, especially with regard to his work in the New Testament at
the Faculty of Theology in Berlin. It also refers to his research in Gnosticism and Nag
Hammadi texts and to his role as a founder and leader of the Berlin Working Group for
Coptic-Gnostic Writings. These texts show as well as the personal dimension of his long-term
work» (p. 63)].
Bibliografia di Paolo Serra Zanetti (a cura di F. CITTI e C. NERI), in P. SERRA ZANETTI, Imitatori di
Gesù Cristo. Scritti classici e cristiani (→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 619-623.
[La bibliografia riunisce 57 titoli, distribuiti cronologicamente nell’arco di tempo che va dal
1957 al 2004].
Bibliographie d’Yves-Marie Duval, in Chartae caritatis (→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 7-17.
[La bibliografia comprende edizioni, libri e articoli disposti per ordine cronologico dal 1958 al
2003. Le numerose recensioni sono indicate sommariamente per riviste e in forma
incompleta].
Bulletin augustinien 2003/2004 et compléments d’années antérieures, REAug 50 (2004) 425-499.
CACCIARI A., Paolo Serra Zanetti (1932-2004), Eikasmos 16 (2005) 399-404.
CHIAPPARINI G., Anticosmismo e precosmismo negli gnostikoi del II e III secolo. A proposito del
«paradigma ermeneutico» di H. Jonas → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino ed ambiente egiziano
(3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo)
DALEY B.E., Balthasar’s Reading of the Church Fathers, in The Cambridge Companion to Hans Urs von
Balthasar, Ed. by E.T. OAKES and D. MOSS, Cambridge UP, Cambridge 2004, 187-206.
351
ADAMANTIUS 12 (2006)
[Balthasar’s patristic works: an overview. Programmatic essays. Anthologies and translations.
Treatment of particular patristic authors: Gregory of Nyssa; Maximus the Confessor;
Irenaeus; Augustine; The Areopagite. Conclusion. Notes. – Dalla Conclusione: «It seems to be
no accident that much of Balthasar’s engagement with the Fathers took the form of
thoughtfully arranged anthologies of excerpts. Following the example of earlier anthologies of
ancient texts arranged according to the dogmatic outlines of the scholastic “tracts”, as well as
that of Przywara and others, Balthasar has gathered passages that represent what he regards
as the great theological ideas of an earlier age, arranged in a sequence that mirrors his own
sense of the march of intellectual history. But the narrative in this scheme is imposed from
without, so leaves the authors themselves as largely two-dimensional figures, patches in a
modern quilt. Like a collector of paintings from every period, he has assembled an
extraordinary gallery of theological positions, arguments, influences, and connections; but
because the collection is such an eclectic one, and the arrangement so carefully controlled by
a larger intellectual programme, it tells us, in the end, more about the taste and
understanding of the collector than it does about the artists and their work» (pp. 202-203)].
D ORDONI A., Bibliografia di Antonio Acerbi, Annali di Scienze Religiose 9 (2004) 7-11.
[La bibliografia comprende un elenco di libri e articoli dal 1975 al 2004. Lo studioso
recentemente scomparso (1935-2004) è stato fra l’altro membro del Gruppo di Ricerca e amico
fedele e prezioso per molti di noi (L.P.)].
Enrico Rodolfo Galbiati. Un maestro, a cura di M. ADINOLFI e A. PASSONI DELL’ACQUA, Portalupi
Editore, Casale Monferrato 2004, pp. 170.
C.M. MARTINI, Presentazione, 5-7. S. FERRARA, Eterna la tua memoria, 9-10. M. ADINOLFI –
A. PASSONI DELL’ACQUA, Nota introduttiva, 11-12. M. ADINOLFI, L’Amico, 13-20. A. PASSONI
DELL’ACQUA, Il Docente, 21-28. P.F. FUMAGALLI, Il Dottore dell’Ambrosiana, 29-35. V. JOANNES,
L’Archimandrita, 37-42. E. APECITI, L’Oblato, 43-52. G. TREMOLADA, Il Pellegrino di Dio, 53-58.
M. MAYER M ODENA, L’amico del Popolo del Libro, 59-62. G. ALDENI, Il Servo Sofferente, 63-67.
D. TETTAMANZI, Nella Pasqua eterna, 69-75. Appendici: Il «testamento intellettuale», 79-84;
A. PASSONI DELL’ACQUA, La vita, 85-104; A. PASSONI DELL’ACQUA – G. BORGONOVO, Gli
scritti, 105-167. – La bibliografia degli scritti di E.R. Galbiati (1914-2004) comprende 333 titoli,
dal 1943 al 2004].
(GUINOT J.-N.) Louis Doutreleau, Bulletin de l’Association des Amis de «Sources Chrétiennes»,
N° 92, Juillet 2005, Association des Amis de «Sources Chrétiennes», Lyon 2005, 1-4.
HENGEL M., Elias Bickermann. Erinnerungen an einen großen Althistoriker aus St. Petersburg,
Hyperboreus 10 (2004) 171-198.
[1. Der Weltbürger und homo universalis. 2. Lehr- und Wanderjahre: St. Petersburg und
Berlin. 3. Wanderjahre: von Paris nach New York. 4. Die neue Welt als neue Heimat.
5. Begegnungen mit E. Bickermann].
In memoria di Carmelo Curti. Atti del Convegno, Noto, Teatro Comunale, 28 Febbraio 2004, a cura di
S. MARTORANA, Centro Studi sull’Antico Cristianesimo – Università di Catania, Catania 2005, pp. 77.
[S. MARTORANA, Premessa, 7-9. Messaggio della famiglia Curti, 11. Cenni sulla vita di Carmelo
Curti, 13-14. Scritti di Carmelo Curti, 15-25. Omaggio a Carmelo Curti, 27-36. G. BASTA
D ONZELLI, Carmelo Curti: l’uomo, lo studioso, il docente, 37-41. N. BAGLIVI, Carmelo Curti: dai
Commentarii in Psalmos di Eusebio di Cesarea alla Catena palestinese sui Salmi graduali, 43-54.
G. C RACCO, La produzione agiografica di Carmelo Curti, 55-69. S. MARTORANA, Conclusione,
71-74. C. CURTI CARUSO, Saluto di ringraziamento. – La bibliografia degli scritti del caro amico
352
e collega Carmelo Curti (1 giugno 1924-24 febbraio 2003), partecipe come socio delle attività
del Gruppo Italiano di Ricerca su Origene e la tradizione alessandrina, è stata raccolta con il
contributo di Carmelo Crimi. Essa comprende edizioni, monografie, saggi, note e recensioni,
nonché cura di opere dal 1951 al 2004 (L.P.)].
LICHTENBERGER H., The Tübingen School and a Tübingen Scholar, in The Beginnings of Christianity. A
collection of articles, 35-41.
LÖSER W., Wort und Wort Gottes in der Theologie Hans Urs von Balthasars, ThPh 80 (2005) 225-248.
[I. Teil: Philosophie des Wortes: A. Wahrheit der Welt; B. Die Wahrheit und das Wort; C. Das
Absolute und das Verstummen. II. Teil: Theologie des Wortes Gottes: A. Impulse aus der
theologischen Tradition: 1) Orientierung an Origenes, 2) Orientierung an Bonaventura; B. Wort
Gottes – hervorgegangen aus dem Vater; C. Wort Gottes – eingegangen in die Welt: 1) Gott
spricht in der Schöpfung, 2) Gott hat gesprochen in der Geschichte Israels, 3) Gott hat gesprochen
in Jesus von Nazareth, 4) Das Wort Gottes durchformt die Welt und ihre Geschichte, 5) Wort
Gottes – bezeugt in der Schrift; D. Wort Gottes – beantwortet im Glauben. – «Am 12. August
2005 jährt sich zum 100. Mal der Geburtstag eines der bedeutendsten katholischen Denker des
letzten Jahrhunderts, Hans Urs von Balthasars. Dies ist ein Anlaß für eine Besinnung auf ein
zentrales Stück seines Werkes: seine Lehre vom Wort (Gottes)» (p. 225)].
MARCOCCHI M., Ricordo di Antonio Acerbi, Annali di Scienze Religiose 9 (2004) 5-7.
MARITANO M., I Padri latini e la mariologia nel IV sec. → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
[Appendici bibliografiche: 1. Bibliografia su Elvidio, 236-237; 2. Bibliografia su Gioviniano, 237239; 3. Bibliografia su Bonoso, 239-240; 4. Bibliografia sulla mariologia di Ambrogio, 240-243;
5. Bibliografia sulla mariologia di Girolamo, 243-244].
PASSONI DELL’ACQUA A., Bibliografia di Giuseppe Ghiberti, in «Il vostro frutto rimanga». Miscellanea
Ghiberti (→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), 11-21.
[La bibliografia, comprendente titoli dal 1967 al 2004, è affiancata da una cronologia:
A. PASSONI DELL’ACQUA, Date di una biografia, 9-10].
– Ricordo di Mons. Rodolfo Enrico Galbiati, Annali di Scienze Religiose 9 (2004) 69-70.
Patristica et Oecumenica → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
[Veröffentlichungen von Wolfgang Bienert 1999-2004, 305-308. – «Zur Bibliographie 19691999 vgl. Werden der Kirche – Wirken des Geistes. Beiträge zu den Kirchenvätern und ihrer
Nachwirkung, hrsg. von U. KÜHNEWEG (Marburger Theologische Studien, 55), Elwert,
Marburg 1999, 274-280» (p. 305)].
PERANI M., Gli studi giudaici negli ambienti accademici e scientifici italiani dal Novecento ad oggi,
Materia giudaica 10 (2005) 9-32.
[Premessa. 1. I precedenti storici e culturali. 2. L’Ebraismo nel paese dei papi e dell’Inquisizione.
La svolta della Controriforma. 3. I secoli XVII-XIX e la rinascita degli studi giudaici nel
Novecento. 4. Il contributo italiano agli studi giudaici in epoca recente: 4.1. La ricerca
archeologica e di epigrafia ebraica in Italia meridionale; 4.2. Studi sulla storia di Israele, il periodo
del Secondo tempio, l’apocalittica e Qumran; 4.3. Gli studi sul giudaismo ellenistico; 4.4. Studi
sulla nascita del cristianesimo come movimento giudaico; 4.5. Studi di filologia ed esegesi della
Bibbia ebraica; 4.6. Studi sulla grammatica, la linguistica e la semantica dell’ebraico biblico;
4.7. Studi sul giudeo-italiano e giudeo-spagnolo; 4.8. Studi sui manoscritti e la tipografia ebraica;
353
4.9. Studi sulla Qabbalah e i cabbalisti cristiani; 4.10. Storia della filosofia ebraica; 4.11. Ricerche
sulla storia degli d’ebrei d’Italia. 5. La situazione attuale degli studi giudaici nelle università
italiane].
PHILIPPART G., À l’ouvrage «selon la vérité». Pseudo-Encomion de Jacques Noret, in Philomathestatos
(→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale), XVII-XXVIII.
– Publications of Jacques Noret, in Philomathestatos (→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale),
XXIX-XXXIII.
[L’elenco delle pubblicazioni comprende 99 titoli che si dispongono cronologicamente dal 1967
al 2004].
Pubblicazioni di Sandro Leanza, in Ad Contemplandam Sapientiam (→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di
carattere generale), IX-XIII.
Karl Rahner 100 Jahre = ZKTh 126 (2004) 1-148.
[K.H. NEUFELD SJ, Erinnerung, 1-2. Kard. K. LEHMANN, Karl Rahner und die praktische
Theologie, 3-15. Bischof M. SCHEUR, Treu ist das Wort. Zur Theologie des Ordo bei Karl Rahner,
17-21. J. EGBULEFU, Theologie und Ausdrucksmittel. Bemerkungen zum Denken Karl Rahners, 23-31.
R.A. SIEBENROCK, Transzendentale Offenbarung. Bedeutungsanalyse eines Begriffs im Spätwerk
Rahners als Beispiel methodisch geleiteter Rahnerforschung, 33-46. S. HÜBNER, Die nichtchristliche
Menschheit im Licht christlichen Glaubens. Karl Rahners Überlegungen zum Thema «anonyme
Christen», 47-64. C. KEPPELER, Begnadung als berechtigte Forderung? Gedanken zur Bedeutung des
übernatürlichen Existentials in der Gnadenlehre Karl Rahners, 65-82. M. MAIER SJ, Karl Rahners
Einfluß auf das theologische Denken Ignacio Ellacurías, 83-109. A.R. BATLOGG SJ, Karl Rahners
theologische Dissertation «E Latere Christi». Zur Genese eines patristischen Projektes (1936), 111-130.
K.H. NEUFELD SJ, Karl Rahner und die Zeitschrift für Katholische Theologie, 131-148].
RISSING T. – WILLEKE M., Legende vom Nil. Zu Aleida und Jan Assmanns Rehabilitierung Ägyptens,
ThPh 80 (2005) 334-366.
[1. Lost and found: Ägypten. 2. Die Faszination der Hieroglyphen. 3. Die Mosaische
Unterscheidung als polemischer Effekt auf Ägypten? 4. Von realer Gegenwart. 5. Vom Ereignis.
6. Stein und Freiheit. 7. Ägypten – Athen – Jerusalem. – «Aleida und Jan Assmann haben den
Versuch unternommen, die Ägyptologie neu zu erschaffen und parallel zur eigentlichen
Fachdisziplin einen Ägypten-Diskurs zu etablieren, der sich als “Faszinationsgeschichte” Ägyptens
und seiner Hieroglyphen weit in die gegenwärtigen geisteswissenschaftlichen Debatten hinein
verzweigt. Das von ihnen entworfene “Erinnerungsbild” Ägyptens bricht mit dem Historismus der
modernen Ägyptologie, um jenseits der antiquarischen Geschichtsschreibung über Ägypten
zugleich historisch und unhistorisch zu denken und so die “Strahlkraft”, welche die Welt Ägyptens
im kulturellen Gedächtnis des Abendlandes entfaltet hat, erneut zu eruieren» (p. 334)].
R OSENTHAL D., Tribute to Professor David Flusser on His Eightieth Birthday, in The Beginnings of
Christianity. A collection of articles, 15-20.
SCHÄFER P., Martin Hengel at Seventy, in The Beginnings of Christianity. A collection of articles, 21-34.
Un demi-siècle de recherches sur Augustin et l’augustinisme. Actes du Colloque international organisé par
l’Institut d’Études augustiniennes, 20 novembre 2004 = REAug 50 (2004) I-II+251-391.
[J.-C. FREDOUILLE, Un demi-siècle de recherches sur Augustin et l’augustinisme, I-II. Allocution de
M. le professeur J.-P. Bartoli, 251-253; Allocution de M.J. Maïla, 255-257; Allocution de Mme M.O. Goulet-Cazé, 259-260. S. G RÉSILLAUD, Partenariat INIST-CNRS – Revue des Études
354
Augustiniennes, 261-263; P. TOMBEUR, Augustin et l’ordinateur: réalisations et projets, 265-269;
F. D OLBEAU, Un demi-siècle de travaux philologiques sur Augustin. Bilan et perspectives, 271-293;
A.D. FITZGERALD, Tracing the passage from a doctrinal to an historical approach to the study of
Augustine, 295-310; PH. CURBELIÉ, Les études sur la Cité de Dieu, 311-323; A.-I. BOUTONTOUBOULIC, L’approche philosophique de l’œuvre d’Augustin au miroir de la Revue des Études
Augustiniennes, 325-347; I. BOCHET, De l’exégèse à l’herméneutique augustinienne, 349-369; F.-B.
STAMMKÖTTER, L’école des Augustiniens au Moyen Âge: cinquante ans de recherches, 371-383;
J. FONTAINE, Colloque augustinien du 20 novembre 2004. Bilan et projets, 385-391. – Atti del
Colloquio internazionale tenuto a Parigi in occasione del cinquantenario della Revue des Études
Augustiniennes (1955-2004) che con l’occasione ha mutato il proprio titolo in: Revue d’Études
Augustiniennes et Patristiques].
U THEMANN K.-H., Dritter Bericht zur griechischen Patristik: Über Editionen und Textkritik,
Handschriften, Instrumente und Verwandtes (1998-2001) (1. Teil), ZAC 8 (2004) 230-275.
[1. Patristische Texte: 1.1. Exegetische Kommentare, Homilien, Katenen und Verwandtes; 1.2. Im
weiten Sinne apologetische Texte; 1.3. Katechetische und Lehrschriften; 1.4. Schriften zum
geistlichen Leben; 1.5. Kirchengeschichten, Chronographien und Verwandtes; 1.6. Homilien
und Reden außer Katechesen und Predigten, die vorrangig der Exegese dienen;
1.7. Briefliteratur; 1.8. Hagiographische Texte; 1.9. Texte zur Liturgiegeschichte und Verwandtes;
1.10. Poesie; 1.11. Apokryphen. 2. Alte Übersetzungen in Sprachen des christlichen Ostens,
Latein und Altslavisch: 2.1. Exegetische Kommentare und Homilien; 2.2. Im weiten Sinn
apologetische Texte; 2.3. Katechetische und Lehrschriften sowie Verwandtes; 2.4. Schriften zum
geistlichen Leben; 2.5. Kirchengeschichten und Verwandtes; 2.6. Homilien außer Katechesen
und Predigten, die vorrangig der Exegese dienen; 2.7. Briefliteratur; 2.8. Hagiographische Texte;
2.9. Auswahl von Texten zur Literaturgeschichte].
– Dritter Bericht zur griechischen Patristik: Über Editionen und Textkritik, Handschriften, Instrumente
und Verwandtes (1998-2001) (2. Teil), ZAC 8 (2004) 419-461.
[1. Exegetische Kommentare und Homilien. 2. Im weiten Sinn apologetische Texte.
3. Katechetische und Lehrschriften sowie Verwandtes. 4. Schriften zum geistlichen Leben.
5. Kirchengeschichte. 6. Homilien und Reden außer Katechesen und Predigten, die vorrangig
der Exegese dienen. 7. Briefliteratur. 8. Hagiographische Texte. 9. Poesie. 3. Auswahl (spät)antiker
paganer Texte: 3.1. Texte von philosophischem Interesse; 3.2. Texte von religionsgeschichtlichem
Interesse; 3.3. Geschichte, Geschichten und Reden; 3.4. Texte zur Kosmo- und Geographie, zur
Astronomie und –logie; 3.5. Texte von literarischem Interesse; 3.6. Quellen zur Medizingeschichte.
Anhang II: Übersetzungen von (spät)antiken paganen Texten. 4. Auswahl von Quellen zur
Geschichte des Christlichen Orients: 4.1. Exegetische Kommentare; 4.2. Im weiten Sinn
apologetische Texte; 4.3. Katechesen und Schriften zum geistlichen Leben; 4.4. Homilien;
4.5. Hagiographische Texte; 4.6. Texte zur Liturgie und zum Kirchenjahr].
– Dritter Bericht zur griechischen Patristik: Über Editionen und Textkritik, Handschriften, Instrumente
und Verwandtes (1998-2001) (3. Teil), ZAC 9 (2005) 3-50.
[4.7. Apokryphen zum AT und NT. Anhang III: Moderne Übersetzungen von Texten aus
dem Oriens Christianus; Anhang IV: Auswahl aus Gnostica und Verwandtem einschließlich
von Übersetzungen und Hilfsmitteln zur Erschließung dieser Texte; Anhang V:
Nichthellenische jüdische Quellen; Anhang VI: Magische Quellen; Anhang VII: Das Buch
Denkard. 5. Publikationen zur handschriftlichen Überlieferung patristischer Texte; Anhang
VIII: Kataloge von und Publikationen zu Bibliotheken; Anhang IX: Ausstellungskataloge und
Faksimileausgaben; Anhang X: Publikationen zu Kopisten; Anhang XI: Paläographie; Anhang
XII: Kodikologie. 6. Hilfsmittel: 6.1. Claves und Verwandtes, u.a. zu Apokryphen;
355
6.2. Bibliographien und Berichte über Neuerscheinungen; 6.3. Concordantiae, Lexica,
Thesauri, Indices und Verwandtes; 6.4. Prosopographien; 6.5. Inschriften; 6.6. Sonstiges].
– Christus, Kosmos, Diatribe. Themen der frühen Kirche als Beiträge zu einer historischen Theologie →
1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
[Liste der Veröffentlichungen des Autors: Editionen; Abhandlungen und Artikel;
Rezensionen (pp. 563-570)].
The Wisdom of Egypt → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
[Bibliography of Gerard P. Luttikhuizen, 537-543].
Ad Contemplandam Sapientiam. Studi di Filologia Letteratura Storia in memoria di Sandro Leanza,
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[G. SFAMENI GASPARRO, Premessa, V-VI. Pubblicazioni di Sandro Leanza, IX-XIII. V. AIELLO,
Aspetti della fortuna di Orosio. Il caso della pars prior degli Excerpta Valesiana, 5-29. M.A. BARBÀRA,
Lezioni della tradizione catenaria alternative a lezioni della tradizione diretta delle homiliae in
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di Nissa: tramiti profani e tramiti cristiani, 47-54. S. CARUSO, La cwvra Salinw'n nell’agiografia
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B. CLAUSI, Uno scomodo alleato nella difesa dell’ascetismo alimentare: Porfirio in Hier. adv. Iovin.
2,7, 115-136. F. COCCHINI, Origene e la “prova di Abramo”: note sull’omelia VIII su Genesi, 137-161.
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199-211. L. DI PAOLA, I censitores provinciae Siciliae (Cassiod. var. 9,11; 9,12), 213-223. Y.-M. DUVAL,
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G. FILORAMO, Lo statuto della profezia in Origene, 239-251. E. FOLLIERI (†), Il terzo voto di Nilo da
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269-283. C. GIUFFRÈ SCIBONA, Psychologia Manichaica I: la polemica di Agostino contro la dottrina
manichea delle due anime, 285-317. J.-N. GUINOT, Sur un prétendu De Trinitate attribué à Théodoret
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Sulpicio Severo, 337-361. C. MAGAZZÙ, Tempus amplexandi, et tempus longe fieri ab amplexibus:
per una “storicizzazione” dell’esegesi di Ecclesiaste 3, 5 da Origene alla tradizione medievale, 363-368.
R. MAISANO, Funzione letteraria delle citazioni bibliche nelle preghiere dei contaci di Romano il
Melodo, 369-377. M.G. MARA, Nota sulle Confessiones di S. Agostino, 379-383. M. MARIN, Ilario,
Ambrogio e i passeri di Matteo, 385-393. C. MAZZUCCO, Gli animali in alcune vite di monaci, 395416. A.M. MILAZZO, Lo “stile semplice” in due ‘Protheoriai’ di Imerio e Teodoreto, 417-428.
V. MILAZZO, Spunti narrativi nella Nativitas di S. Lucia di Siracusa (BHL 4996b), 429-442.
A. MONACI CASTAGNO, Il santo come asceta e taumaturgo: archeologia di un paradigma, 443-457.
C. MORESCHINI, Note di lettura dalle Omelie di Basilio tradotte da Rufino, 459-468. M. NALDINI (†),
Frammento ippoliteo (?) in un codice Laurenziano (Plut. VI. 3). Nota esegetica, 469-473.
A.V. NAZZARO, Il proemio della Laus sancti Iohannis (carm. VI) di Paolino di Nola, 475-490.
G. OTRANTO, L’Italia meridionale tra cristianizzazione del territorio e rapporti col mondo
356
bizantino, 491-521. R. PALLA, Una trascrizione umanistica del Carmen de Iona, 523-532. L. PERRIA
(†), Un manoscritto in minuscola antica del fondo del SS. Salvatore di Messina, 533-543.
L.F. PIZZOLATO, La scansione giornaliera dei sermoni ambrosiani dell’Exameron, 545-553.
S. PRICOCO, L’ammissione nel monastero. Una nota sulle regole prebenedettine, 555-569.
E. PRINZIVALLI, Per una storia dei conflitti intorno all’eredità di Origene fra III e IV secolo, 571-592.
R. R OMANO, S. Nilo di Rossano, Stichrav in onore di S. Benedetto di Norcia, 593-597. G. SABBAH,
D’Eusèbe à Sozomène: empereurs, évêques et moines, 599-618. A. SAIJA, Religione e cristianesimo nei
papiri di Dioscoro di Aphrodito, 619-625. G. SFAMENI GASPARRO, Addas – Adimantus unus ex
discipulis Manichaei: per la storia del manicheismo occidentale, 627-649. M. SIMONETTI, Note sul
testo del Contra Noetum di Ippolito, 651-660. P. SINISCALCO, La politica di Costantino verso i
cristiani e la sua santificazione, 661-673. G.M. VIAN, Eusebio e Atanasio sul salmo 132, 675-679.
K. ZELZER, Der Anonymus von Condat und die Regula Orientalis: eine offene Frage?, 681-688.
M. ZELZER, Cassiodor, die Renaissance des 4. Jh. und die karolingische Erneuerung, 689-703. –
Miscellanea in ricordo di Sandro Leanza (1940-1996) a cura del Dipartimento di Studi
tardoantichi, medievali e umanistici della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia dell’Università degli Studi
di Messina].
After the Pharaohs. Treasures of Coptic Art from Egyptian Collections, Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest,
18 March–18 May 2005, Catalogue by L. TÖRÖK, Budapest 2005, pp. 278.
[I. Introduction, 11-17. II. History and society in late Roman, Byzantine and early Islamic
Egypt, 19-34. III. Catalogue, 37-267. Bibliographical abbreviations, 269-278].
Allégorie des poètes, allégorie des philosophes. Études sur la poétique et l’herméneutique de l’allégorie de
l’Antiquité à la Réforme. Table ronde internationale de l’Institut des traditions textuelles (Fédération
de recherche 33 du C.N.R.S.), Actes publiés sous la direction de G. DAHAN et R. G OULET, Vrin,
Paris 2005, pp. 346 (= Allégorie des poètes, allégorie des philosophes).
[G. DAHAN et R. G OULET, Présentation, 5-8. J-B. G OURINAT, Explicatio fabularum: la place de
l’allégorie dans l’interprétation stoïcienne de la mythologie, 9-34. P. CHIRON, Aspects rhétoriques et
grammaticaux de l’interprétation allégorique d’Homère, 35-58. R. GOULET, Allégorisme et antiallégorisme chez Philon d’Alexandrie, 59-87. M. FISHBANE, L’allégorie dans la pensée, la littérature et la
mentalité juives, 89-112. A. LE BOULLUEC, De Paul à Origène: continuité ou divergence?, 113-132. J.-C.
FREDOUILLE, Réflexions de Tertullien sur l’allégorie, 133-148. A. VASILIU, Entre Muses et Logos:
invention de l’allégorie et naissance de l’icône (Sophistes et Pères à la fin de l’antiquité), 149-193.
P. LORY, Les refus d’une exégèse allégorique du Coran en Islam sunnite, 195-203. G. DAHAN, L’allégorie
dans l’exégèse chrétienne de la Bible au Moyen Âge, 205-230. P. DRONKE, Les conceptions de l’allégorie
chez Jean Scot Érigène et Hildegarde de Bingen, 231-244. B. OBRIST, Alchimie et allégorie scripturaire
au Moyen Âge, 245-265. A. MAIREY, Pratiques de l’allégorie dans la poésie anglaise du XVIe siècle, 266288. PH. BÜTTGEN, Doctrine et allégorie au début de la Réforme: Melanchthon, 289-322. Tables: Index
locorum, 323-334; Index nominum, 335-337; Index thématique et terminologique de l’allégorie, 338339; Mots latins, hébreux, arabes, grecs, 339-341].
Ancient Alexandria between Egypt and Greece, ed. by W.V. HARRIS and G. RUFFINI (Columbia Studies
in the Classical Tradition, 26), Brill, Leiden–Boston 2004, pp. XX+296 (= Ancient Alexandria between
Egypt and Greece).
[Contents, V-VI. Preface, VII-IX. Abbreviations, XI. List of Maps, Tables, Plates, and Figures,
XIII-XVI. Notes on the Contributors, XVII-XVIII. Maps, XIX-XX. W. SCHEIDEL, Creating a
Metropolis: A Comparative Demographic Perspective, 1-31. J. BAINES, Egyptian Elite SelfPresentation in the Context of Ptolemaic Rule, 33-61. S. STEPHENS, Posidippus’ Poetry Book: Where
Macedon Meets Egypt, 63-86. N. BONACASA, Realismo ed eclettismo nell’arte alessandrina, 87-98.
357
F. BURKHALTER, Les hiérothytes alexandrins: une magistrature grecque dans la capitale lagide, 99114. L. CAPPONI, The oikos of Alexandria, 115-124. E. BIRNBAUM, Portrayals of the Wise and Virtuous
in Alexandrian Jewish Works: Jews’ Perceptions of Themselves and Others, 125-160. M. ABD-ELG HANI, Alexandria and Middle Egypt: Some Aspects of Social and Economic Contacts under Roman
Rule, 161-178. H. VON STADEN, Galen’s Alexandria, 179-215. C. HAAS, Hellenism and Opposition to
Christianity in Alexandria, 217-229. M. HAGGAG, Some Unpublished Wax Figurines from Upper
Egypt, 231-240. G. RUFFINI, Late Antique Pagan Networks from Athens to the Thebaid, 241-257.
M. EL-ABBADI, The Island of Pharos in Myth and History, 259-267. Bibliography, 269-289. Index
of Subjects, 291-294. Index of Papyri, 295-296].
ANDRIST P., Les protagonistes égyptiens du débat apollinariste, RechAug 34 (2005) 63-141.
[Histoire de la polémique antiapollinariste; quelques rappels. L’activité littéraire des
antiapollinaristes égyptiens: Dydime; Ambroise d’Alexandrie; Pierre II d’Alexandrie;
Théophile; Cyrille; Les deux livres De incarnatione contra Apollinarium attribués à Athanase.
L’activité littéraire des apollinaristes égyptiens: Les fraudes apollinaristes; Valentin
apollinariste; Le Dialogue d’Athanase et Zachée. Az et les dialogues pseudoathanasiens.
Conclusion: essai sur l’intertextualité dans les débats religieux à Alexandrie entre le concile de
Constantinople et le concile d’Éphèse].
L’Anticristo, Vol. I: Il nemico dei tempi finali. Testi dal II al IV secolo, a cura di G.L. POTESTÀ e
M. RIZZI (Scrittori greci e latini), Fondazione Lorenzo Valla – Arnoldo Mondadori Editore, Milano
2005, pp. XXXVIII+582.
[Introduzione generale: 1. Dal «mito» alla retorica, XI-XVII; 2. «Anticristo» nel contesto polemico
delle origini cristiane, XVII-XX; 3. La svolta di Ireneo, XX-XIV; 4. Anticristo, escatologia e
millenarismo, XXIV-XXVIII; 5. L’Anticristo e l’impero, XXIX-XXX; 6. L’Anticristo ebreo, il
Nerone redivivo e il loro insediarsi a Gerusalemme, XXXI-XXXIV; 7. Resistere all’Anticristo,
XXXIV-XXXVI; Elenco delle abbreviazioni, XXXVI-XXXVIII. Testi e traduzioni: Parte I.
L’anticristo prima dell’Anticristo: La prima e la seconda lettera di Giovanni, 5-13; Policarpo di
Smirne, Lettera ai Filippesi, 14-17; Celso, Il discorso vero, 18-25. Parte II. L’invenzione
dell’Anticristo: Ireneo di Lione, Contro le eresie, 29-69; Tertulliano, La prescrizione degli eretici,
Contro Marcione, La resurrezione dei morti, 70-105. Parte III. La dottrina dell’Anticristo in
Ippolito: Ippolito, Su Cristo e l’Anticristo, Commento a Daniele, La benedizione di Mosè, 109-233.
Parte IV. Il nemico dei tempi finali nel III e IV secolo: Origene, Contro Celso, Commento al
Vangelo di Giovanni, Serie latina del commento al Vangelo di Matteo, 237-433. Commento, 435-570.
Indice dei passi biblici (a cura di I. SANTOMANCO), 571-582].
L’apologétique chrétienne gréco-latine à l’époque prénicénienne. Sept exposés suivis de discussions par
A. W LOSOK, J.-C. FREDOUILLE, A. VAN DEN HOEK, L. PERRONE, C. RIEDWEG, E. HECK, A.R. BIRLEY.
Entretiens préparés par A. W LOSOK et F. PASCHOUD et présidés par A. W LOSOK, avec la
participation de M. ALEXANDRE et J.J. HERRMANN, Vandœuvres – Genève, 13-17 septembre 2004
(Entretiens sur l’Antiquité Classique, 51), Fondation Hardt, Vandœuvres – Genève 2005,
pp. VIII+316 (= L’apologétique chrétienne gréco-latine à l’époque prénicénienne).
[M. BILLERBECK, Préface, V-VI. Table des matières, VII-VIII. A. W LOSOK, Die christliche
Apologetik griechischer und lateinischer Sprache bis zur konstantinischen Epoche. Fragen, Probleme,
Kontroversen, 1-28; Discussion, 29-37. J.-C. FREDOUILLE, L’apologétique latine préconstantinienne (Tertullien, Minucius Felix, Cyprien). Essai de typologie, 39-60; Discussion, 61-67.
A. VAN DEN HOEK, Apologetic and Protreptic Discourse in Clement of Alexandria, 69-93;
Discussion, 94-102. L. PERRONE, Fra silenzio e parola: dall’apologia alla testimonianza del
cristianesimo nel Contro Celso di Origene, 103-141; Discussion, 142-149; C. RIEDWEG, Porphyrius
über Christus und die Christen: De philosophia ex oraculis haurienda und Adversus Christianos
358
im Vergleich, 151-198; Discussion, 199-203. E. HECK, Defendere – Instituere. Zum Selbstverständnis
des Apologeten Lactanz, 205-240; Discussion, 241-248. A.R. BIRLEY, Attitudes to the State in the
Latin Apologists, 249-277; Discussion, 278-289. Indices, 291-316].
L’apport de la Septante aux études sur l’Antiquité → 4. LXX
A RCARI L., Il Nachleben del testo greco di 1Enoc in alcuni scritti del cristianesimo antico. È esistita
‘una’ traduzione greca di 1Enoc?, Materia giudaica 10 (2005) 57-72.
[1. L’Epistola di Barnaba. 2. La versione trasmessa da Giorgio Sincello. 3. Celso e Clemente
Alessandrino. 4. Conclusioni. – Summary: «This study analyzes some excerpta from the Greek
Enoch in ancient Christian texts (Epistle of Barnabas, Clement of Alexandria, Origen, the
Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs) and argues that some Greek versions existed in ancient
Christian communities. The codex Panopolitanus version (G) is one of the testimonia of the
different forms of Greek Enoch. This can be observed also in the excerpta transmitted by
Syncellus. Syncellus’ version belongs to the legacy of a different Greek version compared to
Enoch’s one. To be sure, Syncellus did not read the text from Enoch, but read these excerpta
in Annianus and Panodorus’ works. All these testimonia (together with the excerpts attested in
the Epistle of Barnabas, Celsus-Origen and the Testament of the Twelve Patriarchs...) clearly
demonstrate that the different versions of Greek Enoch cannot be read as variants of the text
of G, but rather as parallel versions of the Greek Enoch, or as part of the Enochic diaspora
tradition» (p. 72)].
A RNS P.E. Card., La tecnica del libro secondo san Girolamo → 28. Gerolamo
BADILITA C., Figures et biographies de femmes aux IVe et Ve siècles, in Giovanni Crisostomo. Oriente e
Occidente tra IV e V secolo. XXXIII Incontro di studiosi dell’antichità cristiana – Roma, 6-8 maggio
2004 (SEAug, 93), Institutum Patristicum Augustinianum, Roma 2005, 627-648.
[1. Macrine entre philosophie et martyre: Pédagogue; Philosophe et mystique; Martyr.
2. Synclétique. 3. Olympias, la diaconesse, et Mélanie, la «femme révoltée». 4. Phénoménologie
et évolution du modèle féminin].
BASTIT-KALINOWSKA A., L’impôt et le poisson: une lecture patristique de la péricope de Matthieu 17, 2427, in Chartae caritatis, 145-156.
[I. La question de l’impôt: La querelle historique; Le sens de l’imposition civile. II. Filiation et
liberté. III. La libération de l’homme. IV. Une illustration morale. V. Conclusion. – «Le
traitement de la péricope par Origène est un exemple de ses diverses manières: – archaïcomystérique, dans l’évocation indirecte et mystérieuse des puissances spirituelles exploitant et
oppressant les “Hébreux”; – provocatrice, dans la subversion du sens obvie à laquelle
l’exégète se livre d’entrée de jeu, sans pouvoir ignorer les implications de ce sens obvie...; –
scripturaire et théologique, lorsqu’il rapproche la réflexion sur la liberté que propose l’apologue
des “fils” raconté par Jésus de la grande construction théologique de Paul, opposant la forme
du Fils et celle de l’esclave; – littéraire et morale enfin, dans la succession d’une puissante
construction symbolique autour des thèmes de la mer et du poisson d’abord, et d’un tableau
moral plus “plaisant” ensuite» (p. 155)].
The Beginnings of Christianity. A collection of articles, ed. by J. PASTOR and M. MOR, Yad Ben-Zvi
Press, Jerusalem 2005, pp. 389.
[Tributes – In honor of David Flusser: D. R OSENTHAL, Tribute to Professor David Flusser on His
Eightieth Birthday, 15-20. In honor of Martin Hengel: P. SCHÄFER, Martin Hengel at Seventy, 2134; H. LICHTENBERGER, The Tübingen School and a Tübingen Scholar, 35-41. – Il volume
359
raccoglie le relazioni tenute nel gennaio 1997 ad un convegno svoltosi presso l’Università di Tel
Aviv e lo Yad Ben-Zvi di Gerusalemme].
BERTRAND D., Origine de l’âme et animation du corps humain, in Les Pères de l’Église face à la science
médicale, 299-320.
[Position du problème. Augustin et le De Genesi ad litteram. Une contre-épreuve: le Peri; th'"
katastavsew" tou' ajnqrwvp ou de Grégoire de Nysse. L’héritage aristotélicien. Un débat
consistant. Textes. – «Partis de la question du moment de l’animation, tout de suite contraints
de la compliquer par celle de l’origine de l’âme créatienne ou traducienne, nous avons abouti
à la compréhension sans cesse plus dense des composants et donc du composé humain.
Chaque époque a apporté sa contribution à cette construction séculaire. La réaction au
gnosticisme produit la thèse traducienne de Tertullien et celle, moins origénienne que l’on
croit, du réservoir des âmes. Le mouvement des idées aux ères constantiniennes et
théodosiennes poussent à des vastes synthèses: deux d’entre elles ont occupé le centre de cet
exposé. Mais rien ne peut arrêter la recherche, notamment autour des apories reconnues.
L’apport de plus en plus conscient et réfléchi de la pensée d’Aristote a permis d’élucider les
apories, sans pour autant confondre le moins du monde ce qui relève de la forme et ce qui
relève de la matière, les deux instruments de pensée ne se comprenant jamais que l’un par
l’autre, tout comme l’acte et la puissance» (pp. 314-315)].
BOULNOIS M.-O., L’union de l’âme et du corps comme modèle christologique, de Némésius d’Émèse à la
controverse nestorienne, in Les Pères de l’Église face à la science médicale, 451-475.
[Némésius d’Émèse. L’articulation entre unité et dualité. L’exemple humain est-il pertinent
pour anlyser le rapport du Verbe aux passions humaines? – «Au IVe siècle, deux christologies,
celle des ariens et celle d’Apollinaire, recourent à cette analogie, dans des intentions
différentes, mais elles aboutissent toutes deux à définir le Christ comme une seule nature
(miva fuvsi"). Le recours à l’analogie anthropologique joue ici un rôle décisif, puisque la
composition du Christ est conçue sur le modèle de celle de l’homme. Ainsi, en vertu du
principe aristotélicien selon lequel une substance ne peut être composée d’une pluralité de
substances, il ne peut y avoir dans le Christ deux natures complètes, mais seulement une
humanité incomplète que vient compléter le Verbe. Étant donné qu’aux IVe et Ve siècles, ces
deux christologies ont été abondamment refutées, je voudrais étudier ici à quelles conditions
cette analogie a pu conserver la faveur de nombre de théologiens dans les siècles suivants. Il
me semble que le tournant décisif qui a permis de préciser les limites de cette analogie est la
controverse nestorienne. Or ce qui est remarquable, c’est qu’aussi bien les antiochiens que les
alexandrins ont recouru à cette analogie, même si les antiochiens l’ont fait avec une réticence
de plus en plus grande. Je tenterai donc de cerner quelles sont les caractéristiques de l’union
de l’âme et du corps qui ont paru valides pour illustrer l’union christologique» (pp. 453-454)].
BRUCKER R., La Wirkungsgeschichte de la Septante des Psaumes dans le judaïsme ancien et dans le
christianisme primitif → 4. LXX
BURGSMÜLLER A., Die Askeseschrift des Pseudo-Basilius. Untersuchungen zum Brief “Über die wahre
Reinheit in der Jungfraülichkeit” (Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum, 28), Mohr Siebeck,
Tübingen 2005, pp. XI+477.
[Vorwort, V; Inhaltsverzeichnis, VII-XI. Einleitung. 1-7. 1. Überlieferung der Schrift, 8-15.
2. Theologiegeschichtliche Einordnung: 2.1. Der Autor, 16-45; 2.2. Der Adressat: Letoios von
Melitene, 45-69. 3. Inhaltliche Einordnung: 3.1. Philosophisch-Theologischer Ansatz zur
Enthaltsamkeit, 70-120; 3.2. Philosophisch-Medizinischer Ansatz zur Enthaltsamkeit, 120-162;
3.3. Philosophisch-Gnostischer Ansatz zur Enthaltsamkeit, 162-168; 3.4. Lebensform: Geistige
Jungfräulichkeit, 168-194. 4. Mystik und Eschatologie im Werk des Pseudo-Basilius: 4.1. Mystik
360
im Werk des Pseudo-Basilius, 195-201; 4.2. Eschatologie im Werk des Pseudo-Basilius, 202-207.
5. Virginitätsschriften – ein Vergleich, 208: 5.1. Familienaskese in der “curieuse homélie
grecque”, 209-215; 5.2. Pseudo-Clemens, Ad Virgines, 215-219; 5.3. Gregor von Nyssa, Über die
Jungfräulichkeit, 219-234; 5.4. Virginitätsideal des Homoiousianers Eusebius von Emesa, 234-240;
5.5. Johannes Chrysostomos, Über die Jungfräulichkeit, 240-245; 5.6. Evagrius Ponticus, 245-251;
5.7. Diadochus von Photike, 251-256. 6. Zusammenfassung, 257-261. 7. Griechischer Text und
deutsche Übersetzung, 262-441. Literaturverzeichnis, 442-459. Stellenregister, 460-474;
Sachregister, 475-477].
Chartae caritatis. Études de patristique et d’antiquité tardive en hommage à Yves-Marie Duval, éditées
par B. GAIN, P. JAY et G. NAUROY (Collection des Études Augustiniennes. Série Antiquité, 173),
Institut d’Études Augustiniennes, Paris 2004, pp. 529 (= Chartae caritatis).
[B. GAIN, P. JAY, G. NAUROY, Avant-propos, 3-5. Bibliographie d’Yves-Marie Duval, 7-17. Genres
et perspectives historiques: problèmes de réception: A.A.R. BASTIAENSEN, La philosophie comme
règle de conduite chez païens et chrétiens latins, 21-36; M. STAROWIEYSKI, L’autobiographie dans
l’Antiquité chrétienne, 37-53; G. CUSCITO, La tradizione della chiesa aquileiese. Bilancio bibliograficocritico, 55-67; V. ZARINI, Lactance et Rome au livre V des Institutions divines, 69-81; H. SAVON,
Remploi et transformation de thèmes philoniens dans la première lettre d’Ambroise à Just, 83-95;
F. THÉLAMON, Le corps pour le dire: un procédé du discours historique de Rufin d’Aquilée, 97-112;
M. ZELZER, Zur Überlieferung und Rezeption der Kaiserreden des Ambrosius im Mailänder Raum, 113125; L. PIÉTRI, Venance Fortunat, lecteur des Pères latins, 127-141. Questions d’exégèse: A. BASTITKALINOWSKA, L’impôt et le poisson: une lecture patristique de la péricope de Matthieu 17, 24-27, 145156; G. NAUROY, Une exégèse anti-arienne de Matthieu 19, 12 et le thème de l’eunuque chez Ambroise
de Milan (uid. 13, 75-78), 157-176; D. RAMOS-LISSON, El exemplum de la viuda de Sarepta en el
tratado De viduis de san Ambrosio, 177-191; P. JAY, Super flumina Babylonis... Lectures patristiques
du Psaume 136, 193-204; M. DULAEY, Les figures des deux Testaments dans les Formulae intellegentiae
spiritalis d’Eucher de Lyon, 205-224; P. MONAT, Angelome de Luxeuil et la geste de Joseph (Genèse 3750), 225-231. Problèmes d’édition, de traduction et d’attribution: B. POUDERON, Marcel d’Ancyre et
la Cohortatio ad Graecos attribuée à Justin, 235-262; D. BOCAGE-LEFEBVRE, Paulin de Nole, La vie
terrestre de saint Félix (traduction de Natalicia 4 & 5 = carm. XV & 16), 263-283; L. NADJO,
Desiderantissimo fratri chez saint Augustin, 285-297; F. DOLBEAU, Une ancienne catéchèse latine,
peut-être originaire d’Afrique, 299-319; R. GRYSON, Scolies inédites de Théodulfe d’Orléans sur
l’Apocalypse, 321-341; B. GAIN, En marge de l’édition latine de saint Basile, 345-356. Autour de
Jérôme: A. CANELLIS, Julien d’Éclane et l’In Ioel 1, 4 de saint Jérôme, 359-375; J.-L. G OURDAIN, Jérôme
et l’étranger du Psaume 38, 13, 377-383; B. JEANJEAN, «Quand il ne reste plus que le droit de gémir».
Jérôme lecteur de Cicéron et de Sénèque le Père, 385-399; P. LAURENCE, Virilis et effeminatus chez saint
Jérôme, 401-416. Théologie, morale et esthétique: J. ALEXANDRE, Aux sources de la conception
augustinienne du péché originel: l’originis uitium de Tertullien, 419-436; M. J.-L. PERRIN, Beauté de
Dieu, beauté de la Création, fausse beauté dans les Traités de Cyprien de Cathage, 437-447; P. MATTEI,
Novatien précurseur à la fois d’Apollinaire et de Nestorius? Équivoques rétrospectives et portée réelle de la
formule christologique dans le De Trinitate, 449-466; M. MILHAU, Lire le livre 4 du De Trinitate
d’Hilaire de Poitiers, 467-480; M. COZIC, Rhétorique, foi et morale conjugale au Ve siècle d’après un
chapitre “exemplaire” du Liber ad Gregorium d’Arnobe le Jeune, 481-494. Index scripturaire, 495-499;
Index des noms propres et titres d’œuvres, 501-526; Table des matières, 527-529].
Il Commento a Giovanni di Origene: Il testo e i suoi contesti → 12. Origene (3. Miscellanee e raccolte)
CONSTAS N.P., The Last Temptation of Satan: Divine Deception in Greek Patristic Interpretations of
the Passion Narrative, HThR 97 (2004) 139-163.
361
[Introduction. Divine deception. Gregory of Nyssa and the fishhook. Pseudo-Athanasius’s
Homily on the Passion and the Cross. Seduction in the garden. The poetics of disguise. – «After
an introductory discussion of the notion of “divine deception”, the following study turns to a
consideration of two works by Gregory of Nyssa (the Catechetical Discourse, and the Sermon on
the Three Days between Christ’s Death and Resurrection), followed by an analysis of the Homily
on the Passion and the Cross attributed to Athanasius of Alexandria. These fourth-century
texts, along with others from across the late antique period that will be discussed in this
paper, reconfigure the Passion Narrative as a divine strategy cunningly calculated to deceive
the devil» (p. 141)].
Il corpo e lo sguardo. Tredici studi sulla visualità e la bellezza del corpo nella cultura antica (atti del
seminario, Bologna 20-21 novembre 2003), a cura di V. NERI (Studi di storia, 13), Pàtron Editore,
Bologna 2005, pp. 190 (= Il corpo e lo sguardo).
[V. NERI, Introduzione, 5. Elenco delle abbreviazioni, 6. U. CURI, Sul concetto di bellezza, 7-14.
S. NANNINI, La bellezza del corpo nel lessico della poesia greca arcaica, 15-25. A. GIARDINO,
L’insostenibile bellezza degli dei. Visibilità e invisibilità divina nei poemi omerici, 27-39.
G. PUCCI, Costruire il bello: ancora sul Canone di Policleto, 41-52. G. RAINA, Fisiognomica e
bellezza nella cultura antica, 53-65. S. GUALERZI, Il peccato negli occhi. Il tabù della nudità
femminile nel mondo classico, 67-96. F. CENERINI, La matrona «svelata». Alcune riflessioni sul
corpo femminile in età romana, 97-105. M. BETTINI, Venus venusta. Il corpo femminile fra
piacere, filtri amorosi e voglia di perdonare, 107-116. I. TONDO, La faccia rossa dell’imperatore, 117128. L. LUGARESI, Il corpo dell’attore nella letteratura patristica: primi spunti di lettura, 129-149.
M. RIZZI, Il corpo e la sua bellezza nella tradizione del cristianesimo alessandrino, 151-161. V. NERI,
Forma e bellezza del corpo risorto nel cristianesimo tardoantico, 163-175. F. BISCONTI, La bellezza
del corpo fra continuità ed innovazione nell’arte paleocristiana, 177-187].
CRISLIP A., The Sin of Sloth or the Illness of the Demons? The Demon of Acedia in Early Christian
Monasticism → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino ed ambiente egiziano (5. Il monachesimo)
EHRMAN B.D., I Cristianesimi perduti. Apocrifi, sette ed eretici nella battaglia per le Sacre Scritture,
Carocci Editore, Roma 2005, pp. 356.
[Prefazione, 9-10. Principali scritti apocrifi cristiani trattati: datazione e contenuto, 11-15.
Introduzione: Recuperiamo le perdite, 17-25. Parte I. Falsificazioni e scoperte, 27-30: 1. La scoperta
antica di una falsificazione: Serapione e il Vangelo di Pietro, 31-48; 2. La falsificazione antica di una
scoperta: gli Atti di Paolo e gli Atti di Tecla, 49-70; 3. La scoperta di una falsificazione antica: il
Vangelo copto di Tommaso, 71-91; 4. La falsificazione di una scoperta antica? Morton Smith e il
Vangelo segreto di Marco, 93-119. Parte II. Eresie e ortodossie, 121-125: 5. Due sette agli antipodi del
Cristianesimo delle origini: ebioniti e marcioniti, 127-149; 6. I cristiani “che sanno”: i mondi del primo
Gnosticismo cristiano, 151-177; 7. Verso Nicea: il vasto mondo del Cristianesimo proto-ortodosso, 179206. Parte III. Vincitori e vinti, 207-209: 8. La ricerca dell’ortodossia, 211-232; 9. L’arsenale dei
conflitti: trattati polemici e denigrazioni personali, 233-258; 10. Altre armi dell’arsenale polemico:
contraffazioni e falsificazioni, 259-286; 11. L’invenzione della Scrittura: la formazione del Nuovo
Testamento proto-ortodosso, 287-307; 12. Vincitori e vinti: il problema della tolleranza, 309-321. Note,
323-344. Bibliografia, 345-352. Indice dei nomi, 353-356].
FATTI F., Il seme del diavolo. La parabola della zizzania e i conflitti politico-dottrinali a Bisanzio (IV-V
secolo), CrSt 26 (2005) 123-172.
[1. Una pianta buona per tutti i climi. 2. Vigilare per sradicare, vigilare per convertire. 3. La
zizzania dello spirito e l’insidia messaliana. – Summary: «In the first two Byzantine centuries it
362
was believed that the parable of the tares warned the Church against heresy, that is, warned
the ecclesiastical leadership in power, in a particular moment, against any possible political
competition. (...). Rather than experimenting with other interpretations, those involved in the
fight use the parable in order to discredit their political opponents by accusing them of being
tares sowed by the Enemy in the Field of the Church, and therefore worthy of being pull out.
But the success of this accusation depends on those strong powers – first of all the emperor –
whose opinion decides the fate of the conflicting parties. This situation makes the parable an
extremely dangerous weapon to rely on. In fact, any change at the top of the Empire can
cause a corresponding change of judgment criteria, so that whoever was formerly deemed to
be wheat can afterwards be regarded as tares. Notwithstanding this, hardly anybody, during
this period, manages to forget the prevailing exegesis: even when someone resorts to the
parable not to attack party enemies but to preach tolerance. Anyone who does not accept
this – like the Messalians, according to whom the tares are not the enemies acting in the
public arena, but in the inner man, i.e. the passions of the soul – remains a minority, which
the ecclesiastical institution looks on suspiciously. Because interpreting the parable, and
declaring to know how to tell the good grass from the bad one, means considering oneself able
to lead the Church as foretold by Jesus – that is to claim authority, whether political or
spiritual, over society. This assumption which, if not held by the institution itself, becomes a
threat which must be neutralized» (p. 172). Numerosi riferimenti ai Padri Cappadoci].
FLADERER L. – BÖRNER-KLEIN D., Kommentar, RAC, Lfg. 163, Anton Hiersemann, Stuttgart 2004,
pp. 274-326.
[Vorbemerkung, 274-275. A. Grundlagen und Konstituenten, 275-276. B. Terminologie:
I. Griechisch, 276-278; II. Lateinisch, 278-282; III. Commentarius u. frühe Bibel-Kommentare,
282. C. Heidnisch: I. Werke der Alexandriner, 282-283; II. Exegetische Techniken, 283-284;
III. Lateinische Kommentare, 285-289; IV. Griechische Philosophenkommentare, 289-296.
D. Jüdisch: I. Innerbiblische Kommentierung, 296-297; II. Frühjüdische Kommentierung, 297300; III. Philon, 300-302; IV. Rabbinische Kommentare, 302-309. E. Christlich: I. Einleitung, 309310; II. Vorgeschichte, 310-311; III. Griechisch, 311-316; IV. Lateinisch, 316-320].
Gregory of Nazianzus: Images and Reflections → 21.2. Gregorio di Nazianzo
HEIDL G., A keresztény és a szirének. Patrisztikus tanulmányok [= Les chrétiens et les sirènes. Études
patristiques], Kairosz, Budapest 2005, pp. 251 (en hongrois).
[Les chrétiens et les sirènes, 9-32. Un exégète du bord de la Drave: Victorin de Poetovio, 33-54.
L’anthropologie des Pères: Grégoire de Nysse, la création de l’homme, 55-75. Saint Antoine et l’idée de
la perfection, 77-92. Le problème de l’unité: Saint Antoine et Saint Augustin, 93-125. Adam comme
hérétique, 127-145. L’expulsion de l’anima mundi, 147-166. Hebraica veritas – Latina veritas,
remarques sur la controverse entre Jérôme et Augustin, 167-181. Jonas sous le lierre, 183-199. La
représentation de Jonas dans la tombe nr. 1 de la chambre funéraire paléo-chrétienne de Pécs et le
Commentaire sur Jonas de Saint Jérôme, 201-244. Index, 245-250].
HERRERO DE JÁUREGUI M., La conversión como metáfora espacial: una propuesta de aproximación
cognitiva al cambio cultural de la Antigüedad Tardía, Ilu. Revista de Ciencias de las Religiones 10
(2005) 63-84.
[1. Un nuevo acercamiento a una cuestión antigua. 2. El caso de la conversión. 3. La conversión
como metáfora espacial. 4. Conclusión. – Abstract: «Religious conversion is a practically nonexistent notion in the Ancient World, in which it suddenly spreads out quickly with the advent
of Christianity. It is constructed in spacial terms, as a process of movement from a starting point
A, error and sin, to a destination point B, truth and virtue. Departing from the postulate,
363
developed by cognitive semantics, that conceptual metaphors tend to be systematic and
coherent, we will connect three processes of conceptual transformation in Late Antiquity, which
have apparently no mutual relation. Only in the frame of the conversion image their internal
coherence appears as evident: the obligation to choose between different religious options, the
construction of a symmetrical dualism between God and Evil, and the revolutionary idea that
the new is superior to the ancient. The analysis is exemplified with some texts from Christian
apologists and their pagan counterparts, especially those belonging to the protreptic genre»
(p. 63). Numerosi testi sono tratti da Clemente Alessandrino].
– Derecho metafórico de familia: La ambigüedad del nothos desde la polis griega a la apologética cristiana,
in Actas del XI Congreso de la Sociedad Española de Estudios Clásicos, Madrid 2005, 637-646.
[Riferimenti a Filone di Alessandria, Clemente Alessandrino ed Eusebio di Cesarea].
JAKAB A., Az allegorikus írásmagyarázat [= L’exégèse allégorique], in G. BENYIK (éd.), A Biblia értelmezése
[= L’interprétation de la Bible]. Nemzetközi Biblikus Konferencia, Szeged 2004. augusztus 29 –
szeptember 1, JATEPress, Szeged 2005, 83-96 (en hongrois).
[1. Qu’est-ce que c’est l’allégorie? 2. Les antécédents historiques: la philologie alexandrine.
3. L’exégèse hellénistique juive. 4. L’exégèse de l’apôtre Paul. 5. Le gnosticisme. 6. Clément
d’Alexandrie. 7. Origène. 8. L’influence d’Origène et l’importance théologique de l’exégèse
allégorique. Bibliographie].
JASPERT B., Mönchtum und Protestantismus. Probleme und Wege der Forschung seit 1877, Bd. 1: Von
Hermann Weingarten bis Heinrich Boehmer (Regulae Benedicti Studia Supplementa, 11), Erzabtei St.
Ottilien, St. Ottilien 2005, pp. 608.
[Cf. infra la segnalazione a cura di D. Bumazhnov (pp. 496-497)].
Saint Jérôme. Chronique. Continuation de la Chronique d’Eusèbe, années 326-378, Texte latin de
l’édition de R. Helm, Traduction française inédite, Notes et commentaires par B. JEANJEAN et
B. LANÇON, Suivie de quatre études sur les Chroniques et chronographies dans l’Antiquité tardive (IVeVI e siècles) → 28. Gerolamo
KAMESAR A., Church Fathers, Rabbinic Midrash and, in J. NEUSNER & A.J. AVERY PECK (eds.),
Encyclopedia of Midrash, Brill, Leiden 2005, 20-40.
[The western Fathers before Origen. The early Syriac Fathers. The Alexandrian and
Palestinian Fathers. The Antiochene Fathers. Bibliographical Note. – «Many of the early
western Fathers share with the Syriac authors a more spontaneous use of Jewish/Rabbinic
midrash and midrashic methods, in that there was in these circles a certain continuity with
Jewish antecedents. Origen, however, while certainly an heir of the Judeo-Christian tradition,
introduced systematic Greek methods into the study of the Bible on an unprecedented scale,
and his influence proved to be decisive. (...) Origen’s introduction of scientific methods led to
a more detached approach to Jewish exegesis, and consequently a more technical evaluation
of midrashic material. This aspect of his scholarship was refined by his successors, especially
Jerome. Indeed, it is the critical yet to a surprising degree respectful approach found among
the Alexandrian and Palestinian Fathers, as well as the impressive quantity of references to
Rabbinic exegesis in their writings, that constitutes the outstanding feature of patristic use of
midrash. It is therefore natural that the segment devoted to these Fathers will be the most
extensive. Finally, the Antiochene exegetical movement is often best understood as a reaction
to Alexandrian tendencies, and it is no different with respect to the present topic. In fact, the
differences in attitude to Rabbinic midrash may probably be regarded as an additional proof
of the divergence between the Alexandrian and Antiochene “schools”, a divergence that
some have attempted to de-emphasize» (p. 23)].
364
LAGA C., La ponctuation (dont on ne doit pas se soucier), in Philomathestatos, 359-375.
[1. Dionysius Thrax. 2. Gregorius Nazianzenus. 3. Maximus Confessor. – «Un vieillard qui a
encore la prétention, un peu farfelue à son âge, d’avancer l’édition critique des Ambigua ad
Iohannem de S. Maxime le Confesseur [CPG 7705. 1], s’est rendu compte que la ponctuation est
d’une importance décisive, quand il s’agit de montrer au lecteur comment l’éditeur a compris le
texte. Question d’honnêteté, là aussi. Il ne lui est donc plus permis d’aborder le travail de
ponctuation avec le même laisser-aller. Voici quelques-unes de ses idées sur le sujet» (p. 359)].
LIEU J.M., Christian Identity in the Jewish and Graeco-Roman World, Oxford UP, Oxford 2004, pp.
X+370.
[1. Introduction: The emergence of Christian identity, 1-26. 2. Text and identity, 27-61.
3. History, memory, and the invention of tradition, 62-97. 4. Boundaries, 98-146. 5. The grammar
of practice, 147-177. 6. Embodiment and gender, 178-210. 7. Space and place, 211-238. 8. The
Christian race, 239-268. 9. ‘The other’, 269-297. 10. Made not born: Conclusions, 298-316.
Bibliography, 317-349. Index of ancient authors and sources, 351-365; Index of subjects, 366-370].
LILLA S., Dionigi l’Areopagita e il platonismo cristiano (Letteratura Cristiana Antica. Nuova Serie, 4),
Morcelliana, Brescia 2005, pp. 270.
[C. MORESCHINI, Premessa, 7-8. F.V. TOMMASI, L’opera di Salvatore Lilla, 9-13. Parte I. Dagli
Apologeti allo Pseudo-Dionigi: Cap. I. La dottrina delle idee come pensieri di Dio nella
speculazione patristica greca, 17-39; Cap. II. Le ipostasi neoplatoniche e la Trinità cristiana, 4191; Cap. III. L’Oriente greco dai Cappadoci allo Pseudo-Dionigi l’Areopagita, 93-156. Parte II.
Dionigi l’Areopagita: Cap. IV. Per un ritratto dello Pseudo-Dionigi l’Areopagita, 159-185;
Cap. V. L’idea di infinito nello Pseudo-Dionigi l’Areopagita, 187-197; Cap. VI. L’idea di
duvnami" nello Pseudo-Dionigi l’Areopagita, 199-226. Bibliografia e indici, 227-266. Nota ai testi,
267-268. Sommario, 269-270. – «I capitoli che costituiscono questo libro avevano
originariamente sedi e destinazioni differenti (alcuni erano stati scritti dallo stesso autore
direttamente in inglese e in tedesco)» (p. 267)].
LUGARESI L., Il corpo dell’attore nella letteratura patristica: primi spunti di lettura, in Il corpo e lo sguardo,
129-149.
[1. Bellezza creaturale contro artificio teatrale: il corpo polimorfo dell’attore come pericolo per
l’identità cristiana. 2. L’attrazione nascosta per la bellezza dell’attore. Il corpo trasformato di
Pelagia. – Fra gli autori considerati spicca Clemente Alessandrino].
MAGAZZÙ C., Tempus amplexandi, et tempus longe fieri ab amplexibus: per una “storicizzazione”
dell’esegesi di Ecclesiaste 3, 5 da Origene alla tradizione medievale, in Ad Contemplandam Sapientiam,
363-368.
[«Il punto di partenza quasi obbligato è costituito da Origene, la cui esegesi al testo biblico di
Eccl. 3, 5 è stata trasmessa da uno scolio della Catena sull’Ecclesiaste del Cod. Barber. gr. 388.
Origene, dopo avere interpretato letteralmente il testo richiamando un passo della I Epistola
Ai Corinzi (7, 5), ne offre una esegesi allegorica, riferendolo all’abbraccio col quale la sapienza
stringe gli uomini che la amano e la cercano (cf. Prov. 4, 8). L’esegesi origeniana influenzò non
solo altri esegeti greci posteriori, ma anche in maniera molto marcata quella di Girolamo e,
attraverso questi, quella degli esegeti medievali» (p. 364). – L’articolo contiene inoltre cenni
sull’interpretazione di Gregorio di Nissa, Olimpiodoro di Alessandria, Gregorio di Agrigento,
Alcuino, Anselmo di Laon, Ruperto di Deutz ed altri esegeti medievali].
MARITANO M., I Padri latini e la mariologia nel IV sec., in Maria in scrittori occidentali del IV secolo =
Theotokos 11 (2003) 215-244.
365
[1. Controversie relative a Maria: 1.1. Elvidio; 1.2. Gioviniano; 1.3. L’eresia di Bonoso.
2. I principali Padri latini del IV sec.: Ambrogio e Girolamo: 2.1. Ambrogio. Appendici
bibliografiche: 1. Bibliografia su Elvidio; 2. Bibliografia su Gioviniano; 3. Bibliografia su Bonoso;
4. Bibliografia sulla mariologia di Ambrogio; 5. Bibliografia sulla mariologia di Girolamo].
MARKSCHIES C., Gnostische und andere Bilderbücher in der Antike, ZAC 9 (2005) 100-121.
[1. Das sogenannte “Ophitendiagramm”. 2. Das sogenannte “Erste Buch des Jeû”. 3. Das
“Bilderbuch” Manis. Abbildungsnachweis. – Abstract: «The article tries to contextualize the
so called “Diagram of the Ophites” in the history of scientific book illustration in Antiquity.
This kind of illustration ( diagravmmata) could not only be found in different literary genres,
but also “diagrams” here used in different contexts of teaching ( pivnake"), for example in the
Platonic Academy at Athens. Other Gnostic diagrams like the famous illustrations of the
“First Book of Jeû” in the Oxford Brucianus should also be compared with scientific diagrams
like the diagravmmata in the commentary on the Timaeus of Calcidius. The “scientific level”
of such attempts of Christians to reach standards of their time was in some parts more or less
low, as can be seen on the famous illustrations of the Christian Topography of Cosmas
Indicopleustes compared with John Philoponus. Perhaps it is possible also to interpret Mani’s
“picture-book” (eijkwvn) within this framework» (p. 120)].
– Ist Theologie eine Lebenswissenschaft? Einige Beobachtungen aus der Antike und ihre Konsequenzen für
die Gegenwart, Georg Olms Verlag, Hildesheim – Zürich – New York 2005, pp. 48.
[1. “Lebenswissenschaft” – Bemerkungen zur Begriffsgeschichte. 2. Antike Beiträge zu einem
wissenschaftlichen Verständnis von Leben: 2a. Antike pagane Beiträge zu einem wissenschaftlichen
Verständnis von Leben; 2b. Antike christliche Beiträge zu einem wissenschaftlichen Verständnis von
Leben. 3. Sollte sich evangelische Theologie der Gegenwart als “Lebenswissenschaft” verstehen? –
«Antrittsvorlesung auf dem Lehrstuhl für Ältere Kirchengeschichte der Humboldt-Universität zu
Berlin... 18. Mai 2005» (p. 36, n. 1)].
MASTROCINQUE A., From Jewish Magic to Gnosticism → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino ed ambiente
egiziano (3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo)
MAZZUCCO C., Gli animali in alcune vite di monaci, in Ad Contemplandam Sapientiam, 395-416.
[La Vita Antonii. Le Vite di Girolamo. Osservazioni conclusive. – Dalle “Osservazioni
conclusive”: «Possiamo ricavare, provvisoriamente, dall’analisi fatta che il tema delle bestie,
soprattutto bestie feroci, come trasformazioni demoniache è quello prevalente nella maggior
parte di queste biografie, ancora legate in gran parte alla spiritualità martiriale, che era
fortemente incentrata sulla concezione del martirio come combattimento col diavolo e che
tendeva a trasfigurare in questo senso il combattimento concreto dei martiri con le belve
nell’anfiteatro. Il fenomeno è più evidente nella VA, ma persiste ancora nelle Vite di Girolamo,
specialmente nelle ultime, pur con accentuazioni diverse, per cui, mentre nella VA risulta
fortemente sottolineata, a questo proposito, la potenza di Dio, nella VH è maggiormente in primo
piano quella dell’asceta. Invece la VP sembra ispirata soprattutto dall’intento di sostituire al
carattere drammatico e serio dello scontro la certezza di una vittoria già acquisita, e quindi
presenta soltanto bestie domate e pacifiche, in un’atmosfera serena e illuminata dal sorriso di
Paolo. Ma sarà proprio la VP che avrà il successo maggiore nella tradizione successiva
contribuendo a creare il luogo comune delle bestie che convivono in armonia col santo» (p. 415)].
MONACI CASTAGNO A., Il santo come asceta e taumaturgo: archeologia di un paradigma, in Ad
Contemplandam Sapientiam, 443-457.
[Premessa. 1. Sacro/profano; impuro/puro. 2. Gli uomini di Dio (secoli I-III). 3. Dalla purità alla
purezza. – «... L’uomo che contribuì maggiormente all’elaborazione dell’ideale di perfezione
366
cristiana fu senza dubbio Origene; la sua vita di studio, di ricerca, la sua immensa opera non
potevano fare a meno della città con le sue risorse, le biblioteche, la presenza di patroni
potenti; tuttavia, come è stato osservato, nelle sue opere si respira l’aria del deserto e della
spiritualità monastica. Origene è l’esponente più importante di quel gruppo di intellettuali
cristiani che fra II e III secolo cercarono di comprendere il cristianesimo a partire dalle filosofie
ellenistiche. Essi interpretano la santità alla luce delle idee platoniche, medioplatoniche, stoiche
che tutte convergevano nell’ideale del saggio, come colui che è riuscito a liberarsi dalle passioni.
In tale prospettiva, la santità coincide con la progressiva liberazione dell’Io razionale e divino dai
legami con il mondo sensibile e con il corpo, per raggiungere l’unione con la divinità, in un
processo in cui l’elemento etico è inscindibile da quello conoscitivo» (pp. 453-454)].
ONUKI T., Heil und Erlösung. Studien zum Neuen Testament und zur Gnosis (WUNT, 165), Mohr
Siebeck, Tübingen 2004, pp. VIII+494.
[Vorwort, V-VI. Inhaltsverzeichnis, VII-VIII. Teil 1. Evangelien und Jesus: Kap. I. Tollwut in Q? Ein
Versuch über Mt 12,43-45/Lk 11,24-26, 3-19; Kap. II. Urform und Entfaltungen der
Heilungswundergeschichten Jesu. Zur formgeschichtlichen Verortung der “Semeia-Quelle” des
Johannes-evangeliums, 20-59; Kap. III. Eine Reihe omnitemporaliter “Jetzt”. Johannesevangelium,
Hebräerbrief, Augustin, Walter Benjamin und Jesus, 60-77; Kap. IV. Zeitverständnis und
Raumvorstellung Jesu und der Evangelien, 78-114; Kap. V. The Minjung Theology of Mark. A
Dialog with Ahn Byung Mu, 115-151; Kap. VI. Zur literatursoziologischen Analyse des
Johannesevangeliums. Auf dem Wege zur Methodenintegration, 152-185; Kap. VII. Christologie
und Eschatologie in der lukanischen Theologie. Ein Vergleich zu Johannes und zugleich eine
kritische Auseinandersetzung mit J. Ernst, 186-198. Teil II. Frühchristentum und Gnosis: Kap. VIII.
Fleischwerdung des Logos und Fehltritt der Sophia. “Licht” und “Finsternis” im
Johannesevangelium und Gnosis, 201-220; Kap. IX. Traditionsgeschichte von Thomas 17 und ihre
christologische Relevanz, 221-239; Kap. X. Die dreifache Pronoia. Zur Beziehung zwischen Gnosis,
Stoa und Mittelplatonismus, 240-270; Kap. XI. Asketische Strömungen im antiken Christentum.
Gnosis, Apokryphe Apostelakten und Frühes Mönchtum, 271-330; Kap. XII. Rekapitulation und
Heilsgeschichte bei Irenäus, 331-385. Teil III. Apokalyptik, Gnosis und Gegenwartsprobleme: Kap.
XIII. Naturwissenschaftlich und Endweissagung. Aus der Perspektive der antiken Apokalyptik,
389-407; Kap. XIV. Gnosis und gegenwärtiger Geist, 408-441. Stellenregister, 443-467;
Autorenregister, 468-473; Sach- und Namensregister, 474-494].
OROSZ A., La catechesi della Pasqua nella tradizione della Chiesa antica e dei Padri orientali,
Athanasiana 21 (2005) 33-55 (en hongrois, avec résumé en italien, pp. 125-126).
[Origène (pp. 38-41); Cyrille d’Alexandrie (p. 43-47)].
Il patriarcato di Alessandria nella tarda antichità, a cura di A. CAMPLANI = Adamantius 12 (2006) 8-216.
[A. CAMPLANI, L’identità del patriarcato alessandrino tra storia e rappresentazione storiografica,
8-42. A. BAUSI, La collezione aksumita canonico-liturgica, 43-70. E. WIPSZYCKA, The Origins of
the Monarchic Episcopate in Egypt, 71-90. A. MARTIN, Athanase d’Alexandrie et l’Égypte: un
réexamen, 91-104. F. FATTI, Trame mediterranee: Teofilo, Roma, Costantinopoli, 105-139.
PH. BLAUDEAU, Rome contre Alexandrie? L’interprétation pontificale de l’enjeu monophysite (de
l’émergence de la controverse eutychienne au schisme acacien 448-484), 140-216].
Patristica et Oecumenica. Festschrift für Wolfgang A. Bienert zum 65. Geburtstag, herausgegeben
von P. GEMEINHARDT und U. KÜHNEWEG (Marburger Theologische Studien, 85), N.G. Elwert
Verlag, Marburg 2004, pp. VIII+310 (= Patristica et Oecumenica).
[P. GEMEINHARDT – U. KÜHNEWEG, Vorwort, V-VI. I. Patristik: H.C. BRENNECKE, Die Kirche als
das wahre und neue Israel, 3-16; W. KINZIG, Der Fall der Charito. Ein Versuch in narrativer
367
Historiographie, 17-30; H.G. THÜMMEL, Zur frühen Logoslehre der Christen, 31-44; M. G HATTAS,
Didymos der Blinde von Alexandrien in der Auseinandersetzung mit Apollinaris von Laodicea und
seinen Lehren, 45-49; K. PINGGÉRA, Heilsverwirklichung in eschatologischer Spannung. Zu Cyrill von
Alexandrien, Responsiones ad Tiberium 12, 51-63; S.-P. BERGJAN, Die Liebe zu Gott als erste Regel der
Schriftauslegung. Tyconius und die Struktur von Augustin, De doctrina christiana, 65-75;
C. MARKSCHIES, Liturgisches Lesen und die Hermeneutik der Schrift, 77-88; M. WALLRAFF, Von der
Eucharistie zum Mysterium. Abendmahlsfrömmigkeit in der Spätantike, 89-104; K. SCHÄFERDIEK,
Chlodwigs Religionswechsel – Ablauf, Bedingungen und Bewegkräfte, 105-121; U. KÜHNEWEG, Alcimus
Ecdicius Avitus von Vienne, Kirchenpolitiker und Bibeldichter, 123-145; G. SCHMELZ, Das
Christentum im Fayyum bis zum 5. Jahrhundert, 147-156; L. ABRAMOWSKI, Narsai (ca. 415?–502),
Hom. LIV (30) Mingana II, 114-130: «Unser König Jesus Christus», der «gekreuzigte Mann», 157-166;
W. WISCHMEYER, Vom Lebensbrünnlein, 167-174. II. Ökumene: P. GEMEINHARDT, Melanchthon
und das Nizänum. Ein Beitrag zur Trinitätslehre der Reformation, 177-191; W. HAGE,
Reformatorisches Christentum im orientalischen Gewand. Die Mar-Thoma-Kirche in Indien, 193202; A.E. KATTAN, Kennt die orthodoxe Eucharistie eine Messopfer-Theologie?, 203-210;
G. LARENTZAKIS, Einheit der Menschheit – Grundvoraussetzung für das Zusammenleben im
multireligiösen Kontext. Patristische und aktuelle orthodoxe Perspektiven, 211-237; D. HELLER,
Apostolische Sukzession und Schriftauslegung. Überlegungen zur Weiterführung des ökumenischen
theologischen Gesprächs am Beispiel des Dialogs zwischen der evangelischen Kirche in Deutschland
(EKD) und der Russischen Orthodoxen Kirche (ROK), 239-250; K. RAISER, Die Bedeutung des
orthodoxen Beitrages zum Ökumenischen Rat der Kirchen, 251-265; H. SCHNEIDER, Papst und Konzil.
Das Konzilsrecht im alten und neuen CIC, 267-285; J. ROLDANUS, Importanz der Patristik für
kontextuelle afrikanische Theologie, 287-303. Veröffentlichungen von Wolgang Bienert 1999-2004,
305-308. Die Autorinnen und Autoren, 309-310. – Dal «Vorwort»: «Am 24. September 2004
vollendet Wolfgang A. Bienert sein 65. Lebensjahr. Freunde, Kollegen und Schüler grüßen ihn
mit dem vorliegenden Band zu diesem “runden” Geburtstag, der zugleich das Ausscheiden aus
dem hauptamtlichen akademischen Lehramt mit sich bringt» (p. V)].
Die Patristik in der frühen Neuzeit. Die Relektüre der Kirchenväter in den Wissenschaften des 15. bis 18.
Jahrhunderts, hrsg. von G. FRANK, T. LEINKAUF und M. W RIEDT, unter Mitarbeit von S. LALLA
(Melanchthon-Schriften der Stadt Bretten, 10), Frommann – Holzboog, Stuttgart – Bad Cannstatt
2006, pp. 424 (= Die Patristik in der frühen Neuzeit).
[G. FRANK, T. LEINKAUF, M. W RIEDT, Vorwort, 9. P. METZGER, Geleitwort, 11. C. BURGER, Gegen
Origenes und Hieronymus für Augustin: Philipp Melanchthons Auseinandersetzung mit Erasmus über die
Kirchenväter, 13-26. M.A. HALL, Melanchthon and the Cappadocians, 27-47. S. LALLA, Robert
Bellarmin und die Kirchenväter, 49-63. P. PETITMENGIN, Un ami de Melanchthon: Sigismundus
Gelenius, éditeur et traducteur de textes classiques et patristiques, 65-92. W. SCHWENDEMANN,
Melanchthon, Maimonides und Averroes. Aristoteles-Rezeption und -Exegese gegen religiösen
Fundamentalismus, 93-130. K. ARFFMANN, Der Ausspruch Augustins «ego uero euangelio non crederem,
nisi me catholicae ecclesiae commoueret auctoritas» in der Rezeption Luthers, 131-144. M. W RIEDT,
Schrift und Tradition. Die Bedeutung des Rückbezugs auf die altkirchlichen Autoritäten in Philipp
Melanchthons Schriften zum Verständnis des Abendmahls, 145-168. A.N.S. LANE, Justification by Faith
in Sixteenth-Century Patristic Anthologies: The Claims that were Made, 169-189. T. LEINKAUF,
Beobachtungen zur Rezeption patristischer Autoren in der frühen Neuzeit, 191-207. M. VITTORI, Le
letture ambrosiane di Tommaso Campanella. Una ipotesi di attribuzione, 209-229. T.M. BREDEN,
Leibnizens Augustinusrezeption in der «Théodicée», 231-251. G. FRANK, Die Kirchenväter als Apologeten
der natürlichen Theologie und Religionsphilosophie in der frühen Neuzeit, 253-276. S. MANDELBROTE,
«Than this nothing can be plainer»: Isaac Newton reads the Fathers, 277-297. J.-L. QUANTIN, Un
manuel anti-patristique. Contexte et signification du «Traité de l’emploi des saints Pères» de Jean Daillé
368
(1632), 299-325. M. RIZZI, Patristische Exegese und politische Theologie im sechzehnten Jahrhundert: eine
Forschungsperspektive, 327-349. M. VESSEY, «Vera et aeterna monumenta»: Jerome’s Catalogue of
Christian Writers and the Premises of Erasmian Humanism, 351-376. R. HÄFNER, Grammatologie des
Himmels. Barthold Heinrich Brockes und das Testamentum Levi, 377-389. Abkürzungsverzeichnis,
391-395; Autorenverzeichnis, 397-400. Namenregister, 401-415; Sachregister, 416-424. – Dal
«Vorwort»: «Unter welchen historischen und systematischen Perspektiven ist diese intensive
Präsenz der Kirchenväter in den Wissenschaften der frühen Neuzeit verstehbar? Das
Melanchthonhaus in Bretten, Stätte des Europäischen Humanismus, hatte zur Untersuchung
dieser Frage in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Institut für Europäische Geschichte in Mainz vom 17.
bis 20. Februar 2003 Wissenschaftler aus den unterschiedlichsten Disziplinen in die
Melanchthonstadt eingeladen und ausdrücklich diese Frage der Präsenz der Kirchenväter... zum
thematischen Ausgangspunkt eines internationalen Kongresses genommen» (p. 9)].
PEARSON B.A., Gnosticism and Christianity in Roman and Coptic Egypt (Studies in Antiquity &
Christianity), T & T Clark International, New York – London 2004, pp. XV+302.
[Introduction, 1-7. Part I. Christianity in Egypt: 1. Current Issues in the Study of Early Christianity
in Egypt, 11-81 (Current issues: Christian Origins in Egypt. Social Groups and Early Christian
Organization in Egypt. Gnosticism and Manichaeism in Egypt. The Cathechetical School in
Alexandria. Expansion of the Church into the Egyptian Chôra. Origins of Egyptian
Monasticism. Sources: Second-Century Non-Gnostic Literature Indisputably or Most Probably of
Egyptian Provenance. Second-Century Non-Gnostic Literature of Disputed or Questionable
Provenance. Second-Century Gnostic or Other Heretical Literature Indisputably or Most
Probably of Egyptian Provenance. Second-Century Gnostic or Other Heretical Literature of
Disputed or Questionable Provenance. Third-Century Non-Gnostic Literature of Egyptian
Provenance. Writings in the Coptic Gnostic Manuscripts). 2. Christians and Jews in First-Century
Alexandria, 82-99 (Jews in Alexandria. Christians in Alexandria. Epistle of Barnabas. Teachings
of Silvanus. Conclusion). 3. Ancient Alexandria in the Acts of Mark, 100-113. 4. A Coptic Homily on
Riches Attributed to St. Peter of Alexandria, 114-131 (Proemium [1-13]. Address to the Rich [14-54].
Address to the Poor [55-69]. Application to Church Leaders [70-74]. Judgment and Resurrection
[75-81; 118-19]. Encomium on the Archangel Michael [82-117]. Peroration and Doxology [120-21].
Authorship of On Riches). 5. Enoch in Egypt, 132-152 (Books of Enoch in Egypt. 2 Enoch. Other
Enochic Books. The Figure of Enoch in Coptic Tradition. Enoch as Opponent of Antichrist.
Enoch as Scribe of Righteousness. Conclusion). 6. A Coptic Enoch Apokryphon, 153-197 (The
Fragments. Content. Enoch. Enoch’s Sister, Sibyl. Elijas and Tabitha. The Judgment. The Text.
Text and Translation). Part 2. Gnosticism in Egypt: 7. Gnosticism as a Religion, 201-223. 8. Gnostic
Ritual and Iamblichus’s Treatise On the Mysteries of Egypt, 224-248 (Iamblichus’s Defense of
Theurgy. Three Gnostic Texts. Gospel of the Egyptians. Three Steles of Seth. Marsanes.
Concluding Remarks). 9. Gnostic Iconography, 249-267. 10. The Figure of Seth in Manichaean
Literature, 268-282 (Birth of Seth. Names and Titles of Seth. Seth as Progenitor of the Gnostic
Race. Seth as Recipient / Revealer of Gnosis. Seth as Savior. Conclusions). Summary and
Conclusions, 283-287. – «Nine of the ten chapters are revised versions of essays published
elsewhere. Only the first chapter, by far the longest, is presented for the first time here» (p. 1)].
Les Pères de l’Église face à la science médicale de leur temps, sous la direction de V. BOUDON-MILLOT et
B. POUDERON (Théologie historique, 117), Beauchesne, Paris 2005, pp. XIX+582 (= Les Pères de l’Église
face à la science médicale).
[B. POUDERON, V. BOUDON-MILLOT, Y-M. BLANCHARD, Préface, XI-XIX. Les représentations
médicales des Pères: J. JOUANNA, Le Pseudo-Jean Damascène, Quid est homo?, 1-24; A.M. IERACI
BIO, Medicina e teologia nel De Natura Hominis di Melezio, 29-48; B. POUDERON, La notice
d’Hippolyte sur Simon: cosmologie, anthropologie et embryologie, 49-71; V. BOUDON-MILLOT, De
369
l’homme et du singe chez Galien et Némésius d’Émèse, 73-87; A. DEBRU, Christianisme et galénisme:
le mouvement volontaire chez Némésius d’Émèse, 89-103. Guérison et thaumaturgie: J. REYNARD,
Médecine et théologie selon Basile d’Ancyre, 105-120; Y.-M. DUVAL, Diététique et médecine chez
Jérôme, 121-139; PH. CHALMET, Le pouvoir de guérir. Connaissances médicales et action
thaumaturge dans les plus anciens Actes apocryphes des Apôtres, 193-215; B. LANÇON, Attention au
malade et téléologie de la maladie: le «nosomonde chrétien» de l’Antiquité tardive (IVe-VI e siècles),
217-230. Physiologie et anthropologie chez les gnostiques et les Pères grecs: M. SCOPELLO,
Images et métaphores de la médecine dans les écrits manichéens coptes, 231-252; P.F. BEATRICE,
L’union de l’âme et du corps. Némésius d’Émèse lecteur de Porphyre, 253-285; M.-H. CONGOURDEAU,
Médecine et théologie chez Anastase le Sinaïte, médecin, moine et didascale, 287-297;
D. BERTRAND, Origine de l’âme et animation du corps humain, 299-320. Physiologie et
anthropologie chez les Pères latins: J.-C. FREDOUILLE, Observations sur la terminologie
anthropologique de Tertullien: constantes et variations, 321-334; M.J.-L. PERRIN, Médecine,
maladie et théologie chez Lactance (250-325), 335-350; P. LAURENCE, La faiblesse féminine chez les
Pères de l’Église, 351-377; I. BOCHET, Maladie de l’âme et thérapeutique scripturaire selon Augustin,
379-400. Langage symbolique et théologie: A. LALLEMAND, Références médicales et exégèse
spirituelle chez Grégoire de Nysse, 401-426; D. MEYER, Médecine et théologie chez Philostorge, 427449; M.-O. BOULNOIS, L’union de l’âme et du corps comme modèle christologique, de Némésius
d’Émèse à la controverse nestorienne, 451-475; Y.-M. BLANCHARD, Le Christ médecin et la relecture
augustinienne du prologue johannique, 477-495; PH. BLAUDEAU, Symbolique médicale et
dénonciation de l’hérésie: le cas monophysite dans les sources pontificales de la seconde moitié du Ve
siècle, 497-524; M.-A. VANNIER, L’image du Christ médecin chez les Pères, 525-534. Actualité de la
pensée patristique dans la réflexion contemporaine sur la bio-éthique: PH. CASPAR, L’apport
des Pères à la question contemporaine du statut du zygote, 535-553; C. SUREAU, Homo est.
Questionnements d’un praticien sur l’éthique de la procréation, 555-582].
PERSIC A., Da soggetto di colpa a oggetto di misericordia: uomo e ‘peccato d’origine’ nella comprensione
degli aquileiesi Vittorino, Cromazio e Rufino, Annali di Scienze Religiose 9 (2004) 299-324.
[1. Santo Adamo: 1.1. Dalla fede nel descensus alla speranza dell’apocatastasi; 1.2. Una ermeneutica
soteriologica avvertita della misericordia divina. 2. Vittorino di Poetovio: solidarietà oggettiva e
soggettiva con Adamo nel suo peccato e nella sua salvezza. 3. Cromazio: il tratto della
condiscendenza. 4. Rufino: arcaismi giudeocristiani e attenuazione della colpa di Adamo].
Perspectives on the Song of Songs. Perspektiven der Hoheliedauslegung, Herausgegeben von A.C. HAGEDORN
(BZAW, 346), Walter de Gruyter, Berlin – New York 2005, pp. XV+373 (= Perspectives on the Song of
Songs).
[Acknowledgements, VII-VIII; Contributors, XI-XII; List of abbreviations, XIII-XV;
A.C. HAGEDORN, Introduction, XVII-XXII. I. Biblical Perspectives: J. BARTON, On the
Canonicity of Canticles, 1-7; K.J. DELL, What is King Solomon doing in the Song of Songs?, 8-26;
F.W. D OBBS-ALLSOPP, Late Linguistic Features in the Song of Songs, 27-77; J.C. EXUM, The Poetic
Genius of the Song of Songs, 78-95; P. FLINT, The Book of Canticles (Song of Songs) in the Dead Sea
Scrolls, 96-104. II. Comparative Perspectives: A. LOPRIENO, Searching for a Common
Background: Egyptian Love Poetry and the Biblical Song of Songs, 105-135; H.-H. MÜNCH –
G. M OERS, Alles Liebe? Die kulturelle Semantik des Begriffs «Liebe» und die Konstruktion des
liebenden Körpers im pharaonischen Ägypten, 136-149; P. VERNUS, Le Cantique des Cantiques et
l’Égypte pharaonique, 150-162; K. HECKER, ‘Kundbar werde mir Deine Sehnsucht’. Überlegungen
zur akkadischen Liebeslyrik, 163-179; J.B. BURTON, Themes of Female Desire and Self-Assertion in
the Song of Songs and Hellenistic Poetry, 180-205; A.C. HAGEDORN, Jealousy and Desire at Night.
Fragmentum Grenfellianum and Song of Songs, 206-227; R. HUNTER, ‘Sweet Talk’: Song of Songs
370
and the Traditions of Greek Poetry, 228-244; H.-P. MÜLLER†, Zum Werden des Lyrischen. Am
Beispiel des Hohenliedes und frühgriechischer Lyrik, 245-259. III. Later Perspectives: A. SALVESEN,
Pigs in the Camp and the Breasts of my Lambs: Song of Songs in the Syriac Tradition, 260-273;
E.A. CLARK, Origen, the Jews and the Song of Songs. Allegory and Polemic in Christian Antiquity,
274-293; A. VOLFING, Middle High German Appropriations of the Song of Songs: Allegorical
Interpretation and Narrative Extrapolation, 294-316; U. GAIER, Lieder der Liebe. Herders
Hohelied-Interpretation, 317-337; C.M. GÜTHENKE, ‘Do not Awaken Love until it is Ready’ –
George Seferis’ Asma Asmaton and the Translation of Intimacy, 338-356. Index, 357-373].
PESTHY M., A csábítás teológiája. A kísértés fogalmának története az ókorban [= La théologie de la
séduction. L’histoire du concept de la tentation dans l’Antiquité] (Catena. Monográfiák, 6), Kairosz,
Budapest 2005, pp. 456 (en hongrois).
[Introduction, 9-15. Ch. 1: La tentation dans l’AT, 16-41. Ch. 2: L’histoire du concept de la tentation
dans la littérature intertestamentaire, 42-92. Ch. 3: Le NT, 93-111. Ch. 4: L’histoire du concept de la
tentation dans la littérature chrétienne ancienne avant Origène, 112-175. Ch. 5: Origène, 176-218.
Ch. 6: L’histoire du concept de la tentation d’Origène à Évagre, 219-267. Ch. 7: Évagre le Pontique,
268-320. Ch. 8: L’évolution du concept de la tentation à la fin du IVe – début du Ve siècle, 321-360.
Ch. 9: Conclusions, 361-371, Excursus 1: Les trois filets de Bélial, 372-377. Excursus 2: La séduction
féminine, 378-382. Annexe, 383-407. Abréviations, 408. Bibliographie, 409-439. Index, 441-456].
Philomathestatos. Studies in Greek and Byzantine Texts Presented to Jacques Noret for his SixtyFifth Birthday, Études de patristique grecque et textes byzantins offerts à Jacques Noret à l’occasion
de ses soixante-cinq ans, ed. by B. JANSSENS, B. R OOSEN and P. VAN DEUN (OLA, 137), Uitgeverij
Peeters – Departement Oosterse Studies, Leuven – Paris – Dudley/MA 2004, pp. XXXVI+751
(= Philomathestatos).
[P. VAN DEUN – B. R OOSEN, Preface, XI-XV. G. PHILIPPART, À l’ouvrage «selon la vérité».
Pseudo-Encomion de Jacques Noret, XVII-XXVIII. Publications of Jacques Noret, XXIX-XXXIII.
M. BIBIKOV, Die vergleichende Textologie einiger Werke von Anastasius Sinaites nach den ältesten
Handschriften (Mosquensis, Museum Historicum, olim Bibliotheca Synodalis 265 [Vladimir 197]
und Guelferbytanus, Gudianus gr. 53) und Ausgaben, 1-9. CH. BOUDIGNON, Maxime le
Confesseur était-il Constantinopolitain?, 11-43. P. CANART, Les palimpsestes des fonds grecs de la
Bibliothèque Vaticane. Une liste sommaire et quelques précisions, 45-55. W. CLARYSSE, On the Early
History of the Verb ajpomevnw, 57-61. C.G. CONTICELLO, Théophylacte de Bulgarie, source de Thomas
d’Aquin (Catena aurea in Ioannem), 63-75. V. CONTICELLO, Un florilège sur le Grand Carême
attribué à Jean Damascène. Authenticité, sources, nouveaux fragments de Sévère d’Antioche, 77-104.
J. DECLERCK, Les sept opuscules Sur la fabrication des images attribués à Nicéphore de
Constantinople, 105-164. K. DEMOEN, John Geometres’ Iambic Life of Saint Panteleemon. Text,
Genre and Metaphrastic Style, 165-184. D. DE SMET, Les Épîtres du propagandiste druze Bahâ’ adDîn al-Muqtanâ aux empereurs de Byzance. Un épisode méconnu des relations arabo-byzantines,
185-202. G. D ORIVAL, Remarques sur les Eklogai prophétiques d’Eusèbe de Césarée, 203-224.
R.Y. EBIED – L.R. WICKHAM, A Collection of Syriac Short Stories about Early Church Fathers, 225237. M. FEATHERSTONE, Court Orthography: Spelling in the Leipzig Manuscript of De
Cerimoniis, 239-247. S. GYSENS, Un humaniste flamand lit la Bibliothèque de Photius.
Contribution à l’étude des notes de Carolus Langius dans le ms. Brux. 744-755, 249-267. H. HAUBEN,
Christ versus Apollo in Early Byzantine Kourion? With a Note on the so-called ‘Panaya
Aphroditissa’ in Paphos, 269-284. A. JACOB, Le culte de saint Vincent de Saragosse dans la Terre
d’Otrante byzantine et le Sermon inédit du Vaticanus Barberinianus gr. 456 (BHG 1867e), 285296. B. JANSSENS – P. VAN DEUN, George Amiroutzes and His Poetical Œuvre, 297-324. P. KARLINHAYTER, Notes on the Acta Davidis, Symeonis et Georgii (BHG 494), 325-350.
371
M. KOHLBACHER, Ein übersehenes Bekenntnis des Gregorios von Nazianz?, 351-357. C. LAGA, La
ponctuation (dont on ne doit pas se soucier), 359-375. C. MACÉ, La tradition indirecte grecque
ancienne de Grégoire de Nazianze. Deux citations chez les historiens Socrate et Sozomène, 377-388.
N. MAES, The Dynastic Role of the Empresses of the Macedonian Dynasty. Birth, Life, and Death of
an Imperial Lineage (867-1056), 389-414. MARKESINIS B., Evagriana dans le Vaticanus graecus 504
et ailleurs, 415-434. B. NEIL, The Introduction of Old Church Slavonic to the First Bulgarian
Empire: the Role of SS Cyril and Methodius, 455-473. J.W. NESBITT, Some Observations on Jakob
Gretser’s Edition of Alexander the Monk’s De inventione sanctae crucis (BHG 410; CPG 7398),
475-486. T. OLAJOS, La question de la survivance avare: les sources grecques et latines de l’histoire des
Avars au IXe siècle, 487-501. M. PIRARD, La souscription du Vaticanus, Reginensis gr. 23, 503-507.
G. PODSKALSKY, Der Tod des Judas Iskariot in der byzantinischen Exegese, 509-514. C. RIEDWEG,
Towards a Better Understanding of Cyril of Alexandria’s Against Julian. Case Studies in Textual
Criticism I, 515-521. B. R OOSEN, The Three Flyleaves of Vaticanus, Palatinus graecus 15. A
Contribution to the Manuscript Tradition primarily of the Relatio Motionis [CPG 7736], but also
of two vitae [BHG 955 and 482], 523-534. J. SCHAMP, «Vendez vos biens» (Luc. 12, 33): Remarques
sur le Julien de Photios et la date de composition de la Bibliothèque, 535-554. J. SCHARPÉ, Le
Pantocrator de Vologda (1654) et plusieurs Bogorodicy: Deux types d’icônes miraculeuses lors
d’épidémie de la peste en Russie, 555-565. D.T. SIESWERDA – F. THOMSON, A Critical Greek Edition
of Question 23 of the Pseudo-Anastasian jErwtapokrivsei" together with the Editio Princeps of its
Old Bulgarian Translation associated with Tsar Symeon, 567-589. M. STAROWIEYSKI, L’épisode
Quo vadis?, 591-601. C. STEEL, Au-delà de tout nom. Parménide 142A3-4 dans l’interprétation de
Proclus et de Denys, 603-624. A. THON, Le calcul de la date de Pâques de Stéphanos-Héraclius, 625646. J.M.F. VAN REETH, Vie et geste de saint Georges. Légende et histoire, 647-670. J. VERHEYDEN,
The Greek Legend of the Ascension of Isaiah, 671-700. S.J. VOICU, «Furono chiamati giovanniti...».
Un’ipotesi sulla nascita del corpus pseudocrisostomico, 701-711. U. ZANETTI, Le roman de Bakhéos
sur les Trois jeunes saints de Babylone. Fragments coptes sahidiques, 713-747. List of Contributors,
749-751].
PIZZOLATO L.F. – SOMENZI C., I sette fratelli Maccabei nella Chiesa antica d’Occidente (SPM, 25), Vita
e Pensiero, Milano 2005, pp. IX+261.
[L.F. PIZZOLATO, Prefazione, VII-VIII. Abbreviazioni, IX. I. Linee evolutive della tradizione
maccabaica nella Chiesa antica d’Occidente, 3-45. II. Egesippo, Ambrogio e la tradizione
romana dei Maccabei: 1. Lo pseudo Egesippo e 4 Maccabei: l’orazione di Mattia, 48-56; 2. Il
‘sermo propheticus’ sui Maccabei, 56-62; 3. La polemica antigiudaica e i libri dei Maccabei, 6267; 4. L’ambiente romano, 68-77. III. Passio Sanctorum Machabaeorum. Studio critico, 79-127.
Passio Sanctorum Machabaeorum. Testo e traduzione, 129-169. IV. Un approccio letterario al
Carmen de Martirio Maccabaeorum, 171-200. V. La sete di Davide (4 Maccabei 3), 201-224.
Bibliografia, 225-234. Indice biblico, 235-237; Indice degli autori antichi, 239-261].
POUDERON B., Les apologistes grecs du IIe siècle (Initiations aux Pères de l’Église), Les Éditions du Cerf,
Paris 2005, pp. 355.
[Préface, 9-10. Liste des abréviations, 11-12. Introduction: vers la définition d’un corpus, 13-18.
Première Partie. Introduction à la littérature apologétique: Ch. I. Le «Sitz im Leben» des
Apologies: les circonstances politiques, 21-36; Ch. II. Le «Sitz im Leben» des Apologies:
l’environnement religieux et intellectuel, 37-53; Ch. III. Les grands thèmes de l’apologétique,
55-84; Ch. IV. La première théologie chrétienne, 85-105. Deuxième Partie. Vers la définition du
genre: des origines à Justin: Ch. V. Les prémices de l’apologétique chrétienne, 109-120; Ch. VI.
Aristide, 121-130; Ch. VII. L’apogée du genre: Justin de Naplouse, 131-171. Troisième Partie. La
diversification du genre: de Tatien à Théophile: Ch. VIII. Tatien, 175-201; Ch. IX. Athénagore
372
d’Athènes, 203-226; Ch. X. Méliton de Sardes, 227-239; Ch. XI. Théophile d’Antioche, 241267; Ch. XI. Les Apologie perdues contemporaines de Marc Aurèle, 269-271. Quatrième
Partie. Ouvrages anonymes ou pseudépigraphes: Ch. XIII. L’«Écrit à Diognète» (Ad
Diognetum) [CPG I, 1112], 275-286; Ch. XIV. Hermias et l’«Irrisio» [CPG I, 1113], 287-291;
Ch. XV. Les «Sentences de Sextus» [CPG I, 1115], 293-296; Ch. XVI. Le corpus pseudojustinien, 297-315. Conclusion, 317-321. Bibliographie, 323-345. Index des textes cités, 347-350.
Table des matières, 351-355].
PRZYSZYCHOWSKA M., The Dual Creation Concept as Attempt to Explain the Origin of the Sensual
World (Philo of Alexandria, Origen, Gregory of Nyssa) (pol.), Vox Patrum 23/44-45 (2003) 203-219.
[Summary: «It seems there could be no connection of the biblical truth on the subject of
creation with philosophy, which has never known the idea of creation. Nonetheless, several
attempts have been made to unify them. The article presents three that are most renowed: of
Philo, Origen and Gregory of Nyssa. They have one important feature in common: under the
influence of Platonism, all three speak of dual creation. However, there are also some
differences between their thoughts. Each of them sees different reality made in the first
creation: Philo – the idea of humanity, Origen – souls, Gregory of Nyssa – human nature.
They differ also when speaking of the cause of the second creation. Philo seems to see the
case in ontology: he asserts that some co-creators were the authors of evil and passion in man.
Origen maintains that the second creation was connected to the sin of souls, committed in
pre-existence. As a result of the fall soul received earthly bodies. Gregory also speaks of the
effect of the fall, which was the cause of the second creation, but he thinks that the creation
had been made in the prevision of the fall. There is also small dissimilarity in treating the
corporeity of the reality created in the first creation and the state of Adam before the original
sin» (p. 220)].
PUCCI BEN ZEEV M., Diaspora Judaism in Turmoil, 116/117 CE. Ancient Sources and Modern Insights
→ 3. Giudaismo ellenistico
Qu’est-ce qu’un corpus littéraire? Recherches sur le corpus biblique et les corpus patristiques, par
G. D ORIVAL, avec la collaboration de C H. BOUDIGNON, F. BOUET et C. CAVALIER (Collection de la
Revue des Études Juives, 35), Peeters, Paris – Louvain – Dudley/MA 2005, pp. X+141 (= Qu’est-ce qu’un
corpus littéraire?).
[Introduction (G. DORIVAL avec la collaboration de CH. BOUDIGNON, F. BOUET, C. CAVALIER),
VII-X. Ch. 1: Les cantiques des degrés (Ps 119-133 LXX) constituent-ils une collection? L’apport de la
LXX et des Pères de l’Église (F. BOUET), 1-32. Ch. 2: La Bible, un corpus en mouvement
(C. CAVALIER), 33-52. Ch. 3: L’apport des Synopses transmises sous le nom d’Athanase et de Jean
Chrysostome à la question du corpus littéraire de la Bible (G. D ORIVAL), 53-93. Ch. 4: Le document
synoptique du Barberinianus gr. 317 (III 36) (G. D ORIVAL), 95-108. Ch. 5: Qu’est-ce qui fait un
«corpus»? À propos du Pseudo-Denys l’Aréopagite (C H. BOUDIGNON), 109-128. Conclusion
(G. D ORIVAL avec la collaboration de C H. BOUDIGNON, F. BOUET, C. CAVALIER), 129-132.
Index des sources anciennes, 133-139; Index des auteurs modernes, 140-141 – «Les cinq
chapitres qu’on va lire ont d’abord été présentés sous forme de quatre communications dans
le cadre d’un atelier sur la constitution des corpus littéraires qui s’est tenu en août 2003 à
Oxford, à l’occasion de la quatorzième conférence internationale d’études patristiques. Dans
un tel contexte, il aurait été déplacé d’aborder le sujet si complexe de la manière dont le
corpus biblique a été fabriqué depuis les premiers textes bibliques jusqu’à l’assemblage final et
aux réorganisations de cet assemblage. Les exposés ici proposés ne remontent
qu’exceptionnellement en amont de la période hellénistique et prennent toujours soin de
regarder les sources patristiques, même s’ils ne s’interdisent pas de prendre en compte
d’autres sources, bibliques ou rabbiniques. Ils essaient de mettre en valeur les critères qui font
373
qu’un corpus est ressenti comme tel. Mais ils s’intéressent aussi aux limites de la notion de
corpus» (p. IX)].
RAPP C., Holy Bishops in Late Antiquity. The Nature of Christian Leadership in an Age of Transition
(The Joan Palevsky Imprint in Classical Literature, 37), University of California Press, Berkeley – Los
Angeles 2005, pp. XII+346.
[Part One: 1. The nature of leadership in Late Antiquity, 3-22; 2. Pragmatic authority, 23-55;
3. Spiritual authority, 56-99; 4. Ascetic authority, 100-152. Part Two: 5. Bishops in action, 155171; 6. Social contexts, 172-207; 7. Cities, 208-234; 8. Empire, 235-273; 9. The bishop as a new
urban functionary, 274-289. Epilogue, 290-302. Bibliography, 303-338. Index, 339-346].
REASONER M., Romans in Full Circle: A History of Interpretation, Westminster John Knox Press,
Louisville 2005, pp. XXVII+194.
[Index: Preface, IX; Acknowledgements, XI; Abbreviations, XIII; «Origen», by Thomas Merton,
XVII; Introduction, XIX. Locus 1: To the Jew First and to the Greek (1:16-17), 1; Locus 2:
Natural Theology (1:19-21), 11; Locus 3: Made Righteous by Christ (3:21-28), 23; Locus 4: All
Sinned (5:12), 43; Locus 5: The All and the Many (5:18-21), 55; Locus 6: Warring Laws (7:7-8:4),
67; Locus 7: Calling, Foreknowledge, Predestination (8:28-30), 85; Locus 8: Not Willing or
Running (9:16-19), 95; Locus 9: Potter and Clay (9:20-23), 105; Locus 10: Christ the Telos of the
Law (10:4), 113; Locus 11: Israel’s Salvation (11:25-27), 121; Locus 12: Let Every Psyche be Subject
to the Authorities (13:1-7), 129; Conclusion, 143. Notes, 151; Index of Ancient Sources, 179;
Index of Names, 185; Index of Subjects, 191].
Religiöses Lernen in der biblischen, frühjüdischen und frühchristlichen Überlieferung, herausgegeben von
B. EGO und H. MERKEL (Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament, 180), Mohr
Siebeck, Tübingen 2005, pp. XI+336 (= Religiöses Lernen).
[Vorwort, VII-XI. B. EGO, Zwischen Aufgabe und Gabe – Theologische Implikationen des Lernens
in der alttestamentlichen und antik-jüdischen Überlieferung, 1-26. K. FINSTERBUSCH, «Du sollst sie
lehren, auf dass sie tun...». Mose als Lehrer der Tora im Buch Deuteronomium, 27-45. E. ZENGER,
JHWH als Lehrer des Volkes und der Einzelnen im Psalter, 47-67. L. SCHWIENHORSTSCHÖNBERGER, Den Ruf der Weisheit hören. Lernkonzepte in der alttestamentlichen
Weisheitsliteratur, 69-82. G. STEINS, Inszenierung des Lesens und Lernens in Neh 8, 1-12, 83-97.
A. STEUDEL, «Bereitet den Weg des Herrn». Religiöses Lernen in Qumran, 99-116. M.F. MACH,
Lerntraditionen im hellenistischen Judentum unter besonderer Berücksichtigung Philons von
Alexandrien, 117-139. G. STEMBERGER, «Schaff dir einen Lehrer, erwirb dir einen Kollegen» (mAV
1, 6) – Lernen als Tradition und Gemeinschaft, 141-155. A.M. BÖCKLER, Beten als Lernen – Lernen
als Mitzwa. Das Gebetbuch als Lehrbuch im Judentum, 157-173. T. ILAN, Learned Jewish Women in
Antiquity, 175-190. S. BYRSKOG, Das Lernen der Jesusgeschichte nach den synoptischen Evangelien,
191-209. F.G. UNTERGASSMAIR, «Du bist der Lehrer Israels und verstehst das nicht?» (Joh 2, 10b) –
Lernen bei Johannes, 211-233. H. MERKEL, Der Lehrer Paulus und seine Schüler.
Forschungsgeschichtliche Schlaglichter, 235-252. P. PILHOFER, Von Jakobus zu Justin. Lernen in den
Spätschriften des Neuen Testaments und bei den Apologeten, 253-269. D. WYRWA, Religiöses Lernen
im zweiten Jahrhundert und die Anfänge der alexandrinischen Katechetenschule, 271-305.
J. W OHLMUTH, Augustins De magistro und das inspirierte Subjekt bei Emmanuel Lévinas.
Inszenierung eines Dialogs, 307-320. Mitarbeiterverzeichnis, 321-322. Stellenregister, 323-329.
Stichwortregister, 330-336].
RIZZI M., Il corpo e la sua bellezza nella tradizione del cristianesimo alessandrino, in Il corpo e lo sguardo,
151-161.
374
[Il Cristo bello e il Cristo brutto nelle tradizioni dei primi secoli cristiani. Bellezza di Cristo e
assimilazione a Dio: perfezione e contemplazione nella tradizione alessandrina. Il corpo
sofferente e il cadavere glorioso del martire: imitazione di Cristo e rappresentazione della
santità. – Riferimenti a Clemente Alessandrino e Origene].
R OUKEMA R., Sola Fide and Sola Gratia in Early Christianity, in P.N. HOLTROP, F. DE LANGE,
R. R OUKEMA (eds.), Passion of Protestants, Kok, Kampen 2004, 27-48.
[Discussion of Clement of Rome, 30-32; Marcionites and Gnostics, 33-35; Catholic appeals to
faith and grace, 35-37; Origen, 37-41; Marius Victorinus, 41-43; Ambrosiaster, 43; Augustin and
Pelagius, 44-46; Gregory of Nyssa, 47-48].
– La tradition apostolique et le canon du Nouveau Testament, in A. HILHORST (ed.), The Apostolic Age
in Patristic Thought (VigChr.S 70), Brill, Leiden – Boston 2004, 86-103.
[Cet article porte sur Marcion, 88-89; Irénée, 89-93; Tertullien, 93-95; Hippolyte, 95-96; Le
Fragment de Muratori, 96-99; Clément d’Alexandrie, 99-100; Origène, 101-102].
– L’interprétation patristique de quelques mots hébraïques de la Septante → 4. LXX
– Paul’s Rapture to Paradise in Early Christian Literature, in The Wisdom of Egypt, 267-283.
[The interpretation of 2 Corinthians 12:2-4 in the «Gnostic» Apocalypse of Paul, 269-271;
Patristic testimonies to Gnostic views, 271-272; Irenaeus, 272-273; Tertullian, 274; Clement of
Alexandria, 274-275; Origen, 275-277; Mani, 277-279; The «Catholic» Apocalypse of Paul, 279281. – Dalle Conclusioni: «Only some authors solve Paul’s ambiguity as to whether his rapture
took place in or out of the body. Irenaeus deemed it possible that Paul’s body was part of the
experience. The Gnostic Apocalypse suggests that the apostle ascended without his body,
whereas its Catholic counterpart says that he was lifted up in his body. (...) The Mani Codex
also seems to read that Paul was caught up without his body. Origen only notes Paul’s own
ambiguity without explaining it. Probably he would have said that Paul was caught up in a
spiritual body. As for the location of the third heaven and of paradise, different views came to
light. In the Gnostic Apocalypse paradise is left out, and the third heaven is one of ten.
Irenaeus shares the traditional view that there are seven heavens, and appears to locate
paradise in the third heaven. Clement’s cosmology is similar to the Gnostic view that there are
higher spheres above the seventh heaven; he locates paradise above the third heaven. Origen
seems not much interested in this question. In his allusion to Paul’s rapture he can easily omit
paradise, sometimes he seems to distinguish between the third heaven and paradise,
sometimes he locates it on the earth that is situated in heaven. The Catholic Apocalypse says
that there are seven heavens and faithfully locates paradise in the third heaven, but Paul’s
second visit to paradise has no reference to the third heaven» (p. 282)].
SCOPELLO M., Femme, Gnose et Manichéisme. De l’espace mythique au territoire du réel →
10. Cristianesimo alessandrino ed ambiente egiziano (3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo)
SERRA ZANETTI P., Imitatori di Gesù Cristo. Scritti classici e cristiani, a cura di A. CACCIARI, F. CITTI,
C. NERI, L. PERRONE, Edizioni Dehoniane Bologna, Bologna 2005, pp. 667.
[L. PERRONE, Prefazione, 7-10. 1. Sull’uso di quamuis in Cicerone, 1-26. 2. Cristianesimo e cultura
classica, 27-36. 3. Note su Tertulliano e Filone d’Alessandria, 37-61; 4. Sul criterio e il valore della
traduzione per Cicerone e S. Gerolamo, 63-113; 5. Vnusquisque uestrum psalmum habet, 115-155. 6-14.
Rassegne, 157-176. 15. La preghiera nei misteri, 177-255. 16. Sul commento all’Epistola agli Efesini di
Heinrich Schlier, 257-266. 17. Per una comprensione neotestamentaria dell’annuncio del Regno di
Dio, 267-290. 18. Una nota ignaziana: ajntivyucon, 291-306. 19. La «dedizione» del martire:
Ignazio Smyrn. 4,2, 307-351. 20. Il sangue vivificante di Cristo in Cipriano, 353-362. 21. Una nota
su «mysterium» nell’«ordo verborum» nelle Scritture, 363-374. 22. Hieronymus. Liber de optimo
genere interpretandi (epistula 57), 375-380. 23. Limus, 381-384. 24. Morte, 385-412. 25. Cispadana e
375
letteratura della tarda antichità, 413-425. 26. Poesia per ritrovare forza (Is. 40, 27-31), 427-436. 27.
Osservazioni su Proverbi 19,17a in Cipriano, 437-446. 28. Sermo humilis negli autori latini
cristiani (Appunti per una storia del tema), 447-458. 29. Et mussitatores discent legem (Is. 29,24
Vulg.), 459-463. 30. Le prime due testimonianze su Procolo martire bolognese, 465-475. 31. Avulsi
sumus in eis (Ez. 37,11 ap. Tert. Resurr. 29,12), 477-482. 32. Ambrogio. Esortazione alla Verginità
1-10: una proposta di lettura, 483-504. 33. Arnobio il Giovane. Disputa tra Arnobio e Serapione,
505-508. 34. Una nota su Gen. 24, 63, 509-516. 35. Una nota su 2 Cor. 4, 8b, 517-522. 36. Dio Padre
nelle Lettere di Clemente Romano e di Ignazio Martire, 523-542. 37. Consenso al Vangelo e gloria
di Dio. In margine a 2 Cor. 9, 11-13, 543-553. 38. I martiri Vitale e Agricola e il biennio della fede,
555-560. 39. Note al testo ambrosiano, 561-574. 40. Appunti (Siro)esaplari, 575-579. 41. Provvidenza
e speranza (In margine a Seneca, De Providentia), 581-591. 42. Pighi e la religione romana, 593-603.
43. Note sulle traduzioni greche e latine di Giudici 6, 11-24, 605-617. Bibliografia di Paolo Serra
Zanetti (a cura di F. CITTI e C. NERI), 619-623. Indice dei nomi, 625-644. Indice dei principali
passi commentati, 645-654. Indice tematico, 655-658. Indice generale, 659-661. In memoriam,
663-667].
SINISCALCO P., Le antiche chiese orientali. Storia e letteratura, Contributi di M. VAN ESBROECK,
R. LAVENANT, P. MARRASSINI, T. ORLANDI, R. PENNA, G. SFAMENI GASPARRO, Città Nuova, Roma
2005, pp. 458.
[Premessa, 5-11. Abbreviazioni, 12-13. Bibliografia generale, 14-16. I. La chiesa e le chiese tra
dimensione universale e dimensione locale, 19-39. II. La chiesa di Gerusalemme, 40-60.
III. L’Egitto cristiano, 61-84. IV. La letteratura copta e la storia dell’Egitto cristiano
(T. ORLANDI), 85-117. V. La chiesa d’Etiopia, 118-136. VI. La letteratura etiopica
(P. MARRASSINI), 137-150. VII. La chiesa siro-occidentale, 151-177. VIII. La letteratura siriaca
primitiva (R. LAVENANT), 178-207. IX. I maroniti, 208-215. X. La chiesa assira o siro-orientale,
216-235. XI. Le chiese dell’India, 236-257. XII. La chiesa armena, 258-276. XIII. La chiesa della
Georgia, 277-299. XIV. La letteratura patristica in Armenia e in Georgia (M. VAN ESBROECK),
300-327. Appendice: Introduzione, 331-332; L’ambiente giudaico delle origini cristiane
(R. PENNA), 333-350; Gli scritti canonici del NT (R. PENNA), 351-368; Lo gnosticismo
(G. SFAMENI GASPARRO), 369-411; Il manicheismo (G. SFAMENI GASPARRO), 413-429. Tavole,
433-439. Indici, 441-458].
STROUMSA G.G., La fin du sacrifice. Les mutations religieuses de l’Antiquité tardive, Préface de
J. SCHEID (Collège de France), Odile Jacob, Paris 2005, pp. 217.
[J. SCHEID, Préface, 9-12. Avant-propos, 13-20. Ch. I. Un nouveau souci de soi, 21-60. Ch. II.
L’essor des religions du livre, 61-101. Ch. III. Transformations du rituel, 103-144. Ch. IV. De la
religion civique à la religion communautaire, 145-186. Appendice: Du maître de sagesse au
maître spirituel, 187-214. – «Ce livre a pour origine immédiate quatre conférences données au
Collège de France en février 2004. Ses racines lointaines sont plus difficiles à discerner. Pour
autant que je sache, voilà plus de vingt ans que les transformations profondes du concept
même de religion sous l’empire romain m’occupent et me préoccupent» (p. 15)].
STRUCK P.T., Birth of the Symbol. Ancient Readers at the Limits of their Texts, Princeton University
Press, Princeton – Oxford 2004, pp. XI+316.
[Acknowledgments, XI. Introduction. The genealogy of the symbolic, 1-20. 1. Symbols and
riddles: allegorical reading and the boundary of the text, 21-76. 2. Beginnings to 300 B.C.E.:
meaning from the void of chance and the silence of the secret, 77-110. 3. From the head of
Zeus: the birth of the literary symbol, 111-141. 4. Swallowed children and bound gods: the
376
diffusion of the literary symbol, 142-161. 5. 300 B.C.E.–200 C.E.: the symbol as ontological
signifier, 162-203. 6. Iamblichus and the defense of ritual: talismanic symbols, 204-226.
7. Moonstones and men that glow: Proclus and the talismanic signifier, 227-253. Epilogue.
Symbol traces: post-proclean theories, 254-277. Appendix. Chrysippus’ reading and authorial
intention: the case of the mural at Samos, 279-282. Bibliography of ancient authors, 283-284;
Bibliography of modern authors, 285-296. Index locorum, 297-310. General index, 311-316].
THOMASSEN E., Orthodoxy and Heresy in Second-Century Rome, HThR 97 (2004) 241-256.
[The non-exclusion of heretics. The confusion of Tertullian. Why was Valentinus not
condemned? The organizational structure of Roman Christianity. Centralizing and
decentralizing forces. Agents of unity: Hermas, Marcion, and Valentinus. From diversity to
division to centralization].
– The Spiritual Seed. The Church of the “Valentinians” → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino ed ambiente
egiziano (3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo)
TÖRÖK L., Transfigurations of Hellenism. Aspects of Late Antique Art in Egypt AD 250-700 (Probleme
der Ägyptologie, 23), Brill, Leiden – Boston 2005, pp. XXVII+400, ill.
[List of figures, XI-XIX; List of plates, XIX-XXI; Acknowledgments, XXIII; A note on the
terminology, XXV-XXVII. I. Introduction: A visit to the Coptic Museum in Old Cairo, 1-7.
II. Images of late antique Egypt in twentieth-century art history, 9-36. III. On methods, 37-50.
IV. History, society, and art in late Roman and early Byzantine Egypt, 51-111. V. Continuity
and change 1: The survival of forms of Alexandrian Hellenistic architecture, 113-137.
VI. Continuity and change 2: New patterns of monumentality, 139-182. VII. Images for
mortuary display, 183-215. VIII. Images of the good life: display and style, 217-268. IX. The
Christianization of art in late antique Egypt, 269-350. Epilogue: Perennial Hellenism?, 351-358.
Abbreviations, 359-383. Indexes, 385-400. Illustrations].
U THEMANN K.-H., Christus, Kosmos, Diatribe. Themen der frühen Kirche als Beiträge zu einer
historischen Theologie (Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte, 93), Walter de Gruyter, Berlin – New York
2005, pp. XIII+665.
[Vorwort, VII-X. Inhaltsverzeichnis, XI-XIII. Zur Rezeption des Tomus Leonis in und nach
Chalkedon, 1-36. Definitionen und Paradigmen in der Rezeption des Dogmas von Chalkedon
bis in die Zeit Kaiser Justinians, 37-102. Das anthropologische Modell der hypostatischen
Union, 103-196. Das anthropologische Modell der Hypostatischen Union bei Maximus
Confessor, 197-206. Der Neuchalkedonismus als Vorbereitung des Monotheletismus, 207-255.
Kaiser Justinian als Kirchenpolitiker und Theologe, 257-331. Christusbild versus Christologie,
333-366. Sprache und Sein bei Anastasios Sinaites. Eine Semantik im Dienst der
Kontroverstheologie, 367-379. Formen der Kommunikation in den Homilien Severians von
Gabala, 381-419. Die Sprache der Theologie nach Eunomius von Cyzicus, 421-456. Die
Sprachtheorie des Eunomios von Kyzikos und Severianos von Gabala, 457-466. Bemerkungen
zu Augustins Auffassung der Predigt, 467-496. Kosmas Indikopleustes, Leben und Werk, 497561. Liste der Veröffentlichungen des Autors, 563-570. Register, 571-665. – Dal «Vorwort»: «Die
in diesem Sammelband publizierte Auswahl von Beiträgen stellt auf den ersten Blick, wie im
Titel angekündigt, drei, wenn man will, vier Themen nebeneinander, handelt es sich doch
um Aufsätze zur Geschichte der Christologie, der Sprache der Theologie und Predigt und des
sog. biblischen Weltbildes. Hintergründig verbunden werden die Aufsätze durch den Bezug
auf die Exegese der Bibel und deren Rezeption nach dem Konzil von Nikaia (325) bis zum
Beginn des Mittelalters, auch wenn dieser Bezug in keinem der Artikel, sieht man von jenem
über Kosmas Indikopleustes ab, ausführlich herausgearbeitet wurde. Wenn ich im Untertitel
377
von Beiträgen zu einer historischen Theologie spreche, dann möchte ich damit auf eine
umfassendere Perspektive hinweisen, die den Arbeiten, vor allem jenen zur Geschichte der
Christologie, gemeinsam ist» (p. VII)].
VAN NUFFELEN P., Un héritage de paix et de piété. Étude sur les histoires ecclésiastiques de Socrate et de
Sozomène (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta, 142), Peeters, Leuven – Paris – Dudley/MA 2004, pp.
LXXX+583.
[Avant-propos, V-VI. Table des matières, VII-XIV. Introduction, XV-XXVII. Abréviations et
sigles, XXIX-XXX. Bibliographie, XXXI-LXXX. Ch. I. La carrière et le milieu social:
Introduction, 1; 1. Socrate, 1-46; 2. Sozomène, 46-82; 3. Conclusion, 82-86. Ch. II. La théologie
de l’histoire: Introduction, 87-88; 1. Les structures fondamentales: l’unité dans le temps et
problème de l’unité spatiale, 88-90; 2. D’Origène à Eusèbe, 90-105; 3. Socrate, 105-124;
4. Sozomène, 124-158; 5. Conclusion, 158-162. Ch. III. Le genre littéraire «Histoire
ecclésiastique»: Introduction, 163-165; 1. L’historiographie classique et l’histoire ecclésiastique,
165-194; 2. L’historiographie chrétienne et l’histoire ecclésiastique, 194-206; 3. La diversification
interne de l’histoire ecclésiastique, 206-214; Conclusion, 214-217. Ch. IV. La méthode
historique: Introduction, 219-223; 1. L’heuristique et la critique des sources, 223-264; 2. La
composition de l’histoire, 264-291; 3. La causalité, 292-309; 4. Conclusion, 309-312. Ch. V. La
tradition: Introduction, 313-314; 1. L’origine de l’arianisme, 315-325; 2. Athanase, le défenseur de
Nicée, 325-363; 3. Julien l’Apostat, 364-378; 4. Les conciles de Constantinople de 381 et 383, 378389; 5. Les juifs, 390-402; 6. Conclusion, 403-405. Conclusion – Un héritage de paix et de piété,
407-408: 1. Le soulagement, 409-417; 2. La crainte, 417-422; 3. Le point de vue de Socrate et de
Sozomène, 422-425. Appendices: Appendice I. Plan des Histoires ecclésiastiques de Socrate et
Sozomène, 427-436; Appendice II. Deux sources de Socrate, 437-439; Appendice III. Deux
sources de Sozomène, 441-445; Appendice IV. La Synagogé de Sabinos d’Héraclée, 447-454;
Appendice V. Un aperçu des sources de Socrate et de Sozomène, 455-497. Index nominum,
499-516; Index locorum, 517-583].
VEÏSSE A.-H., Les «révoltes égyptiennes». Recherches sur les troubles intérieurs en Égypte du règne de Ptolémée
III à la conquête romaine (Studia Hellenistica, 41), Peeters, Leuven – Paris – Dudley/MA 2004,
pp. XVI+298.
[Avant-propos, IX. Introduction, XI-XVI. Première partie: état des sources: Ch. I – De
Ptolémée III Évergète à Ptolémée V Épiphane: I. Le soulèvement de 245, 3-5; II. L’Égypte au
tournant des IIIe et IIe siècles, 5-26. Ch. II – De Ptolémée VI Philométor à Ptolémée VIII
Évergète II: I. Une décennie dans la tourmente: les années 160, 27-45; II. Le milieu du IIe
siècle, 45-48; III. La crise des années 130, 48-63. Ch. III – De Ptolémée X Alexandre Ier à la
conquête romaine: I. Les derniers Ptolémées, 64-74; II. Le double soulèvement de 29, 74-76.
Bilan, 76-79. Deuxième partie: révoltes et révoltés: Ch. IV – Les chefs rebelles:
I. Haronnophris et Chaonnophris, 84-99; II. Dionysios Pétosarapis, 99-112. Ch. V – Les
partisans des soulèvements: I. Essai d’identification: l’apport du vocabulaire, 113-126; II. Les
actes de la révolte, 126-150. Bilan, 151-152. Troisième partie: les réactions face aux révoltes:
Ch. VI – Le roi lagide: I. La lutte contre les rebelles, 155-170; II. La pacification du pays, 171183; III. La reconquête de la légitimité, 184-196. Ch. VII – Les prêtres égyptiens: I. Les synodes
sacerdotaux, 197-220; II. Diversité du monde sacerdotal, 220-228; III. Le cas du clergé
thébain, 228-243. Bilan, 243-244. Conclusion, 245-248. Liste des principales abréviations, 249253. Bibliographie, 255-281. Liste des tableaux dans le texte, 283. Liste et index des sources, 285294. Index général, 295-298].
378
Virtutis Imago: Studies on the Conceptualisation and Transformation of an Ancient Ideal, Edited by
G. PARTOENS, G. R OSKAM and T. VAN HOUDT (Collection d’Études Classiques, 19), Éditions Peeters
– Société des Études Classiques, Louvain – Namur – Paris – Dudley/MA 2004, pp. IX+586
(= Virtutis imago).
[T. VAN HOUDT – G. PARTOENS – G. R OSKAM, The Semantics and Pragmatics of virtus, 1-26.
Greek and Roman Antiquity: M. HUYS, Did Roman Morals Require virtuous Women to Keep
Silent? A Note on Plautus, Rudens 1114, 29-42; C. LAES, High Hopes, Bitter Grief: Children and
their Virtues in Latin Literary Inscriptions, 43-75; A. WELKENHUYSEN, Virtus in nummis: The
Oldest Representations of virtus on Roman Coins, 77-87; T. DENEIRE, A Textbook in Latin Prose
Composition? Virtutes and vitia dicendi in Rhet. Her. 4, 12-16, 89-115; S. LORENZ, Nulla virtus
dulcior esse potest: ‘Mannestum’ und ‘Männlichkeit’ in der erotischen Kleindichtung der Römer,
117-143; K. HAEGEMANS – K. STOPPIE, Magni animi rex? Alexander the Great through Valerius
Maximus’ Eyes, 145-172; V. HUNINK, Solacia mali: Examples of Virtue in Tacitus’ Historiae, 173186; G. R OSKAM, Virtue in Apuleius, 187-217; J.-L. CHARLET, Virtus dans la poésie de Claudien,
219-228; P. VAN NUFFELEN, The Unstained Rule of Theodosius II: A Late Antique Panegyrical
Topos and Moral Concern, 229-256. Early Christian Literature and Culture: J. LEEMANS,
Preaching Christian Virtue: Basil of Caesarea’s Panegyrical Sermon on Julitta, 259-284; R. HENKE,
Ambrosius als Übersetzer von Basilius, Hexaëmeron 9, 3f.: Die stoische Oikeiosislehre im
Sechstagewerk, 285-297; G. PARTOENS, Defeating the Pagan Gods: Military Virtue in Prudentius’
Libri contra Symmachum, 299-337; C. GNILKA, Falsae pietatis imago. Quellenstudien zu einer
Szenenfolge der Psychomachie des Prudentius, 339-367; L. DE CONINCK – B. COPPIETERS
’T WALLANT – R. DEMEULENAERE, Le joug du Christ et l’amour de l’homme pour Dieu. Le sermo
70 d’Augustin d’Hippone, 369-394. Middle Ages and Early Modern Period: B. R OOSEN – P. VAN
DEUN, ∆Areth;n eij e[coi" pavnq∆ e{xei". Byzantine Virtue Speculation: A Case Study, 397-422;
K. SMOLAK, Virtutis iter. Literarhistorische Überlegungen zu dem Psalmsonntagshymnus, Gloria,
laus et honor, 423-435; A. W OUTERS, Vicious and Virtuous Types of Dialogue in Peter Abelard’s
Collationes, 437-459; G. GULDENTOPS, Denys the Carthusian on Humility, 461-482; T. VAN
HOUDT, Vincitis rusticitate viros: Gender, Virtue, and Vice in Friedrich Dedekind’s IronicDidactic Poem Grobianus, 483-505; J. PAPY, Sanctifying Stoic Virtues? Justus Lipsius’s Use of
Clement of Alexandria in the Manuductio ad Stoicam philosophiam (1604), 507-527.
Abbreviations, 529; Index locorum, 531-570; Index nominum, 571-586].
«Il vostro frutto rimanga» (Gv 16, 16). Miscellanea per il LXX compleanno di Giuseppe Ghiberti, a
cura di A. PASSONI DELL’ACQUA (Associazione Biblica Italiana. Supplementi alla Rivista Biblica, 46),
Edizioni Dehoniane Bologna, Bologna 2005, pp. 395 (= «Il vostro frutto rimanga». Miscellanea
Ghiberti).
[R. FABRIS, Presentazione, 7-8. A. PASSONI DELL’ACQUA, Date di una biografia, 9-10.
A. PASSONI DELL’ACQUA, Bibliografia di Giuseppe Ghiberti, 11-21. Parte I. Letteratura
giovannea: G. BIGUZZI, I «segni» giovannei, 25-33; G. BORGONOVO, Calendario e feste nel Quarto
Vangelo. Un tentativo di spiegazione, 35-41; M.M. MORFINO, Tradizioni targumico-midrashiche
e middot rabbiniche nel Quarto Vangelo, 43-59; M. NOBILE, Le citazioni di Zaccaria nel Vangelo
di Giovanni, 61-69; A. NICCACCI, Logos e Sapienza nel Prologo di Giovanni, 71-83; G. SEGALLA,
Luoghi della memoria del discepolo amato (Gv 1, 28; 3, 23; 10, 40-42), 85-98; M. GIRARD, Cana ou
l’«heure» de la vraie noce (Jean 2, 1-12). Structure stylistique et processus de symbolisation, 99-109;
F. MANZI, Resa credente o resistenza incredula al segno della risurrezione di Lazzaro, 111-118;
R. VIGNOLO, Il Quarto Vangelo in due parole. In margine ai macarismi giovannei (Gv 13, 17; 20,
29), 119-132; J. BEUTLER, «Levatevi, partiamo di qui» (Gv 14, 31). Un invito a un itinerario
spirituale?, 133-143; G. GIURISATO, Il comandamento di Gesù e l’odio del mondo (Gv 15, 9-17. 1825), 145-161; C. MAZZUCCO, «Allora lo consegnò a loro perché fosse crocifisso» (Gv 19, 16a), 163-174;
379
G.C. BOTTINI, Peccato e intercessione in 1Gv 5, 16-17. Dalla struttura al messaggio, 175-184;
U. VANNI, L’attesa della venuta di Cristo nell’Apocalisse come motivazione morale, 185-191;
C. D OGLIO, Il Cristo risorto «principe» dei re della terra. Il titolo cristologico di Ap 1, 5a, 193-201.
Parte II. Giudaismo e Nuovo Testamento: L. TROIANI, Le Antichità giudaiche e il giudaismo
contemporaneo, 205-211; G. SCARPAT, Il porto della vittoria immortale (4Mac 7, 3), 213-217;
R. PENNA, Le costruzioni del verbo pisteuvw nel Nuovo Testamento, 219-229; G. J OSSA, La
domanda di Gesù sul figlio di David (Mc 12, 35-37), 231-239; R. FABRIS, La Lettera di Giacomo nella
tradizione sapienziale e apocalittica, 241-256; C. W OLFF, Die Auferstehung Jesu Christi im ersten
Petrusbrief, 257-266; G. MARCONI, La rappresentazione della falsità (2Pt 2, 10b-22), 267-273. Parte
III. Letture della Bibbia nella Chiesa: P. DE BENEDETTI, Del tradurre la scrittura ovvero alla
ricerca dei sensi perduti, 277-281; E. MANICARDI, La Sacra Scrittura nella liturgia. Operatività ed
efficacia, 283-296; J. SCHLOSSER, Christologie du Nouveau Testament et liturgie, 297-308; E. DAL
COVOLO, Argomentazioni patristiche sulla verità. «Ego sum via et veritas» (cf. Gv 14, 6) in
Origene e in Agostino, 309-321; F. MONTAGNINI, Appunti sui carismi, 323-330; C. G HIDELLI, Il
cristianesimo come «eresia». Alla ricerca dello specifico cristiano, 331-340; A. M ODA, Gesù e le donne.
Qualche pista metodologica, 341-351. Indice delle citazioni bibliche, 353-375; Indice dei nomi, 377384; Indice generale, 385-387. Tabula gratulatoria, 389-395].
WIFSTRAND A., Epochs and Styles. Selected Writings on the New Testament, Greek Language and Greek
Culture in the Post-Classical Era, Edited by L. RYDBECK and S.E. PORTER, Translated from the
Swedish Originals by D. SEARBY (WUNT, 179), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2005, pp. VIII+241.
[L. RYDBECK, Editorial Foreword, V-VII. L. RYDBECK, Introduction, 1-8; J. PALM, Eulogy for
Albert Wifstrand, 9-13. Section I: New Testament: Ch. 1. Luke and Greek classicism, 17-27;
Ch. 2. Luke and the Septuagint, 28-45; Ch. 3. Stylistic problems in the epistles of James and
Peter, 46-58; Ch. 4. A problem concerning word order in the New Testament, 59-70; Ch. 5.
Language and style of the New Testament, 71-77. Section II: Greek Language: Ch. 6. Greek
prose style: an historical survey, 81-92; Ch. 7. Greek and modern prose style, 93-110; Ch. 8. The
Homily of Melito on the Passion, 111-132. Section III. Greek culture in the post-classical era:
Ch. 9. Classical and post-classical Greeks, 135-150; Ch. 10. The Roman empire from the Greek
perspective, 151-170; Ch. 11. Focus on the child, 171-196; Ch. 12. Son of fortune, son of
affliction, 197-203; Ch. 13. The centre, 204-212; Ch. 14. Sidelights on Greek culture from a
Greek medical writer, 213-236. Index of ancient sources and people, 237-238; Index of modern
authors, 239-240; Index of subjects, 241. – Raccolta postuma di studi in svedese di Albert
Wifstrand (1901-1964), filologo classico, specialista di LXX e NT, studioso di letteratura
cristiana antica].
The Wisdom of Egypt. Jewish, Early Christian, and Gnostic Essays in Honour of Gerard P. Luttikhuizen.
Edited by A. HILHORST and G.H. VAN KOOTEN (AJEC, 59), Brill, Leiden – Boston 2005, pp. XII+557
(=The Wisdom of Egypt).
[A. HILHORST – G. VAN KOOTEN, Preface, IX-XII. E. NOORT, The Disgrace of Egypt: Joshua
5.9a and Its Context, 3-19. F. GARCÍA MARTÍNEZ, La Genèse d’Alexandrie, les Rabbins et Qumrân,
21-41. J.T.A.G.M. VAN RUITEN, The Birth of Moses in Egypt According to the Book of Jubilees
(Jub 47.1-9), 43-65. R. KUGLER, Hearing the Story of Moses in Ptolemaic Egypt: Artapanus
Accommodates the Tradition, 67-80. J. BOLYKI, Egypt as the Setting for Joseph and Aseneth:
Accidental or Deliberate?, 81-96. B.J. LIETAERT PEERBOLTE, The Wisdom of Solomon and the
Gnostic Sophia, 97-114. J.W. VAN HENTEN, Cleopatra in Josephus: From Herod’s Rival to the Wise
Ruler’s Opposite, 115-134. P.W. VAN DER HORST, ‘The God Who Drowned the King of Egypt’: A
Short Note on an Exorcistic Formula, 135-139. M.J.J. MENKEN, ‘Out of Egypt I Have Called My
Son’: Some Observations on the Quotation from Hosea 11.1 in Matthew 2.15, 143-152.
380
T. HILHORST, ‘And Moses Was Instructed in All the Wisdom of the Egyptians’ (Acts 7.22), 153-176.
G.H. VAN KOOTEN, ‘Wrath Will Drip in the Plains of Macedonia’: Expectations of Nero’s Return
in the Egyptian Sibylline Oracles (Book 5), 2 Thessalonians, and Ancient Historical Writings, 177215. H. TE VELDE, Looking at the Condemning Heart of 1 John 3.18-20 through the Eyes of an
Ancient Egyptian, 217-225. H. VAN DE SANDT, The Egyptian Background of the ‘Ointment’ Prayer
in the Eucharistic Rite of the Didache (10.8), 227-245. J. LOMAN, The Letter of Barnabas in Early
Second-Century Egypt, 247-265. R. R OUKEMA, Paul’s Rapture to Paradise in Early Christian
Literature, 267-283. J. HERRMANN and A. VAN DEN HOEK, The Sphinx: Sculpture as a Theological
Symbol in Plutarch and Clement of Alexandria, 285-310. J.N. BREMMER , Foolish Egyptians: Apion
and Anoubion in the Pseudo-Clementines, 311-329. H. BAKKER, Potamiaena: Some Observations
About Martyrdom and Gender in Ancient Alexandria, 331-350. M. PESTHY, ‘Mulier est
Instrumentum Diaboli’: Women and the Desert Fathers, 351-362. A. JAKAB, Le Gnosticisme
Alexandrin aux Premiers Temps du Christianisme, 365-379. A.L.A. HOGETERP, The Gospel of
Thomas and the Historical Jesus: The Case of Eschatology, 381-396. A.P. BOS, Basilides of Alexandria:
Matthias (Matthew) and Aristotle as the Sources of Inspiration for His Gnostic Theology in
Hippolytus’ Refutatio, 397-418. J. VAN DIJK, Early Christian Apocrypha and the Secret Books of
Ancient Egypt, 419-428. E. TIGCHELAAR, Baraies on Mani’s Rapture, Paul, and the Antediluvian
Apostles, 429-441. F.L. R OIG LANZILLOTTA, Devolution and Recollection, Deficiency and
Perfection: Human Degradation and the Recovery of the Primal Condition According to Some Early
Christian Texts, 443-459. J. TUBACH, Reisewege der Apostel in den Acta Petri aus Nag Hammadi, 461483. I. CZACHESZ, The Identity of Lithargoel in the Acts of Peter and the Twelve, 485-502.
M. MEYER, Gnosis, Mageia, and The Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit, 503-517. J. VAN DER
VLIET, Fate, Magic and Astrology in Pistis Sophia, chaps 15-21, 519-536. Bibliography of Gerard P.
Luttikhuizen, 537-543. List of Contributors, 545-547. Index of Subjects and Names, 549-551; Index
of Ancient Authors and Writings, 552-556; Index of Hebrew, Greek, and Coptic Words, 557].
WIŚNIEWSKI R., La consultation des possédés dans l’Antiquité tardive: pythones, engastrimythoi et
arrepticii, REAug 51 (2005) 127-152.
[Abstract: «The subject of the paper is a little known form of divination which consisted in
consulting people considered to be demoniacs. There is no technical term reserved for
energumens – soothsayers. That is why it is difficult to identify them in the literary sources,
and in particular to distinguish them from mediums in trance and necromancers invoking the
spirits of the dead. Nonetheless at least a few undisputed testimonies of asking demoniacs for
oracular consultation can be found in the late antique texts, of both eastern and western
origin. The method developed probably in the pagan milieu but was later adopted by the
Christians as well who used to practice it in churches or martyria, close to the relics of saints.
The later were to guarantee the veracity of demons’ responses and it seems that sometimes
the practice was considered as acceptable, even pious, as opposed to other methods
belonging to the panoply of ancient divination» (p. 152) – Riferimenti a Origene, CC, Prin,
H1Sam 28; Atanasio, Ep. Fest. 42].
XERAVITS G. – ZSENGELLÉR J. (éds.), Szövetségek erőterében. A deuterokanonikus irodalom alapvető
kérdései → 4. LXX
2. Ellenismo e cultura alessandrina
Hesychii Alexandrini Lexicon, Volumen III, P-S, editionem post Kurt Latte continuans recensuit et
emendavit P.A. HANSEN (Sammlung griechischer und lateinischer Grammatiker, 11/3), Walter de
Gruyter, Berlin – New York 2005, pp. XXXIII+404.
381
[Preface by the Commission for Corpus Lexicographorum Graecorum, IX-XI. Preface by the
Editor, XIII-XIV. K. ALPERS, Corrigenda et Addenda to Latte’s Prolegomena to Hesychii
Alexandrini Lexicon, Vol. I: A-D, XV-XXIII. Abbreviations, XXV-XXXIII. Hesychii Alexandrini
Lexicon: P-S, 1-404 – «This volume is hereby presented to the public as the third of five
volumes planned to constitute the edition of Hesychius’ Lexicon. The edition has a long
history, affected by two world wars and by the vicissitudes of Kurt Latte, the original editor
(1891-1964). It had its beginnings exactly ninety years ago» (p. IX)].
Ancient Alexandria between Egypt and Greece → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
Posidippo e gli altri. Il poeta, il genere, il contesto culturale e letterario. Atti dell’incontro di studio,
Roma, 14-15 maggio 2004, a cura di M. DI MARCO, B.M. PALUMBO STRACCA, E. LELLI = Appunti
Romani di Filologia. Studi e comunicazioni di filologia, linguistica e letteratura greca e latina, VI,
2004, Istituti Editoriali e Poligrafici Internazionali, Pisa – Roma 2005, pp. XII+235.
[M. DI MARCO, B.M. PALUMBO STRACCA, Prefazione, VII-VIII; G. BASTIANINI, Introduzione,
XI-XII. L. BRAVI, Gli epigrammi di Simonide e il P. Mil. Vogl. VIII 309, 1-7. L. BETTARINI,
Posidippo e l’epigramma epinicio: aspetti linguistici, 9-22. V. GARULLI, Posidippo e l’epigrafia
sepolcrale greca, 23-46. M.M. DI NINO, Posidippo e la letteratura incubatoria, 47-76. E. LELLI,
Posidippo e Callimaco, 77-132. V. RAIMONDI, Aijpoliko;" duvserw" in Posidippo 19 A.-B: un
richiamo al Ciclope innamorato infelice di Theocr. Idd. 6 e 11, 133-146. C. DE STEFANI, Posidippo e
Leonida di Taranto: spunti per un confronto, 147-190. E. ESPOSITO, Posidippo, Eronda e l’arte
tolemaica, 191-202. C. MELIADÒ, Posidippo, l’epos ellenistico e la propaganda tolemaica, 203-216.
E. MAGNELLI, Fortuna del nuovo Posidippo nella poesia imperiale, 217-227. Indice, 231-238].
AMBÜHL A., Kinder und junge Helden. Innovative Aspekte des Umgangs mit der literarischen Tradition
bei Kallimachos (Hellenistica Groningana, 9), Peeters, Leuven – Paris – Dudley/MA 2005, pp.
XIII+457.
[Vorwort, VII-VIII. Inhaltsverzeichnis, IX-XIII. I. Einleitung: 1. Aufbau und Ziel der
Untersuchung, 1-3; 2. Das Motiv des Kindes und des jungen Helden bei Kallimachos im
Kontext der Forschung zur alexandrinischen Dichtung, 3-12; 3. Die intertextuelle Dimension
des Motivs des Kindes und des jungen Helden: Der Umgang mit der literarischen Tradition
im Spannungsfeld zwischen Tradition und Innovation, 12-22; 4. Das innovative Potential des
Motivs des Kindes und des jungen Helden: ‘Future reflexive’ und Aitiologie, 23-30.
II. Theseus in der Hekale und Herakles in der Victoria Berenices: 1. Theseus in der Hekale, 3158; 2. Theseus und Herakles: Die Hekale und die Victoria Berenices als Diptychon, 58-97.
III. Teiresias im Bad der Pallas und Erysichton im Demeter-Hymnos: 1. Teiresias im Bad der
Pallas, 99-160; 2. Erysichthon im Demeter-Hymnos, 160-204; 3. Teiresias und Erysichthon: Der
fünfte und sechste Hymnos als Diptychon, 204-223. IV. Götter als Kinder in den
Kallimachäischen Hymnen: 1. Götter als Kinder in den Kallimacheischen Hymnen vor dem
Hintergrund der Gattungstradition, 225-235; 2. Die Geburt des Zeus im ersten Hymnos, 235245; 3. Artemis als Kind im dritten Hymnos, 245-307; 4. Apollon als Prophet im Mutterleib im
vierten Hymnos, 308-362; 5. Fazit, 362-363. V. ‘Kallimachos’ als Kind und Jüngling in AitienProlog und Somnium: 1. Das Aition der Aitia: ‘Hesiod’ und ‘Kallimachos’ auf dem Helikon,
365-385; 2. Kallimachos als Kind, Jüngling und Greis in Aitien-Prolog und Somnium, 385-408;
VI. Epilog: Die Motive von Kindheit, Jugend und Alter in Aitien-Prolog und Somnium und im
Gesamtwerk des Kallimachos, 409-413. Literatur– und Abkürzungsverzeichnis, 415-450;
Stellenregister, 451-457].
382
BREMMER J.N., Foolish Egyptians: Apion and Anoubion in the Pseudo-Clementines, in The Wisdom of
Egypt, 311-329.
[1. Athenodorus. 2. Annoubion. 3. Appion. 4. Conclusion – Dalla Conclusione: «It is clear that
the author of the Grundschrift was well informed about both Anoubion and Apion. Where
and how did he obtain his knowledge about these two “foolish” Egyptians? The case of
Annoubion is perhaps the easiest one to answer. It is clear that Egyptian astrology was known
in Edessa, as Bardaisan was familiar with “books of the Egyptians in which all the different
things that may befall people are described”. The poem of Anoubion, then, may well have
circulated in Edessa. The case of Apion is more difficult. Older source-critical studies
suggested that the section concerning Apion derives from a Jewish “Disputationsbuch”. In
addition, Schmidt has reasonably argued that the figure of Appion could hardly have been
imagined before Josephus’ Contra Apionem (ca. AD 93), whereas the existence of comparable
apologetic treatises is improbable after the Jewish uprising under Trajan and the revolt of Bar
Kokhba. The lost source, then, should date from the intervening years. The use of Jewish
material is certainly possible, as Stanley Jones has also identified a Jewish-Christian source in
the Grundschrift that has survived in the Recognitiones. Yet the existence of (Alexandrian)
Jewish apologetic at the time of Josephus’ Contra Apionem has become less certain, and
current ideas about Jewish apologetics are cleraly in need of a thorough revision» (p. 328)].
BUIS E.J., Destinatarios y lectores: análisis del discurso, meta-poética y niveles de recepción en Calímaco,
REA 107 (2005) 47-68.
[I. Introducción: Comunicación y meta-poética. II. Calímaco, Telquines y lectores. III. Los otros y
nosotros. IV. Esbozo de una conclusión. – Abstract: «The aim of this work is to examine
Callimachus’s reflections concerning his work using the identification of his reception
mechanisms. In this sense “Prologue to the Telchines” presents a complex communicative
system, superimposing different receptors that turn the author’s poetics into a real example of
the political use of literary circulation specific to the Alexandrian erudite community» (p. 47)].
BURTON J.B., Themes of Female Desire and Self-Assertion in the Song of Songs and Hellenistic Poetry, in
Perspectives on the Song of Songs, 180-205.
[A social and cultural context in the Hellenistic world. Assertion of female desire in the Song.
Female desire and self-assertion in Theocritus. Female desire and self-assertion in other
Hellenistic literature. Conclusion. – Dalla Conclusione: «In the early Hellenistic age, there was a
general poetic engagement with changing gender roles. This engagement seems related to the
unsettling of social roles and expectations that naturally accompanied the increased mobility of
the Hellenistic age and the changed political landscape, as well as the interactions of different
cultures with different gender mores. Themes of female desire and self-assertion as well as male
helplessness and erotic passivity become prominent, and themes of erotic reciprocity and
mutual passion also come into play. There are parallels in social and gender themes between
Hellenistic poetry and the Song of Songs: for example, Theocritus Idylls 2 and 15, both of them
mimes, show women feeling and expressing desire and claiming their right to enter the streets if
they wish. Not only the form – that of mime – but also the content help suggest a congenial
context for the creation of the Song of Songs in the third century BCE» (p. 201)].
CHESHIRE K., Thematic Progression and Unity in Callimachus’ Hymn to Apollo, The Classical Journal
100 (2005) 331-348.
[I. Foundation: From Delos to Cyrene. II. Celebration of Apollo Carneius: From Sparta to
Cyrene. III. Reciprocation for choral celebration: From Delphi to Cyrene].
DURBEC Y., Notes à la Victoire de Bérénice de Callimaque, SH 254-268C, Eikasmos 16 (2005) 161-164.
383
[1. La question de l’unité des fragments. 2. Datation de la Victoire de Bérénice. 3. Relecture des
papyrus de Lille. 4. De l’interprétation d’un hermaion, SH 257, 16].
FALIVENE M.R., A scuola nell’Egitto tolemaico. Testi della ‘biblioteca’ di Al Hiba, in Ars/Techne. Il
manuale tecnico nelle civiltà greca e romana. Atti del Convegno Internazionale. Università
“G. D’Annunzio” di Chieti-Pescara, 29-30 ottobre 2001, a cura di M.S. CELENTANO (Collana del
Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità. Università degli Studi “G. d’Annunzio” Chieti-Pescara.
Sezione filologica, 2), Edizioni dell’Orso, Alessandria 2003, 43-49.
HAGEDORN A.C., Jealousy and Desire at Night. Fragmentum Grenfellianum and Song of Songs, in
[Cant 3:1-5 and 5:2-8. Fragmentum Grenfellianum. Conclusion. – Dalla Conclusione: «Due to
the relative scarcity of expressions of female desire in the Hebrew Bible, the texts from
(Hellenistic) Greece employing women’s voices serve as a convenient set of comparative data
that can be utilised to illuminate the poems from the Song of Songs. However, despite all the
parallels in structure and contents one should not disregard the differences. As far as our look
at Fragmentum Grenfellianum was concerned, it became clear that expressions of desire, often
similar to the two passages Cant 3:1-5 and 5:2-8 are utilised in the Fragment to shape a
powerful expression of jealousy and to point the reader to the pains caused by abandonment.
This notion is missing in Song of Songs, but the desire for the beloved partner is equally strong
expressed» (pp. 224-225)].
LAMBERT M., Cruel Boys and Ageing Men: The Paederastic Poems in the Theocritean Corpus, Acta
Classica 47 (2004) 75-85.
[Abstract: «In this analysis of the paederastic poems in the Theocritean corpus (Idylls 12, 23, 29,
30), the author argues that the poet reflects intensely on mutuality in a relationship between an
older and younger man and engages not only with the paederastic literary tradition (as has been
argued by many contemporary scholars), but also creates a “homosexual identity” not
encountered in the texts of the Archaic and Classical periods» (p. 75)].
LEHNUS L., Notizie callimachee VII, Eikasmos 16 (2005) 155-160.
TÖRÖK L., Transfigurations of Hellenism. Aspects of Late Antique Art in Egypt AD 250-700
→
U KLEJA K., Der Delos-Hymnus des Kallimachos innerhalb seines Hymnensextetts (Orbis antiquus, 39),
Aschendorff Verlag, Münster 2005, pp. VII+353.
[I. Einleitung, 1-20. II. Die Reihenfolge der Hymnen des Kallimachos, 21-107.
III. Motivverlagerungen im vierten Hymnus gegenüber dem delischen Teil des homerischen
Apollon-Hymnus, 109-117. IV. Teil I des Delos-Hymnus (1-54): Wert und Unwert der Stabilität,
119-127. V. Die Antwort des Kallimachos auf die pindarische Erklärung der Namen Asteria
und Delos, 129-147. VI. Teil II des Delos-Hymnus (55-274): Der Mythos von der Geburt des
Apollon, 149-219. VII. Teil III des Delos-Hymnus (275-326): Die Umwandlung des Negativen
ins Positive, 221-230. VIII. Die Aufwertung der Insel Delos und des ‘delischen’ Apollon, 231269. IX. Schlußbetrachtung, 271-283. X. Anhang, 285-305. Literatur, 307-322; Stellen, 323-343;
Index, 345-353].
VEÏSSE A.-H., Les «révoltes égyptiennes». Recherches sur les troubles intérieurs en Égypte du règne de Ptolémée
III à la conquête romaine → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
384
3. Giudaismo ellenistico
BIRNBAUM E., Portrayals of the Wise and Virtuous in Alexandrian Jewish Works: Jews’ Perceptions of
Themselves and Others, in Ancient Alexandria between Egypt and Greece, 125-160.
BLOCH R., Posidonian Thoughts – Ancient and Modern, JSJ 35 (2004) 284-294.
[Abstract: «Strabo’s history of Judaism (Geography 16.2.35ff.), which is most probably copied
from Posidonius, focuses less on the past which is idealized than on the present which is
criticized – as is common in descriptions of a “golden age” which later deteriorates. The
Posidonian thought that the Jewish religion declined made its way into Tacitus’ mostly hostile
ethnography of Judaism. Modern scholars, especially in the 19th century, when commenting
Posidonius and Tacitus sympathized from a quite different perspective with that very idea of
a Jewish decline» (p. 284)].
BOLYKI J., Egypt as the Setting for Joseph and Aseneth: Accidental or Deliberate?, in The Wisdom of
Egypt, 81-96.
[Overview of the history of research. Statistics and the use of words. Material evidence.
Clarification of a ‘scandalous’ biblical issue and its consequences. Aspects of Egyptian religion.
Hellenistic Jewish narratives and Deuterocanonical wisdom literature. Ancient romance.
Literary motifs and psychological archetypes. – «Not only do we want to demonstrate that
this romance was certainly written in Egypt, but also that it must have been written in Egypt
on account of its deepest level of meaning. We will first address traditional issues, such as
vocabulary statistics, material evidence, authorial intent, situation of the first readers, and
literary analogies; we will then examine the existential motifs of the romance, proceeding from
a study by Gerard Luttikhuizen» (pp. 81-82)].
BREMMER J.N., Foolish Egyptians: Apion and Anoubion in the Pseudo-Clementines → 2. Ellenismo e
cultura alessandrina
FILIPPIS CAPPAI C., «Era bello ... morire in difesa della legge patria...» (Ios., Bell. 1,650). Il martirio nel
mondo giudaico di età ellenistico-romana, Quaderni del Dipartimento di Filologia, Linguistica e
Tradizione classica «Augusto Rostagni», n. s., 3 (2004) = Pubblicazioni del Dipartimento di Filologia,
Linguistica e Tradizione classica «Augusto Rostagni», 21, 149-162
[Analisi delle fonti bibliche ed extrabibliche relative al martirio giudaico in epoca ellenistica].
DE
G OFF M.J., Hellenistic Instruction in Palestine and Egypt: Ben Sira and Papyrus Insinger → 4. LXX
HILHORST T., ‘And Moses Was Instructed in All the Wisdom of the Egyptians’ (Acts 7.22), in The Wisdom
of Egypt, 153-176.
[1. The wisdom of the Egyptians in Acts 7.22. 2. Moses’ Egyptian education in Hellenistic
Judaism. 3. Patristic readings of Acts 7.22. 4. Conclusion – «We have argued that the wisdom
of the Egyptians in Acts 7.22 must indeed be specifically Egyptian. Nowhere in early Jewish
literature have we found a statement comparable with the one in Acts; thus, we inferred,
Acts was evidently unique in stressing the Egyptian character of the wisdom concerned.
However, not only Philo represented Moses’ instruction at the Pharaoh’s court as an initiation
in the Greek encyclia, Clement of Alexandria, who knew Acts, also held that view and, what
is more, declared explicitly that Acts 7.22 had to be read in the light of Philo’s description.
Many other patristic authors shared that view; they obviously saw no need to conceive of the
wisdom of the Egyptians as something specifically Egyptian, something definitely non-Greek.
Against this background, our reasoning may well have been too rigid. If Hellenistic nearcontemporaries of the author of Acts such as Philo and Clement could interpret Moses’s
385
education in Egypt as a Greek affair, why could he not have had the same intention himself?»
(pp. 173-174)].
JACOBSON H., Eusebius, Polyhistor and Ezechiel → 19. Eusebio di Cesarea
KOVELMAN A., Between Alexandria and Jerusalem. The Dynamic of Jewish and Hellenistic Culture (The
Brill Reference Library of Judaism), Leiden – Boston 2005, pp. XIV+177.
[Preface, VII-XIV. Ch. 1. A quest for historicism and the rhetoric of petitions, 1-38.
Ch. 2. Laughter, fantasy, and eroticism: from the scroll of Esther to Esther Midrash, 39-66.
Ch. 3. Exegesis and midrash, 67-99. Ch. 4. Typology and pesher in the «Letter of Aristeas»,
101-134. Ch. 5. The sages and the crowd: society behind the culture, 135-154. List of works cited,
155-165. Index of names and subjects, 167-169. Index of Scriptures and ancient sources, 170177. – Dalla Prefazione: «In this book, I approach Jewish culture of the Second Temple and
Talmudic periods as stylistic systems. To my mind, the alternation of styles manifests the
collapse of an old literature and the creation of a new one. The ruptures and transformations
of Greco-Roman and Jewish cultures certainly were provoked by intra- and intercultural
struggle. Yet in the end, Mediterranean society followed a general trend toward the growth of
self-awareness due to various political, social, and economic causes» (p. XIII)].
KUGLER R., Hearing the Story of Moses in Ptolemaic Egypt: Artapanus Accommodates the Tradition, in
The Wisdom of Egypt, 67-80.
[1. Artapanus on Moses: An overview of the account and its genre, provenance and date.
2. Constructing the receptive context for Artapanus’ account of Moses. 3. Receiving Artapanus
in mid-second century BCE Herakleopolis. Appendix. – «In short it seems quite likely that
Artapanus’ work, often sold short by commentators as naïve, pagan, or at least syncretistic, in
fact worked powerfully to assuage Egyptian Jews’ natural anxieties relative to the legitimacy of
their own self-understanding as the chosen people of the one God. By following the example of
Moses they could happily grant legitimacy to their Egyptian neighbors’ religious practices and
even put their shoulder to the plow that prospered Egypt as a whole. But at the same time they
could rest assured that, within the boundaries of their own community and imaginations, they
remained the chosen people of the one God, the master of all the universe. They could be
certain that push-come-to shove, their God would see to them in a pinch. Thus Artapanus’
response to a stiff cultural challenge was not an inerrantist or literalist retreat into his sacred
texts that might have engendered religious extremism in his audience. Instead, he offered a
richly interpretive reading of his people’s most revered traditions that authorized them to adapt
to the competing, dominant culture while remaining faithful to their own tradition. I suspect we
could learn from this ancient Jew, were we to listen to him well» (p. 78)].
LANFRANCHI P.L., Tradizioni teatrali e tradizioni esegetiche nell’Exagoge di Ezechiele, Adamantius 12
(2006) 335-337.
[1. L’Exagoge e l’evoluzione della tragedia in epoca ellenistica. 2. Tendenze esegetiche
nell’Exagoge. – «... La maggior parte delle varianti e dei cambiamenti rispetto al testo biblico
che Ezechiele ha introdotto nella sua tragedia non riflettono alcuna tendenza esegetica
particolare né alcuna influenza midrashica, ma obbediscono alla logica interna di un testo
poetico e drammatico quale è l’Exagoge» (p. 224)].
MACH M.F., Lerntraditionen im hellenistischen Judentum unter besonderer Berücksichtigung Philons von
Alexandrien → 7. Filone Alessandrino
386
PERANI M., Gli studi giudaici negli ambienti accademici e scientifici italiani dal Novecento ad oggi
→ 0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili di studiosi
[4. Il contributo italiano agli studi giudaici in epoca recente: 4.3. Gli studi sul giudaismo
ellenistico (pp. 21-22)].
PIZZOLATO L.F. – SOMENZI C., I sette fratelli Maccabei nella Chiesa antica d’Occidente → 1. Miscellanee e
studi di carattere generale
(Interdisciplinary Studies in Ancient Culture and Religion, 6), Peeters, Leuven – Dudley/MA 2005,
pp. XI+302.
[Part I. Ancient Sources: 1. Inscriptions, 3-13; 2. Papyri, 15-76; 3. Literary sources, 77-119. Part II.
Modern Insights: 4. Background, 123-142; 5. The chronological framework, 143-156; 6. The question of
Eusebius’s sources, 157-166; 7. Egypt: New dates, new readings and new interpretations, 167-190; 8.
Mesopotamia, 191-217; 9. Judaea, 219-257; 10. The order, possible interrelations and achievments of
the uprisings, 259-266. Modern bibliography, 267-289. Indexes, 291-302].
SCARPAT G., Il porto della vittoria immortale (4Mac 7, 3), in «Il vostro frutto rimanga». Miscellanea
Ghiberti, 213-217.
[«Ci troviamo davanti a un testo giudeo-ellenistico dove si parla di eujsevbeia, quella “pietà”,
forma di religione monoteistica che distingueva gli ebrei dai pagani, unita qui alla nivkh
ajqavnato" di pretto sapore greco. Basterebbe a orientarci l’assenza di nivkh nel NT, dove se mai
si incontra nivko"... Una nivkh, ci sembra, non avrebbe dovuto entrare nel vocabolario dello
scrittore giudeo; nivkh era una dea, un epiteto di Atena, anche se, certamente, nivkh era anche
un nome comune, come c’erano i nikhfovroi; ma nivkh è la vittoria sportiva o anche la vittoria
militare. Qui, invece, la nivkh è ajqavnato", “immortale”, non è la comune nivkh. E ajqavnato" è
l’aggettivo ricorrente negli Epitafi greci» (p. 215)].
SANDT H., The Egyptian Background of the ‘Ointment’ Prayer in the Eucharistic Rite of the
Didache (10.8) → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino ed ambiente egiziano (2. Il periodo delle origini)
VAN DE
WILSON W.T., The Sentences of Pseudo-Phocylides (Commentaries on Early Jewish Literature), Walter
de Gruyter, Berlin – New York 2005, pp. XIV+302.
[Acknowledgments, VII; Contents, IX-X; Abbreviations, XI-XIV. Introduction: I. The Sentences
as pseudonymous Jewish-Greek poetry, 3-8; II. The Sentences as Hellenistic gnomic poetry, 9-13;
III. The sources of the Sentences, 14-22; IV. The literary structure of the Sentences, 23-30; V. The
moral outlook of the Sentences, 31-39; VI. Manuscript evidence for the Sentences, 40-41; VII.
General bibliography, 42-63. Commentary: I. Prologue (Title + Verses 1-2) and Epilogue (Verses
228-230), 67-72; II. Summary of the Decalogue (Verses 3-8), 73-83; III. Justice and mercy (Verses
9-54), 84-112; IV. Moderation and harmony (Verses 55-96), 113-136; V. Fortitude and fortune
(Verses 97-121), 137-154; VI. Speech and Wisdom (Verses 122-131), 155-161; VII. Enemies and
evildoers (Verses 132-152), 162-176; VIII. Earning a living (Verses 153-174), 177-184; IX. Sex and the
Household (Verses 175-227), 185-213. Appendix: The Greek text of the Sentences, 217-222. Index
of references, 223-291; Index of subjects, 293-296; Index of modern authors, 297-302].
4. LXX
L’apport de la Septante aux études sur l’Antiquité. Actes du colloque de Strasbourg, 8-9 novembre
2002, Textes réunis par J. JOOSTEN et PH. LE M OIGNE (Lectio divina, 203), Cerf, Paris 2005, pp. 314
(= L’apport de la Septante aux études sur l’Antiquité).
387
[J. JOOSTEN, Préface, 7-13. I. Aspects linguistiques: A. VOITILA, La Septante: un document
linguistique de la koiné grecque antique?, 17-35; J. LUST, La syntaxe et le grec de traduction, 37-55;
T. MURAOKA, Apports de la LXX dans notre compréhension de l’hébreu et du grec et de leur
vocabulaire, 57-68. II. La technique de traduction et le style de la version grecque: PH. LE
MOIGNE, Oujc wJ" dans Ésaïe-LXX, 71-104; J. DE WAARD, Indices phonétiques hébreux dans et
derrière le grec de la Septante de Proverbes, 105-117; N. FERNÁNDEZ MARCOS, Héros et victime:
Samson dans la LXX, 119-133. III. La critique textuelle et l’histoire du texte biblique: P.M. BOGAERT, La datation par souscription dans les rédactions courte (LXX) et longue (TM) du
livre de Jérémie, 137-159; O. MUNNICH, Le cadrage dynastique et l’ordre des chapitres dans le livre de
Daniel, 161-195; C. DOGNIEZ, Aggée et ses suppléments (TM et LXX) ou le développement littéraire
d’un livre biblique, 197-218. IV. La réception de la Bible grecque, dans le judaïsme et dans le
christianisme anciens: A. PASSONI DELL’ACQUA, La Prière de Manassé. Une fantaisie linguistique
pour chanter la miséricorde de Dieu, 221-268; R. R OUKEMA, L’interprétation patristique de quelques
mots hébraïques de la Septante, 269-288; R. BRUCKER, La Wirkungsgeschichte de la Septante des
Psaumes dans le judaïsme ancien et dans le christianisme primitif, 289-308].
AUWERS J.-M., Concordance du Siracide (Grec II et Sacra Parallela), avec la collaboration
d’É. PROKSCH-STRAJTMANN (Cahiers de la Revue Biblique, 58), J. Gabalda et Cie Éditeurs, Paris
2005, pp. 93.
[Introduction, 3-7. Stiques du Grec II pris en compte dans la Concordance de Hatch et
Redpath, 9. Stiques des Sacra parallela pris en compte dans la Concordance, 10-11. Sigles et
abbréviations, 12-13. Concordance: Noms communs, 17-82; Noms propres, 83. Annexes:
Vocabulaire propre au Siracide (Grec II et Sacra parallela), 87-88; Index hébreu-grec, 89-92.
Table des matières, 93].
BERTHELOT K., Rec.: G. BELLIA – A. PASSARO, Il Libro della Sapienza: tradizione, redazione, teologia.
Roma 2004, JSJ 36 (2005) 326-328.
BOGAERT P.-M., Chronique Louvaniste: La Septante et le messianisme: 53es Journées Bibliques de Louvain
(Leuven, 27-29 juillet 2004), RTL 36 (2005) 141-143.
– La datation par souscription dans les rédactions courte (LXX) et longue (TM) du livre de Jérémie, in
L’apport de la Septante aux études sur l’Antiquité, 137-159.
[L’oracle sur Élam: La place de l’oracle; Les titres en ’ašer et la diffraction à partir de Jr 25, 13; La
datation de l’oracle sur Élam. Datation d’ensembles longs par des oracles datés: L’oracle sur
Babel; L’oracle de consolation à Baruch; La datation de 25, 1-13 en 25, 1-3. Les chapitres 26 à
28TM (33 à 35LXX): La solution: datation par souscription; Synthèse; Confirmation: «Au début
du règne de... fut cette parole». Conclusion. – «Cet exposé visait à démontrer que le rédacteur
du texte hébreu court de Jérémie utilisait un système de datation par souscription. Il s’en
servait de deux façons: ou en plaçant une brève mention de date au terme de l’oracle et du
récit (oracle sur Élam selon la LXX); ou encore en faisant suivre un ensemble long, un recueil
d’oracles ou même l’ensemble du livre, d’un oracle récapitulatif ou conclusif bref et daté (25,
1-13; 28, 59-64TM = 51, 59-64LXX; 51, 31-35LXX = 45TM). Ici il suffit de dire que la datation
d’ensembles plus ou moins longs par des oracles finaux datés est caractéristique du texte
court et vraisemblablement d’un stade rédactionnel antérieur au texte court. Le contenu de
ces ensembles inclut en effet certains matériaux datés ou datables postérieurement à la date
donnée par l’oracle final» (p. 158)].
BONS E., Geschichtskonzeptionen des Hoseabuches – Ein Vergleich von Masoretentext und Septuaginta,
BZ 48 (2004) 251-262.
388
[Scopo di quest’articolo è mettere a confronto il TM e la traduzione dei LXX del libro di Osea
per individuare le diverse concezioni della storia d’Israele che sostengono le due versioni del
testo. Il testo dei LXX, pur essendo una traduzione molto fedele della sua fonte ebraica,
introduce parecchie volte il motivo del Dio educatore (paideuthv" Os 5, 2, cf. anche 7, 12.14.16;
10,10) e quello dell’umiliazione di Israele (Os 2, 15; 5, 5; 7, 10; 14, 9). Attenuando in questa
maniera il «giudizio» che si realizzerà nella catastrofe imminente (Os 1, 4 ecc.), i LXX
concepiscono la storia di Israele come una successione di avvenimenti nei quali Dio agisce
come educatore, cioè «dialetticamente», sia nell’umiliare il suo popolo, sia nel fortificarlo (Os
14, 9 LXX). L’idea del Dio educatore viene ripresa altrove nella Bibbia e nella letteratura
intertestamentaria, p. es. in 2 Macc 6, 12-17; Sal 8, 29; Eb 12, 4-13].
– Une vache folle dans la Bible? La comparaison wJ" davmali" paroistrw'sa paroivstrhsen Israhl (Os
4,16LXX) et son arrière-fond littéraire, in D. BÖHLER, I. HIMBAZA, PH. HUGO (éds.), L’Écrit et l’Esprit.
Études d’histoire du texte et de théologie biblique en hommage à Adrian Schenker (OBO, 214) Academic
Press Fribourg – Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Fribourg – Göttingen 2005, 30-37.
[1. Introduction. 2. Comment la LXX traduit-elle le verbe rrs? 3. L’étymologie, le sens et les
connotations du verbe paroistravw. Comment interpréter wJ" davmali" paroistrw'sa
paroivstrhsen Israhl ?].
BOUET F., Les cantiques des degrés (Ps 119-133 LXX) constituent-ils une collection? L’apport de la LXX et des
Pères de l’Église, in Qu’est-ce qu’un corpus littéraire?, 1-32.
[I. État de la question: A. Étude diachronique des CtD; Étude synchronique des CtD. II. La
version grecque: l’apport de la LXX: A. Description de la version grecque; B. Caractérisation
de la version grecque; C. La question de l’uniformisation du texte. III. Point de vue des Pères
de l’Église: A. Sources; B. Approche externe; C. Approche interne. Conclusion. – Dalla
Conclusione: «La LXX présente un texte qui est de façon intentionnelle légèrement plus
unifié que le TM. Un tel constat demande à être confronté à l’analyse textuelle d’autres
collections de psaumes. Les quelques échantillons tirés de la collection asaphite invitent à
beaucoup de prudence: l’unification supérieure des CtD de la LXX n’est sans doute pas un
fait singulier, et la tendance unificatrice relevée dans le psautier grec ne permet pas
d’affirmer que l’unification supérieure des CtD de la LXX témoigne d’une prise de
conscience de l’unité des CtD par les traducteurs alexandrins. L’étude des Pères de l’Église
est en revanche beaucoup plus fructueuse. Dans les commentaires rabbiniques anciens du
Midrash Tehillim et du Talmud on trouve des références aux quinze CtD, et des explications
du titre, mais on ne trouve pas de terminologie particulière pour parler de la collection des
CtD, ni d’analyse numérique de la structure des CtD, alors même que les analyses
numériques sont un procédé rabbinique d’interprétation courant. À la différence, les Pères
apportent des arguments techniques et interprétatifs nouveaux en faveur d’une vision
ancienne de ces psaumes comme formant une collection, ou Latina lingua un corpus: les CtD
sont composés d’un nombre déterminé de psaumes, disposés suivant une certaine forme et
selon un principe d’ordre sacré» (pp. 31-32)].
christianisme primitif, in L’apport de la Septante aux études sur l’Antiquité, 289-308.
[Le judaïsme ancien: 1 Maccabées; Philon d’Alexandrie; Flavius Josèphe. Excursus: un
exemple de la LXX des Psaumes dans le monde gréco-romain. La réception des Psaumes dans
le NT: Évangiles; Paul; Autres écrits du NT. Le christianisme primitif en dehors du NT: les
Pères apostoliques; Les Apologistes; Les Pères grecs].
DE WAARD J., Indices phonétiques hébreux dans et derrière le grec de la Septante de Proverbes, in L’apport
de
la Septante aux études sur l’Antiquité, 105-117.
389
[Indices phonétiques de l’hébreu dans le grec. Indices phonétiques de l’hébreu derrière le
grec. Conclusions. – «En ce qui concerne la procédure surprenante de la transcription
phonétique, il semble qu’elle a été appliquée pour conserver quelques indices phonétiques de
la Vorlage hébraïque en trois situations différentes: a) dans le cas d’une ignorance soit lexicale,
soit grammaticale ou syntagmatique; b) quand le traducteur s’est permis certaines libertés
dans la paraphrase de son original; c) lorsqu’il veut préserver deux traditions textuelles
différentes dans une seule traduction. Il a été aussi suggéré que la transcription d’un vocable
hébreu en grec a parfois fonctionné comme un stimulus pour sélectionner un synonime du
terme grec. Finalement, il a été observé que les fautes auditives peuvent parfois être la seule
explication possible d’une non-équivalence en grec. D’autre part, quelques non-équivalences
pourraient seulement être expliquées en partie par des mutations phonétiques» (p. 117)].
D OGNIEZ C., Aggée et ses suppléments (TM et LXX) ou le développement littéraire d’un livre biblique, in
[Ag 2, 5: La parole donnée à la sortie d’Égypte. Ag 2, 9: Prospérité, ou salut, pour le batisseur
du temple. Ag 2, 14: La dénonciation des profits. Conclusion. – «Au terme de cette étude sur
les suppléments d’Aggée rappelons les conclusions auxquelles nous croyons être parvenus:
compte tenu du mode de traduction qui est le sien, c’est-à-dire un littéralisme respectueux
de l’authenticité du texte, et compte tenu de l’importance des suppléments, le traducteur
des XII Petits Prophètes ne peut être tenu pour responsable de ces changements littéraires.
Le “plus” du TM absent du texte grec en Ag 2, 5 qui rappelle la sortie d’Égypte ne serait pas
une omission involontaire ou délibérée du traducteur mais plutôt un développement littéraire
postdeutéronomiste survenu dans le texte hébreu après la traduction de la LXX, ou avant,
mais dans ce cas inconnu du traducteur grec. Le “plus” de la LXX en Ag 2, 9 qui promet une
paix matérielle, ou le salut, à celui qui reconstruit le temple ne serait pas dû à une initiative
personnelle du traducteur, mais la traduction d’un substrat hébreu existant à son époque,
ayant cessé de circuler sous cette forme au moment de l’édition du TM, ou bien non retenue
par les Massorètes, mais appartenant sans doute à une tradition juive ancienne sur la
reconstruction du temple, sinon empruntée par les rédacteurs des livres d’Esdras, mais qui
leur était moins familière. Enfin, le dernier “plus’ de Ag 2, 14 est lui aussi beaucoup trop
important pour pouvoir être mis au compte de la liberté du traducteur: l’expansion
moralisatrice denonçant l’attitude égoïste de la communauté juive au détriment du culte
devait préexister à la LXX, mais l’édition massorétique d’Aggée ne l’a pas retenue, ni peutêtre même connue» (p. 216)].
DUPONT-R OE R., La traduction des Psaumes dans la Septante des Psaumes, AEPHE.R 111 (2002-2003) 285.
FERNÁNDEZ MARCOS N., Héros et victime: Samson dans la LXX, in L’apport de la Septante aux études sur
l’Antiquité, 119-133.
[«... Il faut souligner que, dans le cycle de Samson, la LXX ancienne jaillit comme la première
interprétation du texte massorétique. L’hébreu a été traduit aussi fidèlement que le
comportent les possibilités de la langue grecque. La plupart des changements introduits tout
au long du processus de traduction et le souci du traducteur/copiste d’offrir un texte doté de
sens, qui puisse être lu et compris par les lecteurs hellénistiques (sic). En outre, au chapitre 16
le traducteur, grâce à l’harmonisation et à la répétition d’un groupe de lectures variantes,
devient un narrateur et transforme la scène de divertissement de l’original en une scène de
moquerie. Le héros Samson est dépeint comme la victime des Philistins. Par ces changements
subtils, le traducteur reflète probablement les soucis du temps et les angoisses de la
population juive devant la persécution séleucide» (pp. 132-133)].
GARCÍA MARTÍNEZ F., La Genèse d’Alexandrie, les Rabbins et Qumrân, in The Wisdom of Egypt, 21-41.
390
[1. Gen 1.1. 2. Gen 1.26. 3. Gen 1.27. 4. Gen 2.2. – «Dans les écrits de la tradition rabbinique
nous trouvons toute une série de listes qui énumèrent les changements du texte biblique qui
auraient été faits intentionellement par les traducteurs au moment de la traduction en grec
de la Bible hébraïque. (...) Dans cette contribution écrite, pour honorer la passion
“alexandrine” de Gerard Luttikhuizen... je voudrais regarder ces corrections dans une
perspective qumrânienne, où le texte de la Genèse est souvent interprété et transformé. En
vue des limites imposés à nos contributions, uniquement les quatre premières des sept
corrections concernant la Genèse seront ici présentées» (p. 22)].
G OFF M.J., Hellenistic Instruction in Palestine and Egypt: Ben Sira and Papyrus Insinger, JSJ 36 (2005)
147-172.
[Abstract: «Ben Sira and the Demotic wisdom text Papyrus Insinger have numerous
similarities. This is evident in terms of their practical instruction on topics such as shame,
generosity, and moderation. They also have affinities regarding more speculative concerns,
including theodicy and the nature of the cosmos. These affinities can often be attributed to
the fact that each work draws on the native wisdom traditions of its own country, and there
are broad similarities between the traditional wisdom of Israel and Egypt. Some of the points
of contact between Ben Sira and Papyrus Insinger also reflect intellectual trends of the
Hellenistic age» (p. 147)].
HOFIUS O., Der Septuaginta-Text von Daniel 7,13-14, ZAW 117 (2005) 73-90.
[Abstract: «The words kai; wJ" palaio;" hJmerw'n parh'n in Dan 7,13c LXX are referred by many
exegetes to the “one like a man” (wJ" uiJo;" ajnqrwvpou) in V. 13b, of whom it would then be said:
“and he was present as/like one advanced in years”. This understanding of the text must be
judged untenable. In V. 13c there is a statement about the previously mentioned (V. 9.10a)
palaio;" hJmerw' n: “and he, who looked like one advanced in years, was present”. Dan 7,13-14
LXX is therefore not speaking about a messianic figure, who is brought uniquely into
proximity to God. The consequence of this result fot the exegesis of the New Testament is
that the christological interpretation of Dan 7,13 which is visible in texts like Mark 14,62 par.
and Rev 1,12b-15 is in no way prefigured in the LXX translation of the vision-report in Dan
7,13-14» (p. 90)].
HURTADO L.W., Rec.: The Bible as a Book: The transmission of the Greek Text, ed. by S. MCKENDRICK
– O.A. O’SULLIVAN, London 2003, NT 47 (2005) 162-163.
JUCKEL A., Septuaginta and Peshitta: Jacob of Edessa quoting the Old Testament in Ms BL Add 17134,
Hugoye 8/2 (2005): http://syrcom.cua.edu/Hugoye.
[Abstract: «The Old Testament quotations in the margins of Ms BL Add. 17134 (the Hymns of
Severus Antiochenus translated by Paul of Edessa and revised by Jacob of Edessa) derive
from Jacob himself and reflect the beginnings of his Old Testament revision completed
during the last years of his life. The Peshitta text of the quotations is improved and often
substituted by renderings of the Septuagint. This paper presents 207 verses in two sections
(of 41 and 21 items) according to their derivation from the Peshitta or the Septuagint»].
KAMESAR A., Hilary of Poitiers, Judeo-Christianity, and the Origins of the LXX: A Translation of
Tractatus super Psalmos 2.2-3 with introduction and commentary, VigChr 59 (2005) 264-285.
[«Hilary of Poitiers, in his Tractatus super Psalmos, provides a unique view of the origins of the
LXX. The essential point of his argument in favor of the superiority of the Greek version is
that the seventy translators were the heirs of a secret oral tradition that went back to Moses.
(...) There have been some detailed treatments of Hilary’s remarks in the last forty years,
especially by N.J. Gastaldi, M. Milhau, and G. Veltri. I myself have discussed the place of
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Hilary’s comments within the context of patristic views about the text of the Old Testament.
However, some of the specifics of the passage, and particularly the sources and parallels to his
views, merit further consideration» (pp. 264-265)].
LE M OIGNE PH., Oujc wJ" dans Ésaïe-LXX, in L’apport de la Septante aux études sur l’Antiquité, 71-104.
[Analyse des versets concernés: 8.14; 8.20; 29.16; 54.6; 54.16. Quelques vues de synthèse: Contacts
entre la LXX et les versions araméennes; Typologie des procédés permettant l’introduction de
oujc wJ"; Un art d’écrivain au service d’une pensée théologique? – «Il semble... possible de
conclure l’étude des versets où apparaît oujc wJ" en disant que le traducteur joue, d’une manière
extrêmement intelligente, avec les matériaux de son texte de départ pour, au prix de
modifications textuelles minimales, présenter une image un peu plus “optimiste” de Dieu, et
insister sur l’amour indéfectible du Créateur envers son peuple» (p. 104)].
LIETAERT PEERBOLTE B.J., The Wisdom of Solomon and the Gnostic Sophia, in The Wisdom of Egypt,
97-114.
[1. The Sophia myth in the Apocryphon of John. 2. The Wisdom of Solomon and its picture of
Wisdom. Conclusion. – Dalla Conclusione: «The case study presented here supports the
conclusion that the picture of wisdom as described in the Wisdom of Solomon is similar to that
of Sophia in the Gnostic myth, but differs from it on a number of decisive points. The
language used in the Wisdom of Solomon is comparable to that of the Apocryphon of John, but
the differences should not be overlooked. Both sources have been influenced by pagan
Hellenistic terminology, in which especially the cult of Isis and other creator-deities must
have played an important role. The picture of Sophia in the Apocryphon of John is probably
somehow related to Jewish wisdom speculations as found in the Wisdom of Solomon, but this
relation cannot be substantiated as one in which concepts or ideas are directly borrowed.
Instead, the conclusion should be that the Gnostics who described the myth of Sophia and
the theogony in the Apocryphon of John were thoroughly influenced by the pagan hellenistic
milieu in which the Wisdom of Solomon was also written. Within this Hellenistic milieu they
expressed their views in terms that are reminiscent of, but also different from, Jewish wisdom
speculations» (pp. 113-114)].
LUST J., La syntaxe et le grec de traduction, in L’apport de la Septante aux études sur l’Antiquité, 37-55.
[Remarques introductives générales. La syntaxe hébraïque et le grec de traduction: L’ordre des
mots et les conjonctions; L’ordre des mots et les pronoms; Les cas et la séparation d’éléments qui
vont ensemble; Les subordonnées et la redondance; Omission de l’article déterminant des noms
gouvernant le génitif; Les prépositions; Les semi-propositions; Le verbe: l’infinitif; La figura
etymologica; La formule du serment; Autres caractéristiques et conclusion. – «Dans cet exposé il
a été question surtout de la syntaxe de la Septante d’Ézéchiel. Un survol a démontré que cette
syntaxe, et en particulier l’ordre des mots, se fait l’émule de l’hébreu. Il s’agit d’un grec de
traduction et pas d’un grec attestant de façon typique la Koiné, même si les règles de la Koiné
sont rarement violée de façon flagrante» (p. 55)].
MAIER J., Rec.: F. SIEGERT, Zwischen Hebräischer Bibel und Altem Testament. Eine Einführung in die
Septuaginta, I.-II., Münster 2001-2003, BZ 49 (2005) 312-314.
MCLAY T., The Old Greek Translation of Daniel IV-VI and the Formation of the Book of Daniel, VT 55
(2005) 304-323.
[Abstract: «The content of the Old Greek translation of Daniel iv-vi is significantly different
compared to the so-called Theodotion version and the Masoretic Text. In addition, the best
witness to the Old Greek version (papyrus 967) has an alternative order for the chapters:
chapters vii and viii intervene between iv and v. The proposals by J. Lust and O. Munnich
392
that 967 preserves a more original version of the content and order of the chapters for the
Vorlage of Daniel are critiqued. Additional linguistic evidence that supports the theory that
the Old Greek translation of chapters iv-vi circulated together independently is also
provided. Finally, a hypothesis for the growth and stages of the book of Daniel that includes
an explanation for the origins of the Greek versions is outlined» (p. 323)].
MUNNICH O., Le cadrage dynastique et l’ordre des chapitres dans le livre de Daniel, in L’apport de la
Septante aux études sur l’Antiquité, 161-195.
[L’établissement du texte de Daniel-O∆. Place latérale de l’anthroponyme royal. Mention
fréquente de l’anthroponyme royal aux chapitres 3 et 4. Les notices liminaires des récits et des
visions. L’histoire et son interprétation dans le livre de Daniel. L’ordre authentique des chapitres
dans le livre de Daniel. L’apport de la critique textuelle à la question de l’ordre des chapitres.
Esquisse de synthèse. – «Dans le livre de Daniel, le nom des rois, leur désignation, les données
dynastiques et les notations chronologiques structurent des récits qui ont pour particularité... de
ne pas entretenir – outre la mention de Daniel – de liens intrinsèques les uns avec les autres. À
cet égard, ces éléments “historiques” contribuent à la cohésion du recueil. Or, l’étude du texte
hébréo-araméen et des versions anciennes révèle que de tels éléments présentent de fréquentes
divergences, d’une version à l’autre ou même d’une famille de manuscrits à une autre. On
envisagera successivement les noms des rois, puis les notices liminaires des différents récits.
L’analyse de ces données peut, selon nous, éclairer l’histoire de la composition du recueil et
éclairer l’épineuse question de l’ordre des chapitres» (p. 161)].
MURAOKA T., Apports de la LXX dans notre compréhension de l’hébreu et du grec et de leur vocabulaire, in
NOORT E., The Disgrace of Egypt: Joshua 5.9a and Its Context, in The Wisdom of Egypt, 3-19.
[1. Introduction. 2. The ambivalence of the role of Egypt and the crux interpretum of Josh. 5.9.
3. The early history of reception: the LXX. 4. A survey of interpretations. 5. Conclusions. –
Dalle Conclusioni: «To sum up, the disgrace of Egypt is a unique formulation in the Hebrew
Bible. In the context of Josh. 5.9 it means malicious pleasure on the side of Egypt at the
expense of Israel. It refers neither to the slavery in Egypt nor to circumcision in the original
setting of Josh. 5.2-8. There is no reason for mockery, either for the bondage in Egypt or for a
supposed state of uncircumcision during or after the Egypt period» (p. 18)].
PASINI C., La siro-esaplare dell’Ambrosiana (codice C 313 inf.), in Le Chiese sire tra IV e VI secolo:
dibattito dottrinale e ricerca spirituale → 12. Origene (4. Studi)
PASSONI DELL’ACQUA A., La Prière de Manassé. Une fantaisie linguistique pour chanter la miséricorde de
Dieu, in L’apport de la Septante aux études sur l’Antiquité, 221-268.
[Traduction française. Préliminaires méthodologiques. Structure et rappels internes.
Intertextualité avec 2Paralipomènes 33. Intertextualité avec 4Règnes 21. Les attributs divins.
Intertextualité avec le Pentateuque. Intertextualité avec les Psaumes. Intertextualité avec les
Prophètes. Autres occurrences de lexèmes rares de la prière dans la Septante. Lexique et
prières parallèles dans les livres des Maccabées. Parallèles avec d’autres œuvres apocryphes.
Conclusion: une prière en grec qui invite à rester fidèles à la tradition des pères. – «La prière
de Manassé apparaît comme un cas typique, non seulement de Rewritten Bible, mais aussi de
“scripturalization of prayer”, phénomène que Chesnutt et Newman considèrent à juste titre
caractéristique de la période gréco-romaine. Il s’agit d’un aspect de la tendance générale du
Judaïsme du Second Temple à la relecture du texte biblique selon la méthode midrashique,
en vue d’opérer une actualisation destinée également à affirmer la self-identity judaïque, basée
sur la fidélité aux traditions des pères» (p. 268)].
393
– «YHWH si adira contro NeHARAYIM. Il mitema della lotta cosmogonica in Abacuc 3, 8-15, Materia
giudaica 10 (2005) 33-55.
[Summary: «This article deals with the cosmogonic struggle myth in Hab 3:8-15: «YHWH’s
wrath against Neharayim». In the ancient biblical poem of Hab 3 several textual cruces are
present, first of all in vv. 8-15. In order to make the MT more understandable, scholars
proposed a great number of emendations (corrections, omissions, additions and displacement
of words and verses). By comparing this passage with the Near Eastern myths (especially the
Ugaritic cycle of Ba‘al and the Babylonian Enuma elish) we show that the Massoretic
consonantic Text can be read without relevant changes and some “difficult” readings of the
LXX can be explained» (pp. 55-56)].
PIZZOLATO L.F. – SOMENZI C., I sette fratelli Maccabei nella Chiesa antica d’Occidente
→
QUINCOCES LOREN A., Un’analisi lessicale di Genesi 37-50 della LXX: annotazioni per la comprensione
di una traduzione, Materia giudaica 10 (2005) 73-84.
[1. Stato della questione. 2. Le gerarchie amministrative: 2.1. I «capi»; 2.2. Ufficiali e burocrati;
2.3. I subordinati; 2.4. Gli amministratori economici. 3. Tra prigioni e pozzi. 5 (Sic!). Conclusioni.
– Summary: «The text of Gen. 37-50 is extremely coherent both in Hebrew and in Greek.
This study deals with the Greek renderings of Hebrew words. The lexical analysis of Gen. 3750 brings us to three main conclusions: first, the homogeneous renderings lead us to suspect
the existence of one translator only for the LXX Grek version; second, the terms and the
hierarchical and administrative schemes reflect those in use during the Ptolemaic period
(third century B.C.); third, the context is undoubtedly Egyptian. Because of these three main
conclusions there is no need of any rewriting of the text» (p. 84)].
R OCCA S., The Book of Judith, Queen Sholomonzion and King Tigranes of Armenia: A Sadducee
Appraisal, Materia giudaica 10 (2005) 85-98.
[Summary: «This article deals with the date and composition of the Book of Judith. It argues
that Judith may be identified with Queen Salome Alexandra, who reigned in Judaea between
76-66 BCE. Queen Salome Alexandra was the widow of the Hasmonean ruler Alexander
Jannai. It seems that the story itself narrates the war between the powerful King Tigranes of
Armenia and Queen Salome Alexandra’s Judaea. The author of the Book of Judith was
probably a Sadducee. The book is also a vehicle to criticize contemporary Pharisees’s
leadership, then in power» (p. 98)].
R ODGERS, P.R., Rec.: L.T. J OHNSON, Septuagintal Midrash in the Speeches of Acts, Milwaukee 2002,
NT 46 (2004) 408-409.
R OTHSCHILD, J.-P., Rec.: T. MURAOKA, A Greek-English Lexicon of the Septuagint. Chiefly of the
Pentateuch and the Twelve Prophets, Leuven 2002, REJ 164 (2005) 334-335.
R OUKEMA R., L’interprétation patristique de quelques mots hébraïques de la Septante, in L’apport de la
[L’arbre sabek (Gn 22, 13). Le dieu aphphô (2 R 2, 14). Pour maeleth (Ps 52, 1; 87, 1 LXX). Les
thalphiôth de la tour de David (Ct 4, 4). L’or ophatz ou kephaz (Ct 5, 11). La vigne sorec (Es 5, 2).
Les siim fondateurs de Babylone (Es 23, 13). La fonction des mots étrangers dans l’hellénisme.
– «Il est vrai que les textes dans lesquels figurent les mots hébraïques traités dans notre exposé
ont de toute façon été lus typologiquement ou allégoriquement, tels le sacrifice d’Isaac, la
vigne d’Israël, les Psaumes et le Cantique des Cantiques; cela implique qu’aussi pour les mots
394
hébraïques de ces textes dut être trouvée une interprétation typologique ou mystique.
Pourtant, nous suggérons que la conception grecque des noms barbares dans les textes
religieux des peuples anciens, telle qu’elle se manifeste, par exemple, chez Jamblique, chez
Clément et chez Origène, a du moins partiellement inspiré nos commentateurs de la Septante
et des traductions latines de l’AT dans leurs midrashim chrétiens» (p. 288)].
SALVESEN A., Pigs in the Camp and the Breasts of my Lambs: Song of Songs in the Syriac Tradition, in
[1. The Old Testament text in Syriac. 2. Commentaries. 3. The use of Song of Songs in Syriac
literature. Bibliography. – «The Syrohexapla version of Cant (SyhCant) is part of the wider
Syriac rendering of the Greek Septuagint text in Origen’s revision, which was carried out by
Paul of Tella at the Ennaton in Egypt in 616/7 CE. There is no one manuscripts or modern
edition covering the entire Syrohexapla, but SyhCant can be consulted in the edition of
Ceriani, a photolithographic edition of the eighth century Codex Ambrosianus. SyhCant
influenced the manuscript tradition of Peshitta Cant on occasion» (p. 265)].
SERRA ZANETTI P., Imitatori di Gesù Cristo. Scritti classici e cristiani → 1. Miscellanee e studi di
carattere generale
[43. Note sulle traduzioni greche e latine di Giudici 6, 11-24, 605-617].
H ORST P.W., ‘The God Who Drowned the King of Egypt’: A Short Note on an Exorcistic
Formula, in The Wisdom of Egypt, 135-139.
[«Pagan use of originally biblical or Jewish formulae... is indeed widely attested. It is upon the
formula last mentioned by Origen, “the God who drowned the king of Egypt and the
Egyptians in the Red Sea”, that I want to focus here. To begin with, it is to be observed that
this is not a literal quote from Scripture. (...) In the framework of a magical spell such a
formula has the function of a historiola, a mini-history about the great deeds of a deity in the
past, told in order to induce the deity concerned to remain true to its reputation and repeat
its powerful act(s) in the present» (p. 136). I passi biblici in questione sono Es 15.4 LXX e Dt 11,
3-4 LXX; il riferimento a Origene è in CC IV, 33. 34].
VAN DER
VOITILA A., La Septante: un document linguistique de la koiné grecque antique?, in L’apport de la
[Introduction. De la koiné ou de la langue de traduction. Le mode et la langue de traduction.
Valeur des documents linguistiques contemporains de la LXX. Signification des statistiques.
Équivalent standard: sa valeur restreinte. Illusion des statistiques. Équivalents non standard:
valeur pour l’étude linguistique. Divergences textuelles. Remarques finales. – «La langue dans
laquelle la traduction s’est effectuée était la koiné alexandrine du IIIe siècle av. J.-C. en ce qui
concerne le Pentateuque. Or la langue de la Septante, telle qu’elle nous apparaît aujourd’hui,
n’a jamais existé comme langue ni même comme variation indépendante employée à d’autres
fonctions communicatives. La langue de la Septante est ainsi un résultat relativement
aléatoire du fait de la traduction plutôt littérale et ce fait se ressent à toutes les pages. Mais le
résultat ne constitue pas un grec totalement sémitisant. Par conséquent, il faut prendre en
considération, dans l’étude de la langue de la Septante, et le texte source et le mode littéral de
traduction» (pp. 34-35)].
WEE J.Z.-E., Hebrew Syntax in the Organization of Laws and its Adaptation in the Septuagint, Bib. 85
(2004) 523-544.
[Dall’Abstract: «The Hebrew of the Pentateuch exhibits a hierarchy of discourse markers
that indicate different organization levels in the legal texts. This organization elucidates the
relationship (whether coordination or subordination) of legal stipulations with each other...
395
The Greek translators may have been sensitive to the use of these markers and even modified
them in order to express their particular interpretation of the text» (p. 544)].
WIFSTRAND A., Epochs and Styles. Selected Writings on the New Testament, Greek Language and Greek
Culture in the Post-Classical Era → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
XERAVITS G. – ZSENGELLÉR J. (éds.), Szövetségek erőterében. A deuterokanonikus irodalom alapvető
kérdései [= Dans le champ de forces des Alliances. Les questions fondamentales de la littérature
deutérocanonique] (Deuterocanonica, 1), Pápai Református Teológiai Akadémia, Pápa –
L’Harmattan, Budapest 2004, pp. IX+168 (en hongrois).
[G. XERAVITS – J. ZSENGELLÉR, Préface, VII-VIII. G. XERAVITS, Deuterokanonikus könyvek:
alapvető kérdések (= Livres deutérocanoniques: questions fondamentales), 1-14. M. KőSZEGHY,
Milyen messze van Kandahar Jeruzsálemtől? (= Quelle distance entre Kandahar et Jérusalem?), 1529. I. FRÖHLICH, Történetírás és történeti legendák a Hasmóneus-korban (1-2Makkabeusok, Judit)
(= Historiographie et légendes historique à l’époque asmonéenne [1-2 Maccabées, Judith]), 30-58.
J. ZSENGELLÉR, A deuterokanonikus könyvek hermeneutikája (= L’herméneutique des livres
deutérocanoniques), 59-80. J. BOLYKI, Bölcsesség a deuterokanonikus könyvekben (= La sagesse dans les
livres deutérocanoniques), 81-96. O. PECSUK, A deuterokanonikus bibliai könyvek és a hellenisztikus
filozófia (= Les livres deutérocanoniques et la philosophie hellénistique), 97-113. I. KARASSZON, Két
testamentum között: Bölcs 3,1-9 (= Entre deux testaments: Sg 3,1-9), 114-124. I. KARASSZON, Eszter
könyve a Szeptuagintában (= Le livre d’Esther dans la Septante), 125-147. Irodalom (= Bibliographie),
148-155. Indexes, 156-168].
5. Aristobulo
6. Lettera di Aristea
HACHAM N., The Letter of Aristeas: A New Exodus Story?, JSJ 36 (2005) 1-20.
[Abstract: «A common opinion views the purpose of the Letter of Aristeas as strengthening the
self-identity of Egyptian Diaspora Jewry by sanctifying the Greek translation of the Torah. As
Orlinsky has shown, this view is supported by linguistic and thematic parallels between
Aristeas and biblical descriptions of the giving of the Torah. The linguistic and thematic
associations, however, do not apply to this specific biblical episode, but also to the entire book
of Exodus including the Exodus story itself. The author of Aristeas transformed the biblical
stories of the Exodus and the giving of the Torah into a new foundation story of Egyptian
Jewry. In doing so, the new story disregards the biblical hostility to Egypt and instead
expresses sympathy for the Ptolemaic king who released the Jews from slavery, settled them in
Egypt and initiated the Torah translation into Greek. The aim of Aristeas was to offer a
religious justification for the residence of Jews in Egypt» (p. 1)].
KOVELMAN A., Between Alexandria and Jerusalem. The Dynamic of Jewish and Hellenistic Culture →
[Ch. 4. Typology and pesher in the «Letter of Aristeas», 101-134].
7. Filone Alessandrino
1. Bibliografie, rassegne, repertori
396
2. Edizioni e traduzioni
Filone di Alessandria.Tutti i Trattati del Commentario Allegorico alla Bibbia. Testo greco a fronte. A
cura di R. RADICE, Presentazione di G. REALE, Monografia introduttiva di G. REALE e R. RADICE,
con la collaborazione di C. KRAUS REGGIANI e C. MAZZARELLI (Bompiani. Il pensiero occidentale),
Bompiani, Milano 2005, pp. CLX+1946.
[G. REALE, Presentazione, VII-XIV. G. REALE – R. RADICE, La genesi e la natura della filosofia
mosaica. Struttura, metodo e fondamenti del pensiero filosofico e teologico di Filone di Alessandria.
Monografia introduttiva ai diciannove trattati del «Commentario allegorico alla Bibbia»: Cap. I. Il
posto di Filone nella storia del pensiero occidentale e i problemi da affrontare per una sua
corretta interpretazione, XVII-XXXVIII; Cap. II. Le fonti, il metodo e le finalità del pensiero
filoniano, XXXIX-LV; Cap. III. La prima elaborazione filosofica della dottrina della creazione. Il
creazionismo come uno dei principali assi portanti del pensiero filoniano, LVI-LXIX; Cap. IV. La
nuova concezione di Dio nella prospettiva teologica e religiosa, come asse portante generale del
pensiero filosofico di Filone, LXX-LXXXVII; Cap. V. La concezione di Dio e la sfera del divino: il
Logos, le Idee, la Sapienza, gli angeli, il pneuma, le Potenze, LXXXVIII-CXI; Cap. VI. La
concezione dell’uomo e del suo destino, CXII-CXXIV; Note, CXXV-CLVI. Notizia: La vita di
Filone, CLVII; Le opere, CLVIII-CLX. La creazione del mondo (De opificio mundi). Traduzione
di C. KRAUS REGGIANI, prefazione e note di R. RADICE, 1-94. Le allegorie delle leggi (Legum
allegoriae). Traduzione, prefazione e note di R. RADICE, 95-310. I cherubini (De cherubim),
Traduzione di C. MAZZARELLI, Prefazione e note di R. RADICE, 311-375. I sacrifici di Abele e Caino
(De sacrificiis), Traduzione di C. MAZZARELLI, Prefazione e note di R. RADICE, 377-451. Il malvagio
tende a sopraffare il buono (Quod deterius), Traduzione di C. MAZZARELLI, Prefazione e note di
R. RADICE, 453-544. La posterità di Caino (De posteritate Caini), 545-631. I giganti (De gigantibus),
Traduzione di C. MAZZARELLI, Prefazione e note di R. RADICE, 633-668. L’immutabilità di Dio
(Quod Deus sit immutabilis), Traduzione di C. MAZZARELLI, Prefazione e note di R. RADICE, 669748. L’agricoltura (De agricultura), Prefazione, traduzione e note di R. RADICE, 749-824. La
piantagione di Noè (De plantatione), 825-897. L’ebrietà (De ebrietate), Prefazione, traduzione e
note di R. RADICE, 899-993. La sobrietà (De sobrietate), Prefazione, traduzione e note di
R. RADICE, 995-1028. La confusione delle lingue (De confusione linguarum), Prefazione, traduzione
e note di R. RADICE, 1029-1111. La migrazione di Abramo (De migratione Abrahami), Prefazione,
traduzione e note di R. RADICE, 1113-1207. L’erede delle cose divine (Quis heres), Prefazione,
traduzione e note di R. RADICE, 1209-1332. Il connubio con gli studi preliminari (De congressu
eruditionis gratia), Prefazione, traduzione e note di C. KRAUS REGGIANI, 1333-1417. La fuga e il
ritrovamento (De fuga et inventione), Prefazione, traduzione e note di C. KRAUS REGGIANI, 14191523. Il mutamento dei nomi (De mutatione nominum), Prefazione, traduzione e note di
C. KRAUS REGGIANI, 1525-1641. I sogni sono mandati da Dio (De somniis I-II), Prefazione,
traduzione e note di C. KRAUS REGGIANI, 1643-1849. Bibliografia utilizzata e indici, a cura di
R. RADICE: Bibliografia utilizzata, 1851-1882; Indice delle citazioni bibliche, 1883-1897; Indice dei
nomi biblici, dei luoghi in cui sono citati e dei significati che assumono, 1899-1926; Indice di
alcuni concetti e simboli di particolare valore filosofico, 1927-1942; Indice della materia trattata,
1943-1946. – Dalla Presentazione di G. REALE: «Gli scritti più importanti di Filone, che ridanno
per intero l’immagine del suo pensiero filosofico-religioso a tutti i livelli e nelle varie dimensioni in
cui egli si è mosso, e che, pertanto, costituiscono un punto di riferimento indispensabile per
coloro che vogliono affrontare e comprendere il suo messaggio in modo adeguato, sono i
diciannove trattati del grandioso Commentario allegorico alla Bibbia. Eppure per lungo tempo
non sono stati tradotti in lingua italiana, mentre nel corso del XX secolo tutto Filone è stato
tradotto in tedesco, in inglese, in francese e in spagnolo, ossia nelle maggiori lingue della cultura
occidentale. L’impresa che abbiamo affrontato e condotto a termine non è stata facile e ha
richiesto, in complesso, una ventina d’anni di lavoro: oltre ad un quinquennio di preparazione e
397
di predisposizione degli elementi essenziali per la sua realizzazione, ben un decennio di intenso e
costante lavoro per la sua esecuzione e un ulteriore quinquennio di assestamento prima di
giungere alla prima edizione di questa silloge nel 1994 e per giungere a questa edizione definitiva
con testo greco a fronte con un ulteriore decennio di lavoro parallelo» (p. VII)].
Filone di Alessandria. De Decalogo, a cura di F. CALABI (philosophica, 24), Edizioni ETS, Pisa 2005, pp. 153.
3. Miscellanee e raccolte
4. Studi
BORGEN P., Rec.: P.W. VAN DER H ORST, Philo’s Flaccus: The First Pogrom, Leiden – Boston 2003, JSJ
36 (2005) 376-381.
FELDMAN L.H., Philo’s Version of the Biblical Episode of the Spies, HUCA 73 (2002) 29-48.
[Abstract: «Philo’s Version of the episode of the spies contains many modifications. In
particular, he stresses Moses’ role as a general. It is Moses’ idea, rather than God’s or the
Israelites’, to send spies. Independently questioning God’s promise, Moses tells the spies that
it would be foolish to risk conquering the land if it is poor. He appoints an even number of
spies because he stresses the importance of unanimity. Philo does not give the names of the
spies because he wishes to keep the focus on Moses. He omits Moses’ instruction to take from
the fruit of the land because he is aware that his non-Jewish audience might regard this as
theft. He avoids mentioning the exaggerations that the spies reported since such
exaggerations would be viewed with scepticism by his non-Jewish readers. Philo’s Moses is
silent in the face of the spies’ report because Philo felt ambivalent about stifling a majority,
though he has indignation for the masses. Philo omits the dialogue between Moses and God
in which God threatens to annihilate the Israelites because this would make Moses appear to
be more merciful than God» (p. 29)].
F LADERER L. – B Ö RNER -K LEIN D., Kom mentar → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
D. Jüdisch: III. Philon, 300-302].
HADAS-LEBEL M., Rec.: P.W.
2003, REJ 163 (2004) 536-537.
VAN DER
HORST, Philo’s Flaccus, The first Pogrom, Leyden – Boston
HILHORST T., ‘And Moses Was Instructed in All the Wisdom of the Egyptians’ (Acts 7.22)
→
LANFRANCHI P., Rec.: M. HADAS-LEBEL, Philon d´Alexandrie, un penseur en diaspora, Fayard, Paris
2003, NT 46 (2004) 298.
MACH M.F., Lerntraditionen im hellenistischen Judentum unter besonderer Berücksichtigung Philons von
Alexandrien, in Religiöses Lernen, 117-139.
[«Clemens hat ihn benutzt. Origenes hat seine Schriften wohl während seines AlexandrienAufenthalts kennengelernt. Jedenfalls verdankt der Vater des mehrfachen Schriftsinns in der
Patristik dem jüdischen Allegoristiker nicht nur exegetische Techniken, sondern auch eine
398
Reihe von Inhalten, die ihm u.a. halfen, seine Trinitätstheologie zu formulieren. Mit Origenes
sind die Schriften Philons dann wohl nach Caesarea gekommen, wo der Bibliothekar des
Pamphylus und spätere Bischof der Stadt, Eusebius, sie zum ersten Mal katalogisierte.
Zwischen Clemens und Eusebius entstand eine exegetische Schule, die auf Philon aufbaut.
Philon selbst war so wenig Glied der Kette wie Jesus von Nazareth Mitglied einer christlichen
Gemeinde. Als Gipfel einer andauernden hellenistischen Exegese spiegelt er diese aber nicht
so sehr wider, als er auf ihr aufbauend seine eigene Vergeistigung der Schrift vorführt.
Lernen ist bei Philon (siehe Abraham!) Ideal wie in aller echten Philosophie, aber Philosophie
ist nicht einfach Wiedergabe von Gelerntem – und mit aller religiösen Einschränkung: Philon
war sowohl Philosoph als auch Prediger und Fürsprecher seiner Gemeinde» (p. 135)].
NIEHOFF M., Mother and Maiden, Sister and Spouse: Sarah in Philonic Midrash, HThR 97 (2004) 413444.
[A benchmark: Josephus on Sarah. Philo’s literal reading of Sarah in the Life of Abraham:
Sarah, Abraham, and Hagar; Sarah in Egypt; Sarah and the Messengers. Philo’s allegorical
reading of Sarah: Earlier Alexandrian exegesis; Sarah abandons womanly things (Gen 18:11);
Motherless maiden (Gen 20:12). Conclusion. – Dalla Conclusione: «What does this analysis of
Sarah in Philo’s midrash contribute to our general understanding of his attitude towards
women? I began this article by criticizing the view that Philo’s interpretation of the matriarch
simply embodies a misoginy that he inherited from Hellenism and transmitted to Western
theology. It has become abundantly clear by now that the picture is far more complex and
intricate. Philo certainly was a conservative who did not challenge prevalent patriarchal
structures, and he reproduced contemporary stereotypes about gender and sexuality. At the
same time, however, he was surprisingly capable of recognizing the specific virtues of an
individual woman and appreciating the historical matriarch: he is far more sympathetic to
Sarah than the biblical narrators were. His philosophical preconceptions of masculine activity
and feminine passivity, however, lead him in his allegorical interpretation of Sarah to go to
great lengths to strip her of her femininity. At the same time, however, we must appreciate
that Philo is willing to idealize Sarah as a personification of masculinity who enjoys the closest
ties to God – a position that is, I think, much preferable to Josephus’s consistent and
complete silencing of women’s voices» (p. 444)].
– Rec.: D.T. RUNIA, Philo of Alexandria: On the Creation of the Cosmos according to Moses, Brill,
Leiden – Boston – Cologne, 2001, JSJ 35 (2004) 336-339.
OKLAND J., Rec.: J.E. TAYLOR, Jewish Women Philosophers of First-Century Alexandria: Philo’s
‘Therapeutae’ Reconsidered, Oxford 2003, JBL 124 (2005) 378-381.
PEARSON B.A., Cracking a Conundrum: Christian Origins in Egypt → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino
ed ambiente egiziano (2. Il periodo delle origini)
World (Philo of Alexandria, Origen, Gregory of Nyssa) → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
RIAUD J., Rec.: M. HADAS-LEBEL, Philon d’Alexandrie. Un penseur en diaspora, Paris 2003, REJ 163
(2004) 517-522.
RICHARDSON P., Rec.: J.E. TAYLOR , Jewish Women Philosophers of First-Century Alexandria: Philo’s
‘Therapeutae’ Reconsidered, Oxford 2003, JSJ 36 (2005) 373-376.
RUNIA D.T., Rec.: P. BOSMAN, Conscience in Philo and Paul: A Conceptual History of the Synoida Word
Group, Tübingen 2003, JSJ 36 (2005) 90-93.
399
SAVON H., Remploi et transformation de thèmes philoniens dans la première lettre d’Ambroise à Just
→ 22. Ambrogio di Milano
SELLIN G., Rec.: Philo of Alexandria: On the Creation of the Cosmos according to Moses. Introduction,
Translation and Commentary by D.T. RUNIA, Brill, Leiden – Boston – Köln 2001, ThLZ 129 (2004)
807-809.
SERRA ZANETTI P., Imitatori di Gesù Cristo. Scritti classici e cristiani
carattere generale
[3. Note su Tertulliano e Filone d’Alessandria, 37-61].
→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di
SPUNTARELLI C., «Uomo a immagine» in Filone: assimilazione della legge e immortalità dell’albero dei
virtuosi, in Il Commento a Giovanni di Origene: Il testo e i suoi contesti, 381-411.
[1. Gen 1, 26-27 e 2, 7 in Filone. 2. Il confronto con l’oikeiosis accademico-peripatetica secondo
le testimonianze di Cicerone e Ario Didimo. 3. Età dell’uomo e assimilazione della Legge.
4. Albero dell’immortalità e popolo dei veggenti. Conclusione. – Abstract: «The article
examines the theme of the “Man in the image” in Philo by inserting it into a linear
conception of the evolution of man at the base of Philo’s speculation. In this way, the article
reveals the distance of Philo’s perspective from Origen’s ideas expressed above all in CIo. As
the highest genus of reality and book of creation from the ethical, cosmological and
anthropological point of view, the “Man in the image” is, in Philo, inseparably connected with
the man of Gen 2:7, who symbolizes a species of this man. Applying the stoic and academicperipatetic speculations regarding the concept of oikeiosis (appropriation of the self) to the
scriptural text – as a comparison with Cicero and Arius Didymus shows –, Philo reads Gen 2:7
not as the result of the fall from a primitive condition of perfection, but as a revelation
through which God unveils to man his most intimate vocation and destiny. In virtue of the
inspiration of the pneuma, every man defines himself as an ethical subject, potentially capable
of reaching virtue by cultivating the seeds. The evolutionary phases of the moral history of
man are guided by the divine teaching in a passage from the dyadic nature of hearing to the
monadic nature of vision, through the journey which leads from forgetfulness of the law to
the recollection of the law. Philo intends the appropriation of the self to be the recognition,
through the divine pneuma, of the divine filiation of man, which is the generation of God
himself in as far as he is an ethical subject. In the fourth generation of the moral life, man will
be reborn according to the perfection of the septenary principle, assimilating himself to the
tree of life and becoming immortal in virtue, thanks to the full and free adhesion to the law
which ontologically defines him. The man of the septenary rebirth forms himself as the very
“Man in the image” and the living law. The “Man in the image” is, in Philo, the people of the
Seers, Israel, whose roots, established in virtue, do not extinguish, transmitting the seed of the
divine law into the perpetuity of memory» (pp. 621-622)].
8. Pseudo-Filone
9. Flavio Giuseppe
400
4. Studi
BARETTA M., Nota critica a Iosephus, Contra Apionem 2,2, Quaderni del Dipartimento di Filologia,
Linguistica e Tradizione classica «Augusto Rostagni», n.s., 3 (2004) = Pubblicazioni del Dipartimento
di Filologia, Linguistica e Tradizione classica «Augusto Rostagni», 21, 163-165.
[L’autrice propone una modifica del testo dell’edizione critica di Niese relativa al passo indicato].
BEGG C., David’s Fourfold Escape according to Josephus, Anton. 80 (2005) 433-452.
[Jonathan reconciles Saul & David. Saul fails to kill David. Michal saves David. David finds
refuge with Samuel. Conclusion. – Summary: «1 Samuel 19 tells of David’s escapes from
attempts on his life made by King Saul. This article examines Josephus’ retelling of the
biblical chapter in his Ant. 6.205-223. In particular, the article addresses three overarching
questions: 1) Which text-form(s) of 1 Samuel 19 did Josephus utilize? 2) What rewriting
techniques did he apply to the biblical data and what is distinctive about his own version
given his application of his techniques? And 3) How does Josephus’s retelling of 1 Samuel 19
relates to other early Jewish and Christian references to the chapter?» (p. 433)].
BOHRMANN M., rec.: H. LEEMING – K. LEEMING (eds.), Josephus’ Jewish War and Its Slavonic Version:
A Synoptic Comparison of the English Translation by H.St.J. Thackeray with the Critical Edition by
N.A. Meščerskij of the Slavonic Version in the Vila Manuscript translated into English by
H. Leeming and L. Osinkina, Brill, Leiden – Boston 2003, JSJ 35 (2004) 86-89.
BREMMER J.N., Foolish Egyptians: Apion and Anoubion in the Pseudo-Clementines → 2. Ellenismo e
cultura alessandrina
CASTELLI S., Rec.: F.M. COLAUTTI, Passover in the Works of Josephus, Leiden 2002, JSJ 36 (2005) 338341.
CATTO S., Does proseuca;" poiei'sqai in Josephus’ Antiquities of the Jews mean ‘build places of prayer’?,
JSJ 35 (2004) 159-168.
[Abstract: «In Antiquity of the Jews 14.257-58, Josephus records a decree by the people of
Halicarnassus in which the Jews are, according to the Loeb translation by Marcus, allowed to
“build places of prayer”. However, this could also be translated “offer prayers”. In this article
I first assess the arguments made by scholars who propose translating in either of these ways,
arguing that the solutions offered are inadequate. I then discuss Josephus’ use of poievw in the
middle voice pointing out that he never uses it to describe the construction of a whole
building, only parts of building. A comparison with the use of poievw in the New Testament,
Philo and other sources confirms that in this decree “offer prayers” is the translation that
should be adopted» (p. 159)].
401
FILIPPIS CAPPAI C., «Era bello ... morire in difesa della legge patria...» (Ios., Bell. 1,650). Il martirio nel
mondo giudaico di età ellenistico-romana → 3. Giudaismo ellenistico
DE
EILERS C., A Decree of Delos Concerning the Jews? (Jos. AJ 14.231-232), SCI 24 (2005) 65-74.
[«In the middle of his narrative of 47 BCE, Josephus inserts a group of documents concerning
the Jews that have puzzled generations of scholars. One strand of the discussion has
concerned authenticity – a debate that has largely resolved itself in favour of the document
being authentic. This is not to say, of course, that Josephus’ handling of his dossier is
unproblematic. Indeed, several of his documents are not what he claims them to be...
Another place where something has gone wrong is AJ 14. 231-232» (p. 65)].
JONES K.R., The figure of Apion in Josephus’ Contra Apionem, JSJ 36 (2005) 278-315.
[Abstract: «A comparison of Josephus’ portrait of Apion with other ancient testimonia shows
that the Jewish historian, in his effort to discredit the grammarian, focused on the same failing of
character that other ancient authors had found. Josephus also aimed a deceptive attack at
Apion’s ethnicity wherein he blurs the line between the Alexandrian’s Greek cultural identity
and his Egyptian origin. Josephus took pains to construct an ideal opponent, one with whom the
reader of Josephus’ treatise – be he Jew, Greek, or Roman – would not sympathise. An analysis
of Apion’s “case” against the Jews shows that Josephus himself culled various Jewish items from
Apion’s Aegyptiaca and, after distorting the original intention of the excerpts, cobbled them
together to form an easily refuted indictment of Jewish history and practices. An appendix
examines the evidence for a supposed kata; ∆Ioudaivwn attributed to Apion» (p. 278)].
NIEHOFF M., Mother and Maiden, Sister and Spouse: Sarah in Philonic Midrash
Alessandrino
→ 7. Filone
→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
REED A.Y., Abraham as Chaldean Scientist and Father of the Jews: Josephus, Ant. 1.154-168, and the GrecoRoman discourse about Astronomy/Astrology, JSJ 35 (2004) 119-158.
[Abstract: «This article analyzes Josephus’ approach to Abraham and astronomy/astrology in
Ant. 1.154-168. This retelling of Genesis 12 describes Abraham as inferring the one-ness of God
from the irregularity of the stars, thereby implying his rejection of “the Chaldean science” for
Jewish monotheism. Soon after, however, Josephus posits that the patriarch transmitted
astronomy/astrology to Egypt, appealing to the positive connotations of this art for apologetic
aims. Towards explaining the tension between these two traditions, I first map the range of early
Jewish traditions about Abraham and the stars, and then consider he Hellenistic discourse
about astral wisdom as the domain of ancient “barbarian” nations, as it shaped Hellenistic
Jewish traditions that celebrate Abraham’s astronomical/astrological skill. I conclude with
Josephus’ own cultural context, proposing that the attitude towards astronomy/astrology among
his Roman contemporaries may help to account for the ambivalence in his characterization of
Abraham as both Chaldean scientist and father of the Jews» (p. 119)].
R ONCACE M., Another Portrait of Josephus’ Portrait of Samson, JSJ 35 (2004) 185-207.
[Abstract: «This paper challenges the work of Louis Feldman by raising some questions about
his methodological approach to the study of Josephus’ Antiquitates Judaicae and then by
reconsidering Josephus’ story of Samson. Against Feldman, the paper demonstrates that
Josephus does not emphasize Samson’s wisdom, courage/bravery, and moderation; neither
does Josephus protect Samson against the charge of injustice nor diminish the role of God so
402
as to present Samson as a human hero. Rather, Josephus’ image of Samson is akin to the one
found in the book of Judges, and the biblical Samson is hardly a virtuous character» (p. 185)].
R OSENFELD B.-Z., Josephus and the Mishnah: Two Views on the Outline of the Map of Palestine in the
First Two Centuries A.D., REJ 163 (2004), 415-428.
[Abstract: «The passage exhibits two different approaches – those of Josephus and the
Mishnah – to the geographic description of the land of Israel. Each one of them is based on
the background of its own period and on the goals of its writer. Josephus, as historian,
continues the Hellenistic (Greek) tradition of geography. He outlines a map of all edges of the
land with Jerusalem in the middle as part of the reality of his days and his priestly outlook on
the world. By comparison, the Mishnah, which is a book of laws, undertakes geographic
descriptions in its desire to clarify the law. It was written after the destruction of the Temple,
with Jerusalem in ruins – therefore, many changes occurred in the map of the Jewish
settlement of the land. While the Mishnah’s description does contain some remnants of
similarities to Josephus, the Mishnah’s description also contains a difference in which the
coastal area is emphasized as is appropriate for the conditions of the period» (p. 415)].
RUSAM D., Rec.: F.M. COLAUTTI, Passover in the Works of Josephus, Leiden 2002, BZ 49 (2005) 295-296.
SCHWARTZ D.R., Once Again: Who Captured Masada? On Doublets, Reading Against the Grain, and
What Josephus Actually Wrote, SCI 24 (2005) 75-83.
[1. A doublet? 2. Reading Josephus against the grain. – «It thus appears that there are only
two ways ‘Who Captured Masada?’ can become a problem: either we adduce some new
source that contradicts those assembled above, or we ignore some of them and thus leave the
others telling only a partial picture. Both have been tried, the former employing a sourcecritical tool (doublets) and coming to the conclusion that Masada was captured not by
Eleazar but, rather, by Menahem (a relative of his assassinated in Jerusalem in 66) – a position
which is in fact regnant today, perhaps surprisingly, given the current disrepute of sourcecriticism. The latter approach, in contrast, applies a composition-critical suspicion to what is
characterized as the laconic nature of 2.408 and suggests that Josephus was covering up the
embarrassing fact that those who captured Masada were in fact aristocratic priests from
Jerusalem, the type of people he was loath to portray as villains. In what follows, we shall
argue that the whole point of departure of the former route is in error, and that the latter
route, precisely because it is based upon ignoring the rest of the evidence apart from 2.408,
should be left outside the study of history» (pp. 76-77)].
TROIANI L., Le Antichità giudaiche e il giudaismo contemporaneo, in «Il vostro frutto rimanga».
Miscellanea Ghiberti, 205-211.
[«Nei giorni di Giuseppe, l’identità giudaica si aggiunge a un conglomerato di culture. Come
affermerà il filosofo Epitteto, si sentivano giudei parlare e agire esattamente come greci. Un
poeta satirico latino, Persio, mette alla berlina gli scrupoli per la vita giudaica di un anonimo
aspirante all’edilità. Paolo di Tarso sembra conoscere membri delle comunità giudaiche di
Efeso e di Colossi che sono divenuti estranei alla “cittadinanza di Israele”. Si tratta, dunque, di
ripensare e ripercorrere la storia attraverso la linea maestra dell’osservanza della Legge. Non
esisteva forse altra via per ridurre a esposizione storica un fenomeno così complesso e articolato
quale era il “giudaismo” prima dell’affermazione di una specifica identità cristiana. E non è un
caso che lo stesso termine designi nel Secondo libro dei Maccabei e nel Nuovo Testamento non
già una realtà etnica, ma una sorta di manifesto per richiamare la nazione all’unità contro
l’erosione e la dispersione della propria identità» (p. 211)].
403
HENTEN J.W., Cleopatra in Josephus: From Herod’s Rival to the Wise Ruler’s Opposite, in The
Wisdom of Egypt, 115-134.
[Introduction. 1. Cleopatra in the Jewish War. 2. Cleopatra in Jewish Antiquities 14-15.
3. Cleopatra in Against Apion. – «Josephus is one of the most negative ancient sources about
Cleopatra. He goes beyond the usual contempt for Cleopatra’s sexual immorality, greed and
perverted hunger for power, and portrays her in Against Apion as the ultimately wicked
foreign ruler. Josephus’ Cleopatra passages show an increasing tendency to blacken the
famous and intelligent queen; so much so that Michael Grant concludes in his biography of
Cleopatra that Josephus “is savagely biased against the queen”. Why is a separate discussion
of the Cleopatra passages in Josephus useful? First, Cleopatra’s dealings with Herod the
Great, as reported by Josephus, show two client rulers in action, fighting for Roman support
and benefactions in very different ways. Second, the various Cleopatra passages have been
treated before as one coherent cluster, but this apporach does not do justice to the changes
of Cleopatra’s image in Josephus’s works. Third, although Josephus’s descriptions show many
parallels with statements by non-Jewish authors, there are some issues in his works that are
remarkable if not altogether unique, and deserve further discussion» (p. 115)].
VAN
VELTRI G., rec.: T. RAJAK, Josephus: The Historian and His Society, London 20022, JSJ 35 (2004) 335-336.
10. Cristianesimo alessandrino ed ambiente egiziano
1. Il contesto religioso egiziano
BAINES J., Les biographies égyptiennes en monuments, images et textes, AEPHE.R 111 (2002-2003) 147-149.
LOPRIENO A., Searching for a Common Background: Egyptian Love Poetry and the Biblical Song of Songs,
in Perspectives on the Song of Songs, 105-135.
[1. Introduction. 2. Chronological issues. 3. How did Egyptian and Israelite love poetry emerge?
4. Religious and secular aspects. 5. The dramatic frame. 6. Punctual correspondences.
7. Conclusion. Bibliography. – Conclusione: «Rooted in performances held at festivals and
celebrations, which display a historical continuity from the Late Bronze Age to the Hellenistic
period, the literary treatment of love in Egypt and Israel emerges in different time periods
and cultural settings. Ramesside Egypt sees the development of new textual genres, among
them love poetry, which unlike classical literature are written in a lower linguistic register and
address the sphere of public as well as private entertainment. During the Second Temple
period, a similar textual form appears in Jewish literature, as documented by the Song of
Songs, which shares many of the conceptual and stylistic features of Egyptian love poetry.
However, rather than on a direct textual transmission, made unlikely by the disappearance of
a written tradition of love poems after the end of the Bronze Age, this continuity of forms and
contents finds its origin in the common festive background of the genre in Egypt and Israel:
the continuity in underlying performances rooted in a dialectic between the sphere of
periodic religious festivals and the context of episodic social events, proves to be much more
stable than their impact on literary discourse» (p. 132)].
MÜNCH H.-H. – M OERS G., Alles Liebe? Die kulturelle Semantik des Begriffs «Liebe» und die
Konstruktion des liebenden Körpers im pharaonischen Ägypten, in Perspectives on the Song of Songs, 136149.
[1. Der theoretische Rahmen. 2. Fallbeispiel. 3. Schluß. – «(...) in einer Kultur wie der
pharaonischen nicht damit zu rechnen ist, daß Liebe ausschließlich eine passionierte
Privatangelegenheit hätte sein können» (p. 148)].
404
RISSING T. – WILLEKE M., Legende vom Nil. Zu Aleida und Jan Assmanns Rehabilitierung Ägyptens
→ 0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili di studiosi
VELDE H., Looking at the Condemning Heart of 1 John 3.18-20 through the Eyes of an Ancient
Egyptian, in The Wisdom of Egypt, 217-225.
[«If Egypt and Israel can both be called “cultures of the heart”, all sorts of links and
influences become immediately possible between Egyptian wisdom and biblical truth, so that
it is no longer necessary to prove a direct historical link between the Egyptian book of the
Dead and 1 John 3.18-21. The Israelite tradition and the New Testament that builds on it,
however, never went so far as to regard the human heart as a god, as in the Egyptianhumanist tradition: “The heart of a man is his own god. My heart is satisfied with what I have
done. It is in my body, while I am a god. The gods are delighted to see me”» (p. 224)].
TE
DIJK J., Early Christian Apocrypha and the Secret Books of Ancient Egypt, in The Wisdom of Egypt,
419-428.
[«Gnostic texts in particular appear... to continue the tradition of Egyptian Hellenistic ‘secret’
books, the most famous of which is the Corpus Hermeticum, and the Greek magical papyri.
The tradition of secret religious texts in Egypt is much older than Hellenistic times, however,
and goes back as far as the age of the pyramid builders. It is to these Ancient Egyptian
‘apocrypha’ that the following brief remarks are devoted» (p. 420)].
VAN
VAN KOOTEN
G.H., ‘Wrath Will Drip in the Plains of Macedonia’: Expectations of Nero’s Return in the
Egyptian Sibylline Oracles (Book 5), 2 Thessalonians, and Ancient Historical Writings, in The Wisdom
of Egypt, 177-215.
[1. The return of Nero in the Egyptian Sybilline Oracles. 2. 2 Thessalonians. 3. Conclusion and final
observations. – «In this paper, I have set out to demonstrate that book 5 of the Sibylline Oracles and
2 Thess have much in common. Both understand Nero Rediturus as a historical figure, whom they
expect to return from the East. Although the Egyptian authors of book 5 of the Sibylline Oracles are
primarily concerned with Egypt and reckon with Nero’s final return to Egypt, they also have an
open eye for the consequences of Nero’s return in the broader world. Nero is expected to conquer
the West first and, after that, to turn his attention to Egypt» (p. 207)].
VERNUS P., Le Cantique des Cantiques et l’Égypte pharaonique, in Perspectives on the Song of Songs, 150162.
[«Si on tente un bilan d’ensemble des ressemblances possibles entre le Cantique des Cantiques
et la poésie amoureuse égyptienne pharaonique, qui date essentiellement du Nouvel Empire,
plus particulièrement du XIIIe au XIe siècle avant J.-C., on ne parvient guère à produire
d’éléments suggérant de manière convaincante une influence directe de la seconde sur le
premier. À vrai dire, l’écart chronologique l’eût faite difficilement attendre. On en peut guère
aller plus loin que le constat d’une certaine affinité d’atmosphère et de sensibilité entre les
textes égyptiens et les texte biblique» (p. 159)].
ZIVIE-COCHE C., Dieux étrangers au sein du panthéon égyptien: polythéisme et interculturalité,
AEPHE.R 111 (2002-2003), 141-143.
– Géographie religieuse: le delta oriental et ses divinités, AEPHE.R 111 (2002-2003) 143-145.
2. Il periodo delle origini
BAKKER H., Potamiaena: Some Observations About Martyrdom and Gender in Ancient Alexandria, in
The Wisdom of Egypt, 331-350.
405
[1. The history of Potamiaena: Eusebius and Palladius; The life of Origen; Septimius Severus;
Serapis worship. 2. The story of Potamiaena: A carmen Potamiaenae?; The passio Potamiaenae;
The story of Basilides. 3. The woman Potamiaena: Bodily integrity; Androcentrism. A sad
conclusion. – «Somewhere at the beginning of the third century AD a young Egyptian
woman named Potamiaena was killed by her executioners. The details are gruesome. She too
displayed no resistance to her trial and ordeal and her fame spread all over the country. The
story about the martyrdom of Potamiaena has until now been largely ignored. Only a few
references in articles or monographs reflect some awareness of this episode, but they do not
hide the neglect of this woman in the field of early Christian martyrology. In this article I will
first take a historical-critical approach to the narrative (§ 1), next offer some structuralanalytical observations (§ 2), then close with a short discussion of the androcentrism evident
in the Potamiaena tradition (§ 3)» (p. 332)].
BAUSI A., La collezione aksumita canonico-liturgica → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino ed ambiente
egiziano (4. La chiesa alessandrina: istituzioni, dottrine, riti, personaggi e episodi storici)
LOMAN J., The Letter of Barnabas in Early Second-Century Egypt, in The Wisdom of Egypt, 247-265.
[1. Barnabas in early Christianity. 2. Interpretation of Scripture. 3. Barnabas in Alexandria. – «It
was not until the early second century that Christians emerged as a group that was distinct from
the Jewish community. Barnabas is evidence of at least one type of Christianity in Alexandria
during the first part of the second century. There were other types of Christianity such as are to
be found in other early Christian sources. It is quite probable that the author of Barnabas was a
Christian convert from Judaism, who was opposed to a form of Judaism with a nationalist
tendency and a strict literal interpretation of the law. Perhaps the author wanted to moderate
fanatical feelings within and without his community for the hope of the rebuilding of the
temple in Jerusalem. Even if for many Jews the Jewish religion had reached a spiritual level and
there was no need for animal sacrifices and the rebuilding of a temple, this was not a universal
view. The author never mentions the Jews by name, but always refers to them as “they” or
“them”, indicating his distance from them. The author was not a follower of a writer or
Christian group of which we still have evidence. Yet his letter was a popular writing in his time,
and was read in the churches of Egypt in the second century and after» (p. 263)].
PEARSON B.A., Cracking a Conundrum: Christian Origins in Egypt, StTh 57 (2003) 61-75.
[The setting: Alexandrian Judaism. Christians in Alexandria. Conclusion. – «We have seen
that variety is a characteristic of both Judaism and emergent Christianity in first-century
Alexandria. In the beginning, the varieties of Christianity in Alexandria were, in fact, varieties
of that great city’s Judaism, for there was no “Christianity” identifiable as such. The figure of
Philo is a towering presence in that amalgam. While we do not know what Philo thought of
such Jesus-believing Jews as he might have encountered, I would like to think that he
engaged them in open dialogue, and some of them may even have been his pupils. In any
case, it is certainly through the mediation of early Alexandrian Christians that his writings (at
least most of them) came to be preserved. While Philo played virtually no role at all in the
subsequent development of Judaism, Alexandrian Christianity came to look upon him as one
of their own predecessors. Ultimately, it was the Philo-like Christianity of Silvanus, rather than
the primitive apocalypticism of Barnabas, or the acosmic radicalism of the Gnostics, that
carried the day in the development of Alexandrian Christian theology in the patristic age
through the fourth century» (pp. 70-71)].
– Gnosticism and Christianity in Roman and Coptic Egypt → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
SANDT H., The Egyptian Background of the ‘Ointment’ Prayer in the Eucharistic Rite of the
Didache (10.8), in The Wisdom of Egypt, 227-245.
VAN DE
406
[1. The text of the ‘ointment’ prayer in Didache 10.8. 2. Did the ‘ointment’ prayer belong to a
Hellenistic version of Jewish table prayers?: 2.1. The Hellenistic version of the Jewish table
prayers; 2.2. Joseph and Aseneth and a Hellenistic version of the Jewish table prayers. 3. The
‘ointment’ prayer as an Egyptian interpolation in the Didache. – «... There can be little doubt
that the ‘ointment’ prayer is a Christian addition to the basic Eucharistic prayers of the
Didache. In the formative stage of Christianity in first-century Egypt, Jewish ‘converts’ to
Christian faith brought with them their rituals, worldview, and lifestyle, and, obviously, these
Judeo-Christians continued to faithfully observe their religious customs. The original Didache
text was modified, amended, and updated to fit the version of the table prayers with which
the Jewish Christian community in Egypt was familiar. In this way, local diversity, for example
in the form of an ‘ointment’ prayer, could easily have crept into the ritual» (p. 243)].
WIPSZYCKA E., The Origins of the Monarchic Episcopate in Egypt, Adamantius 12 (2006) 71-90.
[1. The bishops of Alexandria. 2. The bishops of Egypt].
WYRWA D., Religiöses Lernen im zweiten Jahrhundert und die Anfänge der alexandrinischen
Katechetenschule, in Religiöses Lernen, 271-305.
[«Soweit Eusebs Nachrichten über die alexandrinische Katechetenschule unmittelbare
historische Aufschlüsse gestatten, vermitteln sie das Bild einer religiösen Unterweisungstätigkeit,
die in Großräumigkeit und Intensität weit über das hinausgeht, was die Kirche sonst irgendwo
im 2. Jh. kennt. Sie weisen zudem darauf, dass der einzigartige Aufschwung wissenschaftlichtheologischer Studien, der vermöge der hier geleisteten Synthese einer christlichen Metaphysik
grundlegend für die christliche Theologie schlechthin werden sollte, engstens mit der vor Ort
ausgeübten Schultätigkeit verkoppelt war. Trotzdem bleiben angesichts der Dürftigkeit der
überlieferten Informationen viel, gerade die konkreten, institutionellen Erscheinungsformen des
Schulalltags betreffende Fragen offen. Man würde gerne wissen, ob schon in der Anfangszeit
für die Lehre eigene, feste Räumlichkeiten, etwa in kirchlicher Trägerschaft, zur Verfügung
standen und, wenn ja, wo sie gelegen waren. Man möchte wissen, ob und in welchem Umfang
der Schule eine eigene theologische Bibliothek zugeordnet war, und man hat vermutet, dass ein
ihr verbundenes christliches Skriptorium existierte. Vor allem stellen sich Fragen nach dem
Wurzelboden, aus dem Idee und Gestalt einer christlichen Schule in Alexandrien erwachsen
sind. Wenn das alexandrinische Christentum von früh an zweipolig verlaufen ist und neben
dem heidenchristlichen Entwicklungsstrang von einem starken judenchristlichen Anteil geprägt
war, dann drängt sich die Vermutung auf, ob etwa in den Unterrichtsformen der christlichen
Gemeinde Strukturen jüdischer Lehrinstitutionen indirekt fortzudauern vermochten. Die
exzeptionelle Bedeutung, die das Werk des hellenistischen Juden Philo für die alexandrinische
Theologie eines Clemens und Origenes hat, muss auch in dieser Hinsicht die Aufmerksamkeit
für mögliche Vermittlungsinstanzen des alexandrinischen Judentums, obschon direkte Quellen
fehlen, schärfen» (pp. 301-302)].
3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo
BOS A.P., Basilides of Alexandria: Matthias (Matthew) and Aristotle as the Sources of Inspiration for His
Gnostic Theology in Hippolytus’ Refutatio, in The Wisdom of Egypt, 397-418.
[Brief summary of Basilides’ system according to Hippolytus. Basilides as exegete of Matthias’
‘secret words’. Secret words of Matthias or Matthew? The final revelation of the cosmic
mystery and of the ‘Sons of God’. The final phase of cosmic generation: the great ignorance.
The ‘apokatastasis’ of all things. Jesus as ‘the first fruit of the separation’. Conclusions and
further considerations regarding Hippolytus’ description of the doctrine of Basilides. – «The
claims by J. Frickel that Hippolytus made the connection between Basilides’ doctrine and the
407
philosophy of the pagan philosopher Aristotle, but that Basilides himself did not explicitly
refer to Aristotle, should be accepted. This is not to say, however, that Aristotle’s thought had
no influence on Basilides. On the contrary. Some crucial features of Basilides’ doctrine can
only be adequately explained against the background of Aristotle’s theology, noology, and
psychology. (...) But perhaps we should go even further back and investigate whether the
origin of Gnostic theology in fact lies in Greek philosophy, in particular in the myth of the
alienation of Dionysus, the young son of God, from his father, through his entrance into the
sphere of the cosmic Titans and, next, his descent into the sublunary sphere of nature and
mortality. Such a myth with a strong Orphic colouring was presented at length in Aristotle’s
dialogue Eudemus. Traces of it have been found by J. Pépin in the work of Philo of Alexandria.
Basilides seems to have given himself room for an adaptation of this myth by positing, like
Philo of Alexandria, that just as man is an image of the divine Logos, so the cosmos writ large
must likewise be such an image. In this way he replaced the biblical view on man by a Greek
philosophical anthropogony in connection with a cosmogony» (pp. 416-418)].
CHIAPPARINI G., Anticosmismo e precosmismo negli gnostikoi del II e III secolo. A proposito del
«paradigma ermeneutico» di H. Jonas, Annali di Scienze Religiose 9 (2004) 325-371.
[1. La dottrina anticosmica degli gnwstikoiv di Enn. II 9. 2. Enn. II 9 e il «paradigma ermeneutico»
di H. Jonas. 3. Gli gnostikoi di Plotino e gli gnostikoi del II secolo. 4. Contro gli anticosmici: Tolomeo
come Plotino? 5. Anticosmismo e procosmismo fra gli gnostikoi del II-III secolo. 6. Alcuni limiti del
paradigma ermeneutico di H. Jonas: 6.1. L’anticosmismo non è prerogativa gnostica; 6.2. Dignità
speculativa della riflessione gnostica; 6.3. Mitopoiesi e speculazione filosofica; 6.4. Il dibattito sulle
origini dello gnosticismo. – «... Sulla scorta di Enn. II 9, in una prima fase, cercheremo di definire i
tratti salienti della dottrina anticosmica degli interlocutori di Plotino, evidenziando l’estrema
consequenzialità logica che la caratterizza. In seconda battuta sarà nostra preoccupazione mettere
in evidenza il ruolo decisivo che tale dottrina e la modalità stessa con cui Plotino la riferisce,
giocano nell’ambito dell’interpretazione che di questo movimento religioso del Tardo Antico ha
proposto H. Jonas. Successivamente confronteremo l’impostazione di fondo della dottrina degli
gnostikoi di Plotino in primo luogo con quella degli gnostikoi del II sec., individuandovi una
continuità, e in secondo luogo con la dottrina di Tolomeo, il maestro valentiniano del II sec., di cui
conosciamo meglio il pensiero; la sua dottrina rivelerà una visione del mondo più ottimistica,
ovvero caratterizzata da una prospettiva in parte anticipatrice della speculazione propria del
grande neoplatonico, ma in parte condivisa anche da alcuni gnostikoi. Infine, rivisiteremo pure la
vexata quaestio di una possibile delimitazione del concetto gnostico destinatario della critica
plotiniana e, sulla base delle nuove acquisizioni, in primis quella di una contiguità fra gli gnostikoi
di Plotino e gli gnostikoi del II sec., concluderemo per la necessità di un superamento
dell’approccio ermeneutico avviato da H. Jonas» (pp. 229-230)].
CZACHESZ I., The Identity of Lithargoel in the Acts of Peter and the Twelve, in The Wisdom of Egypt,
485-502.
[1. Lithargoel’s appearances in the Acts of Peter and the Twelve. 2. The name Lithargoel and its
implications. 3. Lithargoel in the sources of the Acts of Peter and the Twelve. 4. Lithargoel and
the redaction of the Acts of Peter and the Twelve. 5. Conclusion. Appendix – Conclusione:
«Lithargoel has received a new identity in this article. First, we have suggested a new
etymology for his name. Deriving Lithargoel from the Greek lhvqargo~ is preferable to
previous suggestions both from grammatical and semantic points of views. With the help of
the Hymn of the Pearl in the Acts of Thomas, we have hypothesised a Pearl Narrative which
served as a source for the book. In the Acts of Peter and the Twelve 8.14-35, we have found
passages which characterise Lithargoel in a way that fits excellently into the plot of the Pearl
Narrative. We have also outlined subsequent levels of redaction before the Pearl Narrative
reached the final redactor. Textual clues have been found which can be used to reconstruct
408
the outline of a longer Acts of Peter and the Twelve. Finally, we have highlighted various aspects
of the text that could be relevant for a redactor in a Pachomian monastery, as well as
modifications that this particular Sitz im Leben probably motivated» (pp. 501-502)].
DUBOIS J.-D., L’implantation des manichéens en Égypte, in N. BELAYCHE – S.C. MIMOUNI (ed.), Les
communautés religieuses dans le monde gréco-romain (Bibliothèque de l’École des hautes Études,
Sciences religieuses, 117), Brepols, Turnhout 2003, 279-306.
– Les Kephalaia coptes manichéens de Berlin récemment édités, AEPHE.R 111 (2002-2003) 268-269.
– Un nouvel évangile apocryphe copte: l’Évangile du Sauveur ou l’Évangile apocryphe de Berlin, AEPHE.R
111 (2002-2003) 265-267.
[«Ce nouvel apocryphe porte le sigle P. Berolinensis 22 220; toutefois, il ne s’agit pas d’un
papyrus mais d’un ensemble de quelques feuillets de parchemin, assez endommagés, ainsi que
de bribes de feuillets. (...) L’édition princeps de Ch. W. Hedrick et P. Mirecki, The Gospel of the
Savior, A New Ancient Gospel, Santa Rosa, Calif., 1999, California Classical Library, 165 p.,
assigne le titre d’Évangile du Sauveur à ce texte comportant des dialogues de Jésus avec ses
disciples. Mais la proximité de ce titre avec celui de Dialogue du Sauveur, attribué à un texte
copte de Nag Hammadi (NHC III, 5) risque de porter à confusion. Le titre donné par H.-M.
Schenke, «Évangile berlinois inconnu», est tout aussi peu satisfaisant. Par commodité, nous
garderons provisoirement celui d’«évangile apocryphe de Berlin» (p. 265)].
– Recherches sur l’anthropologie des gnostiques valentiniens, AEPHE.R 111 (2002-2003) 267-268.
EHRMAN B.D., I Cristianesimi perduti. Apocrifi, sette ed eretici nella battaglia per le Sacre Scritture →
EMMEL S., Ein altes Evangelium der Apostel taucht in Fragmenten aus Ägypten und Nubien auf, ZAC 9
(2005) 85-99.
[Abstract: «The second part of the as yet mostly unpublished Coptic versions of the Old
Nubian “Stauros-Text” is a series of short excerpts from the amen-responsory between the
Savior and the apostles, and from the Savior’s intervening address to the cross, in the so-called
“Unbekanntes Berliner Evangelium” (UBE) or “Gospel of the Savior”. The first part of the
Coptic Stauros-Text manuscript is probably also an extract from this gospel, and so the
Coptic and Nubian Stauros-Texts are third and fourth witnesses to this “new” apocryphal
gospel. The Coptic Stauros-Text helps to restore damaged passages in the two previously
known manuscripts of the UBE, in Berlin and Strasbourg, and indicates that the amenresponsory and address to the cross are presented as two (or more) hymns to which Jesus
dances, with the Apostles encircling him (as in ActJoh 94-95, for example). Since the UBE is a
gospel narrated by “the apostles”, the question must at least be posed, whether it might stand
in some direct relationship with the famous, but nonetheless obscure “Gospel of the Twelve
Apostles” mentioned by Origen in his first homily on Luke, especially if one is prepared to
question the long-standing identification of Origen’s “Gospel of the Twelve” with the
“Gospel of the Ebionites”» (p. 96)].
JAKAB A., Le Gnosticisme Alexandrin aux Premiers Temps du Christianisme, in The Wisdom of Egypt,
365-379.
[«... Ce qui de notre point de vue semble être essentiel, c’est la dépendance du christianisme
de la vallée du Nil de celui d’Alexandrie, y compris en ce qui concerne le courant gnostique
(ou gnosticisant). De cette manière on peut sans doute dire, que le gnosticisme fut une sorte
de force motrice intellectuelle du développement doctrinal du christianisme, et même si par
la suite la Grande Église n’a jamais ménagé ses forces pour le gommer de son histoire, elle n’a
toutefois pas réussi à le faire disparaître entièrement. Ce à quoi la découverte de Nag
Hammadi a aussi contribué, c’est de prendre conscience à quel point il est incontournable
409
dans la compréhension des premiers siècles chrétiens. Il n’est sans doute pas un hasard que
c’est dans un même milieu intellectuel et spirituel, celui d’Alexandrie, que deux personnages
de marque, Valentin et Origène, à un siècle d’intervalle, ont acquis leur formation. Et ce qu’ils
ont tenté de faire était aussi comparable: répondre aux questions et aux angoisses
existentielles de leurs contemporains» (p. 377)].
LIETAERT PEERBOLTE B.J., The Wisdom of Solomon and the Gnostic Sophia → 4. LXX
LUTTIKHUIZEN G.P., Gnostic Revisions of Genesis Stories and Early Jesus Traditions (NHMS, 58), Brill,
Leiden – Boston 2006, pp. XVIII+207.
[Preface, XI-XIV. Abbreviations, XV-XVIII. I. Introduction: Gnostic interpreters, 1-13. Part
One. Genesis interpretations: II. Polemical context and function (ApJohn), 17-28;
III. Philosophical thought pattern (ApJohn), 29-43. IV. Narrative scheme (ApJohn), 44-58;
V. The creation of Adam and Eve (ApJohn), 59-71; VI. Paradise (ApJohn, TestTruth), 72-82;
VII. Eve’s children and the salvation of humanity, 83-96; VIII. Noah and the flood (ApJohn,
HypArch, ApocAdam), 97-107; IX. The ineffable God (ApJohn, TrimProt), 108-116. Part Two.
Early Jesus Traditions: X. The teaching of Jesus, 119-129; XI. The passion of Jesus: The
suffering Jesus and the impassible Christ (ApocPet), 130-139; XII. The passion of Jesus: The
wooden cross and the cosmic cross of light (ActsJohn), 140-151; XIII. Johannine vocabulary and
gnostic thought, 152-162. Epilogue: Readers of gnostic texts, 163-169. Appendix: The baptism
of Mani’s youth and the Elchasaites, 170-184. Bibliography, 185-197. Index of ancient texts,
199-208].
MARKSCHIES C., Gnostische und andere Bilderbücher in der Antike → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere
generale
MASTROCINQUE A., From Jewish Magic to Gnosticism (Studien und Texte zu Antike und
Christentum, 24), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2005, pp. XV+244.
[Preface, V. Table of contents, VII-IX. Abbreviations, XI-XV. The Marcionite snake, 4-31.
Ophite doctrine, 32-41. A snake in the sky, 42-60. Chnoubis the serpent God, 61-93. The Ophite
Diagram, 94-121. Asia Minor and Egypt: the roots of Gnosis, 122-159. The snake at the highest
point of the universe, 160-172. The Decan of the astronomic pole, 173-183. Aberamentho, 184200; Magic and Christianity, 201-222. Bibliography, 223-227. Indices, 228-244].
MEYER M., Gnosis, Mageia, and The Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit, in The Wisdom of Egypt,
503-517.
[Gnôsis. Mageia. The Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit. Conclusion. – Dalla Conclusione:
«The Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit may legitimately be called a Gnostic text – a
Sethian Gnostic text, perhaps with some further qualification (e.g. a Christian Sethian
Gnostic text with Hermetic influences). The Holy Book of the Great Invisible Spirit may also be
described, I would suggest, as a text with significant ‘magical’ elements, or, more apropriately,
elements of ritual power. (...) Further issues of definition and taxonomy also emerge in the
text, since the copyist named the text ‘the Egyptian Gospel’ and applied the term euangelion
to the text» (p. 516)].
MONTSERRAT-TORRENTS J., La philosophie de la gnose, AEPHE.R 111 (2002-2003) 273-275.
ONUKI T., Heil und Erlösung. Studien zum Neuen Testament und zur Gnosis → 1. Miscellanee e studi di
carattere generale
410
PEARSON B.A., Gnosticism and Christianity in Roman and Coptic Egypt → 1. Miscellanee e studi di
carattere generale
PLISCH U.-K., Zu einigen Einleitungsfragen des Unbekannten Berliner Evangeliums (UBE), ZAC 9
(2005) 64-84.
[1. Vorgeschichte. 2. Die Ordnung der Fragmente. 3. Der ursprüngliche Codex auf der Basis der
Emmelschen Rekonstruktion. 4. Der Titel. 5. Ort, Sprache, Zeit. 6. Quellen. 7. Bezüge.
8. Dramatis personae. – Abstract: «The essay discusses the typical issues of introduction to the
Unknown Berlin Gospel/Gospel of the Savior (P 22220): origin of the text (unknown, perhaps
Egypt or Syria), original language (Greek, not Coptic) and date (approximately the second half
of the 2nd century). According to the author’s personal collation of the parchment, the essay
confirms the new order of the fragments established by Stephen Emmel. A major part of the
article deals with written sources of Gos.Sav (Matt, John, Rev, Gos.Peter, The Agraphon of the
Fire, including a theological analysis of the reference to Gn 49, 11) and its relations to other texts
like the Strasbourg Coptic Papyrus of LibBarth. The fascinating relations to the Acts of Andrew,
so far not taken into consideration, are also discussed, leading to the cautious hypothesis that the
fragments of Gos.Sav could have been part of the Gospel of Andrew, mentioned in the
Decretum Gelasianum directly after the Gospel of Bartholomew» (p. 84)].
POUDERON B., La notice d’Hippolyte sur Simon: cosmologie, anthropologie et embryologie, in Les Pères de
l’Église face à la science médicale, 49-71.
[La cosmologie des Simoniens. L’anthropologie des Simoniens: la procréation; L’embryologie
du Pseudo-Symon. – «L’intérêt de la notice d’Hippolyte sur Simon tient au fait qu’elle nous
délivre un exposé assez complet sur la genèse de l’univers et celle de l’homme – un exposé
apparemment très hétérogène, mais dont on peut trouver la cohérence dans le rôle qui est
attribué au feu créateur ou au pneuma à chaque niveau de l’organisation de l’univers, du plus
élevé, à savoir le cosmos, au plus petit, à savoir l’embryon humain» (p. 50)].
RASIMUS T., Ophite Gnosticism, Sethianism and the Nag Hammadi Library, VigChr 59 (2005) 235-263.
[Ophite Gnosticism: on sources and earlier studies. Sethians and their suggested connections
with Ophites and Barbeloites. Pursuit of the Ophite mythology in the Nag Hammadi and
related codices. Conclusion. – Abstract: «This article discusses the definition of Ophite
Gnosticism, its relationship to Sethian Gnosticism, and argues that Eugnostos, Soph. Jes. Chr., Orig.
World, Hyp. Arch. and Ap. John not only have important links with each other but also draw
essentially on the mythology the heresiologists called that of the Ophites. Before the Nag
Hammadi findings, Ophite Gnosticism was often seen as an important and early form of
Gnosticism, rooted in Jewish soil, and only secondarily Christianized. Today, not only are similar
claims made of Sethian Gnosticism, but also some of the above-mentioned texts are classified as
Sethian. In many recent studies, the Ophite mythology is connected with Sethian Gnosticism,
even though the exact relationship between these two forms of Gnosticism has remained
unclear. It is argued here that the Sethian Gnostic authors drew on earlier forms of Gnosticism,
especially on the Ophite mythology, in composing some of the central Sethian texts» (p. 235)].
R OIG LANZILLOTTA F.L., Devolution and Recollection, Deficiency and Perfection: Human Degradation
and the Recovery of the Primal Condition According to Some Early Christian Texts, in The Wisdom of
Egypt, 443-459.
[Introduction. 1. The anthropological background. 2. Man’s devolution and the appearance
of the lower aspects of his being. 3. Recollection as a return to unity and perfection through
knowledge. Conclusions. – «Several early Christian texts explain the appearance of the
physical world, or at any rate the appearance of humans, by means of the myth of devolution.
At the same time, they encourage people to distance themselves from their false existence
411
and attempt to recover their original transcendent condition. The Acts of Andrew (= AA)
includes interesting versions both of the process of devolution and of that of recollection,
which show interesting similarities with the Valentinian myth as presented by the Tripartite
Tractate, the Gospel of Truth and the report by Irenaeus. The purpose of the present article is
to examine this version and its numerous Gnostic parallels in order to show that the Gnostic
affiliation of AA is more important than scholars are normally inclined to accept. Within this
scope, the first section will analyse the anthropological views underlying AA’s conception and
second will focus on the myth of devolution proper. The third section will examine the
counterpart to the devolution, namely the recollection that must achieve the reunion of what
was dispersed through degradation» (p. 445)].
SCOPELLO M., Femme, Gnose et Manichéisme. De l’espace mythique au territoire du réel (NHMS, 53),
Brill, Leiden – Boston 2005, pp. XIV+406.
[Avant-propos, IX-XIV. Première Partie – Images et symboles: Ch. I. Marie-Madeleine et la
tour: Pivsti" et Sofiva, 3-27; Ch. II. Ils leur enseignèrent les charmes et les incantations, 29-47;
Ch. III. Autour de Youel et Barbélo à Nag Hammadi, 49-78; Ch. IV. Un rituel idéal
d’intronisation à Nag Hammadi, 79-113; Ch. V. Jacques de Saroug et l’Exégèse de l’âme (NH II,
6), 115-123. Deuxième Partie – Passages: Ch. VI. Titres au féminin dans la bibliothèque de Nag
Hammadi, 127-153; Ch. VII. Jewish and Greek Heroines in the Nag Hammadi library, 155-177;
Ch. VIII. Âme et allégorie chez les gnostiques, 179-200. Troisième Partie – Histoire et réalité:
Ch. IX. Femme et société dans les polémiques contre les gnostiques: quelques notes sur Irénée
et Tertullien, 203-235; Ch. X. Julie, manichéenne d’Antioche (d’après la Vie de Porphyre de
Marc le Diacre, ch. 85-91), 237-291; Ch. XI. Bassa la Lydienne, 293-315; Ch. XII. Histoire de
Charitiné, 317-346. Bibliographie, 347-367. Index des auteurs et des textes anciens, 369-396;
Index des auteurs modernes, 397-402. – «Ce livre consiste dans une série d’études qui
présentent les résultats de mes recherches autour du thème de la femme aussi bien dans la
gnose que dans le manichéisme. La plupart de ces textes, publiés auparavant, paraissent ici
sous une forme largement amplifiée qui tient compte de l’évolution de mes recherches. Deux
études inédites complètent l’ensemble» (p. X). I saggi inediti sono V e XII].
– Images et métaphores de la médecine dans les écrits manichéens coptes, in Les Pères de l’Église face à la
science médicale, 231-252.
[Une esquisse du mythe manichéen. L’intériorisation du combat. L’esprit vivant, guérisseur
des blessés. Jésus-splendeur et les blessures de l’âme. L’intellect-lumière et ses remèdes. Les
allégories de Mani médecin. Les livres de Mani comme thérapeutique. De la métaphore
littéraire au territoire du réel. – «Les textes manichéens utilisent à plusieurs reprises des
images et métaphores tirées du champ sémantique de la médecine. On retrouve avec une
certaine fréquence l’image du médecin qui lutte contre la maladie et qui, avec la panoplie de
ses remèdes, procure la guérison. Les allégories élaborées autour du médecin en font une
figure issue du monde du Bien, et le décrivent comme le sauveur de l’âme, laquelle a
contracté la maladie, symbole du monde du Mal, du fait même de son séjour sur terre...
Compte tenu du très grand nombre de sources retrouvées en plusieurs langues occidentales
et orientales, correspondant à l’extraordinaire expansion du manichéisme de la Babylonie à
l’empire romain et à l’Asie centrale jusqu’en Chine, nous nous limiterons ici à considérer la
littérature en langue copte, retrouvée à Medinet Madi, au Fayoum, dans les années 1930. Les
textes que nous allons verser au dossier ont été composés au IVe siècle, par des manichéens
établis en Égypte où des communautés furent implantées déjà du vivant de Mani (216276/277) grâce à l’active propagande de ses disciples» (pp. 231-232)].
SFAMENI GASPARRO G., Addas – Adimantus unus ex discipulis Manichaei: per la storia del
manicheismo occidentale, in Ad Contemplandam Sapientiam, 627-649.
412
[«Il presente contributo è una versione ampliata della relazione presentata al IV Congresso
Internazionale sul Manicheismo, Berlino 1997, ora pubblicata negli Atti relativi (Addas –
Adimantus unus ex discipulis Manichaei: for the History of Manichaeism in the West, in
R.E. EMMERICK – W. SUNDERMANN – P. ZIEME (edd.), Studia Manichaica. IV. Internationaler
Kongress zum Manichäismus, Berlin, 14.-18. Juli 1997, Berlin 2000, 546-559)» (p. 627 n.)].
SINISCALCO P., Le antiche chiese orientali. Storia e letteratura → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere
generale
[Lo gnosticismo (G. SFAMENI GASPARRO), 369-411; Il manicheismo (G. SFAMENI GASPARRO),
413-429].
THOMASSEN E., Orthodoxy and Heresy in Second-Century Rome → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere
generale
– The Spiritual Seed. The Church of the “Valentinians” (NHMS, 60), Brill, Leiden – Boston 2006,
pp. XVI+545.
[Introduction, 1-6. Part I. Valentinianism East and West: Ch. 1. The Valentinians of Irenaeus, 922; Ch. 2. “Valentinus” in Iren. Haer. I 11:1, 23-27; Ch. 3. The doctrine of Theodotus, 28-38;
Ch. 4. The two “schools”, 39-45; Ch. 5. The soteriology of The Tripartite Tractate, 46-58;
Ch. 6. The soteriology of Irenaeus’ system, 59-61; Ch. 7. The soteriology of Exc. 43:2-65, 62-72;
Ch. 8. The soteriology of Iren. Haer. I 7:2, 73-76; Ch. 9. The soteriology of Hipp. Haer. VI 29-36,
77-80; Ch. 10. Provisional conclusions, 81-82; Ch. 11. Eastern soteriologies: The Treatise on the
Resurrection, 83-85; Ch. 12. Eastern soteriologies: The Interpretation of Knowledge, 86-89;
Ch. 13. Eastern soteriologies: The Gospel of Philip, 90-102; Ch. 14. The soteriology of Heracleon,
103-118; Ch. 15. The position of Ptolemy, 119-129. Part II. The three dimensions of Valentinianism:
Ch. 16. Salvation in history and ritual, 133-145; Ch. 17. Salvation in history and protological myth,
146-165; Ch. 18. Protology, salvation history, and ritual, 166-187; Ch. 19. Conclusion to Part II, 188190. Part III. Valentinian Protology: Ch. 20. The pleromatology, 193-247; Ch. 21. The myth of
separation and restoration, 248-262; Ch. 22. Chronology of the protologies, 263-268; Ch. 23. The
meaning and origins of Valentinian protology, 269-314; Ch. 24. The transformation of eschatology
to protology, 315-329. Part IV. Valentinian initiation: Ch. 25. The evidence for Valentinian
initiation, 333-385; Ch. 26. Initiation: Synopsis of the acts, 386-394; Ch. 27. The ideology of the
initiation ritual, 395-397; Ch. 28. The historical position of Valentinian initiation, 398-405;
Ch. 29. A ritual for the dying, 406-414. Part V. Valentinus and the “Valentinians”:
Ch. 30. Valentinus: biography and sources, 417-429; Ch. 31. Valentinus: A study of the
fragments, 430-490; Ch. 32. Valentinians: fragments of the history of Valentinianism, 491-508.
Bibliography, 509-519. Index of ancient sources, 521-539; Index of Greek words, 540; Index of
names and subjects, 541-545].
TIGCHELAAR E., Baraies on Mani’s Rapture, Paul, and the Antediluvian Apostles, in The Wisdom of
Egypt, 429-441.
[Baraies’ first homily (CMC 45.1-72.7). The homiletic focus of Baraies’ homily. Baraies on the
rapture of Mani. But why the rapture? Conclusions. – Dalle Conclusioni: «Even though the
apocalypses in the Cologne Mani Codex may be alleged, Baraies had knowledge of both JewishChristian apocalyptic lore, and of Paul’s letters. If the charge that Mani’s followers wrote about
the rapture of their leader in order to boast (46.4-7, alluding to 2 Cor 12.1-5) was real, then
Baraies’ opponents were Christians who accepted Paul as an apostle. It therefore is not
surprising that in his homily Baraies repeatedly refers and alludes to Paul, and that his
quotations are quite literal. This indicates a context in which Paul’s letters were important. On
the other hand, the excerpts from the alleged apocalypses are not literal quotations, but
413
assemblages of existing, and in some cases perhaps also new materials. This strongly indicates
that apocalyptic texts did not have the same standing as the letters of Paul. (...) The list of
apostolic figures includes the five antediluvian heroes and Paul, but not specifically Jewish
figures who also had been translated such as Abraham or Moses, nor Zoroaster, or Buddha, who
are regarded as apostles in Manichaean traditions. This points to a Christian background of
Baraies and his Manichaean brothers, but also of their opponents, who may have kept these
antediluvian apostles in honour, without being really interested in what they wrote» (p. 441)].
TUBACH J., Reisewege der Apostel in den Acta Petri aus Nag Hammadi, in The Wisdom of Egypt, 461-483.
[Die Petrusakten aus Nag Hammadi und andere pseudepigraphische Apostelgeschichten. Die
Reise von Petrus und den Zwölf Aposteln. Eine fiktive Reise nach realen Vorbildern? Der
Seelenaufstieg als Himmelsreise. Die Herkunft der Acta Petri (NHC). Zusammenfassung. – «Da
Alexandreia eine kosmopolitisch geprägte Stadt war, wäre es ohne weiteres denkbar, dass ein
Kaufmann oder ein Student aus der Mesene oder den angrenzenden Regionen in Alexandreia
unter Verwendung heimischer Traditionen, die er seit seiner Jugend kannte, eine Erzählung wie
die Acta Petri und der Zwölf Apostel niederschrieb, indem er sie gleichzeitig ihrer häretischen oder
aus dem großkirchlichen Rahmen fallenden Elemente beraubte» (p. 477)].
VAN DER VLIET J., Fate, Magic
and Astrology in Pistis Sophia, chaps 15-21, in The Wisdom of Egypt, 519-536.
[In a garment of light. Hostile worlds. Evil practices. Conclusions. – Dalle Conclusioni: «The
first book of the Pistis Sophia, by its paradoxical but nevertheless firmly negative attitude,
represents an important chapter in the history of the early Christian debate about magic and
astrology. The author adheres to a tradition that links the Incarnation with the abolition of
magic and the astral Fate. In describing this process, he uses mythical materials from various
backgrounds in addition to consciously technical terminology. He is remarkably ambiguous,
however, in the way he restricts the effects of this abolition. In conceding that magicians can
still invoke higher powers and that astrological predictions may come true once the experts
have grasped the new situation, he admits that magic, astrology and divination are still able to
operate effectively. (...) His astonishing concessions are meant to make room for a primarily
technical understanding of magic and astrology, considered as scientifically or at least
empirically undeniable facts» (p. 536)].
4. La chiesa alessandrina: istituzioni, dottrine, riti, personaggi e episodi storici
ACERBI S., Ortodossia, eterodossia ed emarginazione religiosa nei concili orientali del V secolo: il caso di
Dioscoro di Alessandria, in Religión, Religiones, Identidad, Identidades, Minorías. Actas del V Simposio
de la Sociedad Española de Ciencias de las Religiones, Valencia 1-3 de febrero de 2002, SECR, Las
Casillas 2003, 67-77.
[«Questo contributo non ha... altro proposito se non quello di evidenziare una serie di
problemi aperti, nella consapevolezza che le ricostruzioni storiografiche, di tipo apologetico o
carattere sottilmente denigratorio, si sono ormai rivelate del tutto insufficienti per una
comprensione della complessità, spesso sconcertante e irrapresentabile, del reale» (p. 76)].
– “Accusatore, testimone e giudice”: Il ruolo dei vescovi di Alessandria nella sinodo della Quercia e in altri
concili posteriori, in Giovanni Crisostomo. Oriente e Occidente tra IV e V secolo. XXXIII Incontro di
studiosi dell’antichità cristiana – Roma, 6-8 maggio 2004 (SEAug, 93), Institutum Patristicum
Augustinianum, Roma 2005, 713-720.
[«In un momento in cui la chiesa sta prendendo progressivamente coscienza di alcuni requisiti
e criteri fondamentali per riconoscersi in una delle sue istituzioni basilari, i concili, e per
percepirne anche le implicazioni politiche, oltre che ecclesiali ed ecclesiastiche, in un terreno
dunque ancora incerto – de iure condendo – non è ancora chiaro a chi spetti una autorità
414
preminente nella istituzione sinodale. Il vescovo alessandrino si fa forte di questo vuoto ed
avoca a sé un potere che esercita soprattutto contro il rivale della sede costantinopolitana; non
agisce con rispetto dei canoni, al contrario perpetra vistose illegalità, e comportandosi come
“accusatore, testimone, giudice” costituisce un paradigma di autoreferenzialità» (p. 720)].
ANDRIST P., Les protagonistes égyptiens du débat apollinariste
generale
→ 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere
BAUSI A., La collezione aksumita canonico-liturgica, Adamantius 12 (2006) 43-70.
[Aspetti generali. Collezione aksumita e tradizione etiopica. Fenomenologia filologica: doppie
traduzioni, revisioni, riadattamenti. I testi. – «Il presente contributo è dedicato alla descrizione
di un complesso di testi attestati da un manoscritto etiopico recentemente scoperto, di
considerevole interesse paleografico e codicologico. Il manoscritto nell’insieme può ritenersi
testimonio, l’unico superstite finora, di una collezione etiopica canonico-liturgica arcaica, la
più antica nota in questa lingua, di origine egiziana; esso è anche codex unicus della maggior
parte dei testi contenutivi. Intendendo riservare gli aspetti più strettamente codicologici,
paleografici e linguistici a uno studio a parte, indicherò nel seguito il complesso di testi
veicolati dal manoscritto, e in qualche contesto anche il manoscritto stesso, in attesa di una
definizione più appropriata, con il nome di Collezione aksumita canonico-liturgica. Quanto
segue, pur riprendendo in più punti, talvolta letteralmente, precedenti brevi e sporadiche
segnalazioni, può considerarsi la prima presentazione complessiva della collezione, della quale
intende fornire una precisa, per quanto estremamente sintetica, rassegna dei testi,
brevemente descritti e identificati con un numero progressivo, secondo l’ordine dell’ipotetica
sequenza originale. Nella lettura di questo contributo si tenga sempre presente che il
manoscritto non ci è conservato integralmente, e che una parte non esattamente
determinabile della Collezione aksumita è andata irrimediabilmente perduta. Sicuro che la
Collezione aksumita sia destinata a suscitare interesse ben oltre il ristretto pubblico degli
etiopisti, mi sono sforzato di evidenziarne alcuni elementi di fondo, di portata più generale,
che restano, s’intende, comunque prime ipotesi» (p. 44)].
BLAUDEAU PH., Rome contre Alexandrie? L’interprétation pontificale de l’enjeu monophysite (de
l’émergence de la controverse eutychienne au schisme acacien 448-484), Adamantius 12 (2006) 140-216.
[I. Informations et documentation: le processus d’identification du phénomène: a) Des
sources privilégiées; b) Une documentation discriminante. II. Les voies de la réponse romaine:
a) Une correspondance pontificale des plus abondantes; b) L’expression pontificale au style
indirect: limites et risques d’une certaine délégation de parole. III. Définition de l’hérésie:
a) Une émergence conditionnée; b) Une généalogie clairement identifiée. IV. La
dénonciation des hérétiques: a) Les hérésiarques; b) Les sectateurs; c) Les socii.
V. L’élimination du monophysisme: programme d’une éradication retardée: a) Un contrôle
de la procédure contrarié; b) Une réfutation doctrinale définitive; c) Une coopération
impériale inégalement consentie; d) Un épiscopat oriental trop souvent rétif et versatile.
Conclusion. Annexe: Tableau des correspondances des lettres pontificales conservées qui
furent envoyées vers l’Orient de 448 à 494].
CAMPLANI A., L’identità del patriarcato alessandrino tra storia e rappresentazione storiografica,
Adamantius 12 (2006)
[I. Aspetti e problemi di storia dell’episcopato alessandrino. II. Gli archivi e la storiografia
ufficiale dell’episcopato: II.1. Materiali d’archivio e opere ‘storiografiche’ da Atanasio a Cirillo;
II.2. La Storia dell’episcopato di Alessandria (= SEpA): le testimonianze; II.3. Recenti dibattiti:
Van Nuffelen, Field, Camplani; II.4. Verso una definizione del contenuto della SEpA;
II.5. Una nuova articolazione della storia alessandrina: Marco e Pietro. III. Tracce della SEpA
415
nella letteratura di ambiente egiziano: III.1. Le storie ecclesiastiche; III.2. Pietro nelle
rielaborazioni agiografiche della SEpA; III.3. Teofilo di Alessandria e il giardino di Atanasio].
SAIJA A., Religione e cristianesimo nei papiri di Dioscoro di Aphrodito, in Ad Contemplandam
Sapientiam, 619-625.
[«Attraverso i papiri dell’archivio di Dioscoro di Aphrodito, è impossibile non individuare le
evidenti lotte e opposizioni contro il paganesimo, il disprezzo delle eresie, la presenza dello
gnosticismo, la professione viva e sentita fervidamente del cristianesimo, tutti elementi di
primo piano negli scrittori anche di epoca anteriore come Nonno di Panopoli, monaco lui
stesso: si pensi alle Dionisiache e alla Parafrasi del Vangelo di San Giovanni» (p. 619)].
SCHMELZ G., Das Christentum im Fayyum bis zum 5. Jahrhundert, in Patristica et Oecumenica, 147-156.
[Erste Zeugnisse. Das 4. Jahrhundert. Das 5. Jahrhundert. – «Die wichtigsten Quellen für die
Geschichte des Fayyum sind archäologische Funde: zahlreiche Stätten der pharaonischen
und der römischen, in Einzelfällen auch der byzantinischen und arabischen Zeit, wurden
ausgegraben. Sowohl bei dieser systematischen archäologischen Arbeit als auch bei
Raubgrabungen wurden große Mengen von Papyri in griechischer, koptischer und
arabischer Sprache gefunden, von denen erst ein Teil herausgegeben ist. (...) Trotz dieser
vielseitigen Quellenlage ist die Geschichte des Christentums im Fayyum noch nicht
geschrieben. Die gründlichste Aufarbeitung v.a. der literarischen Quellen ist noch immer
Nabia Abbotts “Historical Sketch of the Fayyum Monasteries”» (pp. 147-148)].
SINISCALCO P., Le antiche chiese orientali. Storia e letteratura → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere
generale
[III. L’Egitto cristiano, 61-84. IV. La letteratura copta e la storia dell’Egitto cristiano
(T. ORLANDI), 85-117].
TÖRÖK L., Transfigurations of Hellenism. Aspects of Late Antique Art in Egypt AD 250-700
WIPSZYCKA E., The Origins of the Monarchic Episcopate in Egypt
(2. Il periodo delle origini)
→
→ 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino
5. Il monachesimo
Les apophtegmes des Pères. Collection Systématique, Chapîtres XVII-XXI, Texte critique, traduction,
et notes par †J.-C. GUY, s.j. (Sources Chrétiennes, 498), Les Éditions du Cerf, Paris 2005, pp. 471.
[Références marginales, 7-9; Sigles et abréviations, 10. Texte et traduction: XVII. De la charité,
12-37; XVIII. Des vieillards clairvoyants, 38-137; XIX. Des vieillards faisant des prodiges, 138-155;
XX. De la conduite vertueuse de différents pères, 156-199; XXI. Apophtegmes des Pères qui vieillirent
dans l’ascèse, montrant comme en résumé leur éminente vertu, 200-215. Table de concordance
entre la collection alphabétique et la collection systématique, 217-228. Index des références
scripturaires des trois volumes, 229-233; Index des noms de lieux, 234-237; Index des noms de
personnes, 238-250; Index des mots grecs, 251-463. Errata des volumes 1 et 2 des Apophtegmes,
464-470. Table des matières, 471].
416
BAUMEISTER T., Ägyptisches Lokalkolorit im monastischen Schrifttum des Johannes Cassianus, in Europa
und die Welt in der Geschichte. Festschrift zum 60. Geburtstag von Dieter Berg, hrsg. von
R. AVERKORN et al., Dr. Dieter Winkler, Bochum 2004, 433-446.
Reinheit in der Jungfraülichkeit” → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
Monasticism, HThR 98 (2005) 143-169.
[The signs of acedia. Treatment of acedia. Acedia and anomie. Conclusion. – « In this essay I
offer a more synthetic and synchronic approach to interpreting the demon of acedia in the
context of early Christian monasticism. This is important for understanding the ancient
phenomenon of acedia because descriptions of it are by no means limited to the numerous
works within the Evagrian and Cassianic corpora. Early monastic discussion of the demon, in
fact, is attested in a wide range of authors and texts, including theoretical and practical
treatises in Greek, Latin, Coptic, and Syriac, works written by men and women monastics,
and representing the full range of early monastic social organizations. The following discussion
re-evaluates the early monastic phenomenon known as acedia. It begins with the following
fundamental questions: 1) What signs (or symptoms) does the demon of acedia exhibit in a
monastic?; 2) What treatment may counter the demon? With these questions in mind, a
synthetic examination of early monastic texts demonstrates that the demon of acedia
manifests itself in a range of psychological and somatic symptoms that is far broader than the
familiar tradition that John Cassian bequeathed to the West. After laying out the diverse
symptoms of acedia in early monastic literature, I will conclude with a sociological explanation
for the widely varying descriptions of acedia. Specifically, the diverse – even contradictory –
psychological and somatic signs attributed to acedia may be explained by reference to
anomie, a type of disjunction in social structure that is especially likely in monastic
communities of the lavra or semi-eremitic type» (pp. 145-146)].
GIORDA M., Aspetti del discepolato nell’anacoretismo successivo ad Antonio: i «padri del deserto» di IV e V
secolo, Centro per le Scienze Religiose in Trento. Annali di Scienze Religiose 5 (2004) 489-525.
[Premessa. Parte I. I discepoli diretti: I. I successori di Antonio; II. L’ajbba'" Ammonas secondo
le sue lettere e gli Apophthegmata. Parte II. I successori indiretti: I. Macario l’Egiziano; II. Le tre
generazioni che si susseguono a Sceti. III. I monaci degli anni della decadenza: Arsenio e
Poemen. Conclusioni. – Abstract: «This paper examines the student-teacher relationship in
the interactions of early Egyptian anachoretic monasticism and in their relationship with
St. Anthony, the most famous of the desert pioneers, as they were his spiritual children. The
prosopographic profiles of the individual monks form the framework of this essay, which is
divided into two parts to distinguish the different degrees of intimacy they had with the
“father of fathers in the desert”. The research, based on monastic literary sources, examines
the terminology, the evolution of the individual aspects of discipleship, the emergence of new
aspects of St. Anthony’s model, and finally explores the environment, the complex nature of
the person in question, as well as the global homogeneity of monastic spirituality» (p. 489)].
HERRERO DE JÁUREGUI M., La legislación imperial de los siglos IV-VI y la praxis jurídica del monacato
egipcio, Erytheia 23 (2002) 7-37.
[1. Desarrollo y objetivos de la legislación imperial y canónica: a) Legislación precalcedónica;
b) Los canones de Calcedonia; c) Las Novellae de Marciano; d) La legislación de Justiniano. 2. Las
preocupaciones de la ley y la praxis jurídica: a) Ortodoxia y herejía; b) JUpotetavcqai tw/'
ejpiskovpw/; c) Los kosmika; pravgmata; d) La propiedad; e) Episcopalis audientia; f) La fuga ascética
de colonos, adscripticii y esclaves; g) La “regla de Justiniano”. 3. Conclusiones. Bibliografía. –
417
Abstract: «The rise of Christian asceticism in the 4th century meant a challenge to the social and
ecclesiastical establishment, posing new problems which had to be met through laws. The
constant policy of legislation during the following two centuries was to submit the monks to the
bishop and to separate them from the world, thus turning them into “true monks”. But the
documentary papyri and Egyptian monastic rules show a practice which is very far from the
laws in almost every aspect. The extremely slight impact that imperial and canonical legislation
had on Egyptian monasticism is due to its charismatic organization, which made monastic habits
stronger than legal dispositions, whose legitimacy was very weak for the monks» (p. 7)].
KATOS D., Origenists in the Desert: Palladius of Helenopolis and the Alexandrian Theological Tradition
→ 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene
KHOSROEV A.L., Pachomius der Große. Aus der Frühgeschichte des koinobitischen Mönchtums in Ägypten
(russ.) (Bibliothek der Zeitschrift «Nestor»: Quellen und Untersuchungen zu Geschichte und Kultur
Russlands und Osteuropas, 7), Nestor-Istorija, St. Petersburg – Kischinjow – Paris 2004, pp. 507.
[Einführung, 5-8. Kap. I: Quellen für das Studium des frühen pachomianischen Mönchtums,
9-42. Kap. II: Pachomius als Begründer des koinobitischen Mönchtums, 43-118.
Kap. III: Originalsprache und Entstehungsmilieu der Vita des Pachomius, 119-161.
Kap. IV: Die Vita und die Regeln, 162-170. Kap. V: Erläuterung einiger Termini, 171-186.
Übersetzungen: Viten und verwandte Literatur, 187-390; Originalliteratur der Pachomianer,
391-451; Historische Zeugnisse, 452-462. Anhang: I. Chronologische Tabelle, 463-464;
II. Verzeichnis der Bibelzitate in G 1 , 465-466; III. Verzeichnis der Bibelzitate in SBo, 467;
IV. Ortsnamen (G1 und Par.), 467; V. Eigennamen (G 1 und Par.), 468-469; VI. Termini
(G1 und Par.): a. Mönche und Kleriker, 470 – b. Klöster, ihre Einrichtung und ihr Haushalt,
Beschäftigungen der Mönche und mönchisches Tun, 471-473 – c. Kleidung, Essen, eigene
Sachen und Produkte der Arbeit der Mönche, 474-475; VII. Lateinische Termini (Pr., Inst.,
Leg.), 476-479; VIII. Koptische Termini (Pr., Inst.), 480; IX. Abkürzungen und Bibliographie,
481-507].
MATTHEW M.J., Athanasiana Syriaca and the Library of Dayr al-Suryan → 20. Atanasio
MAZZUCCO C., Gli animali in alcune vite di monaci → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
PESTHY M., ‘Mulier est Instrumentum Diaboli’: Women and the Desert Fathers, in The Wisdom of Egypt,
351-362.
[Introduction. 1. Women as Satanic beings? The views of the Desert Fathers. 2. The
background. 3. Conclusions – «... In early Egyptian monastic literature the woman is considered
a constant danger to the virtue of the monk, an instrument of Satan, almost identical with Satan
himself. Monks do not permit women to visit them, not even their own mother or sister, because
“it is through women that the Enemy fights against the saints”. I shall try to examine the reasons
and roots of this misogyny: how it came about that woman, the “Mother of all living beings”,
turned into a Satanic being, aiming expressly at the destruction of pious men. Another question
which can be raised is why the appreciation of women in monastic circles was so much more
negative than in Gnostic circles. Both were ascetic currents that existed not very far away from
one another in space and time, and were based more or less on the same traditions. Nonetheless,
the more rigorously encratic Gnostic thinking could entertain a much more favourable idea of
woman than the orthodox monastic tradition» (p. 352)].
RUSSELL K.C., John Cassian on Sadness, Cistercian Studies Quarterly 38 (2003) 7-18.
418
[Barriers to understanding. Symptoms and causes. The fault lies within. Treatment. Spiritual
and Medical Therapies. From Remedy to Disease. The Three Renunciations. Implications. –
«Cassian thinks that those who have left everything to follow Christ will all have to confront
sadness sooner or later. They will have to confess where they think happiness is ultimately
found. He tells us that in the austerity of the desert, the only way solitaries can resist the
strong pull back to the good life of the world is to fix their hopes resolutely on the happiness
to come» (p. 18)].
– Murdered Monks, Troubling Questions: Cassian’s Sixth Conference, ABenR 55 (2004) 3-20.
[Delimitation of the discussion. The morally indifferent. Apparent evils. Ambidexterity.
Constancy. Expansion. Digression. Punishment or purgation? Reason for the digression.
Conclusion. – Dalla Conclusione: «Cassian’s treatment of the slaughter of the monks in the
desert of Tekoa manifests his own fundamentally optimistic attitude toward the world in
which we find ourselves. This is a point worth emphasizing since it stands against the claim
that monasticism in general, and the Egyptian eremitical tradition in particular, fostered an
essentially pessimistic view of the world and of human nature itself. The world Cassian
describes is one governed by God’s providence, which tries and shapes us for our eternal
benefit. We are, as it were, in process. Therefore, our ultimate success or failure as human
beings cannot be measured in terms of the wealth, power, health or respect life has allotted
us. These are merely the instruments that test us on our way to our eternal goal» (pp. 19-20)].
VIVIAN T., Figures in the Carpet: Macarius the Great, Isaiah of Scetis, Daniel of Scetis, and Monastic
Spirituality in the Wadi Al-Natrun (Scetis) from the Fourth to the Sixth Century, ABenR 56 (2005) 117151.
[I. Saint Macarius the Great (300-90). II. Saint Isaiah of Scetis (d. 491). III. Saint Daniel of
Scetis (6th cen.). – «Monks have been in the Wadi al-Natrun (ancient Scetis) in Egypt for
almost 1700 years. Most studies of early monasticism focus on its history, but here I wish to
examine its spirituality by looking in particular at the spirituality of early monasticism in the
Wadi al-Natrun. Such an effort will, I hope, offer a history of a different sort, a history of the
heart, mind, and spirit in one place at one particular time. Such a history, I firmly believe, has
relevance for all places and time» (pp. 117-118)].
11. Clemente Alessandrino
Klement Alexandrijsky. Stromata I, traduzione di J. PLÁTOVÁ, introduzione e note di M. SEDINA,
Oikoymene, Praha 2004, pp. 539.
‘una’ traduzione greca di 1Enoc? → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
G ROSSO A.M., Alcune osservazioni sul tema della gioia negli Stromati, nel Quis dives salvetur e nei
Fragmenta di Clemente Alessandrino, Adamantius 12 (2006) 225-238.
[1. Il lessico della gioia negli Stromati: a) La gioia di Dio; b) Il divieto divino della gioia umana
malvagia; c) La gioia nel pensiero filosofico. 2. La gioia nel Quis dives salvetur. 3. La gioia nei
Fragmenta. Conclusione. – Dalla Conclusione: «I passi degli Stromati, del Quis dives salvetur e dei
Fragmenta analizzati presentano... una gioia totalmente autonoma dal riso e priva di qualsiasi
connessione con esso. Si tratta inoltre di una gioia intesa in modo profondamente diverso dalle
teorie formulate su questo tema dalle principali scuole filosofiche classiche, passate in rassegna
da Clemente Alessandrino nei capitoli XXI-XXII del II libro degli Stromati» (p. 237)].
419
HERRERO DE JÁUREGUI M., Técnicas de cristianización del léxico en el Protréptico de Clemente de
Alejandría, Interlingüística 13 (2002) II, 335-345.
[1. Introducción. 2. Etimologías y juegos fonéticos. 3. Citas de autores paganos. 4. Metáforas y
juegos semánticos. 5. Conclusión. – Conclusione: «Es un tópico muy conocido la diversidad de
actitudes de los Padres de la Iglesia hacia la herencia cultural pagana, que van desde el
rechazo hasta la asimilación. Clemente es conocido por su inclinación a la última tendencia.
Hemos podido comprobarlo en un campo muy especifico: el léxico griego que, mediante unas
estrategias de mayor o menor calado, consigue teñir de sentido cristiano. Su objetivo con ello
es, como él mismo dice, kata; th;n sh;n dihgouvmeno" eijkovna (Protr. XII 119, 1), explicarlo con las
imágenes propias del paganismo. Las tres técnicas que hemos encontrado en el Protréptico no
son las únicas posibles, ni es Clemente el primero o el último en utilizarlas. Pero revelan con
claridad el funcionamiento de ciertos procesos de cambio semántico. Es evidente que, sin
perjuicio de sus intentos de lograr la máxima belleza literaria, toda la obra de Clemente tiene
un sentido apologético primordial. Y en la dialéctica entablada con el paganismo en cada
pasaje, la propiedad de las palabras fue un factor decisivo. Los juegos de palabras, citas y
metáforas no fueron meros adornos retóricos, sino que cumplieron una función religiosa y
lingüística de capital importancia» (p. 343)].
– La conversión como metáfora espacial: una propuesta de aproximación cognitiva al cambio cultural de
la Antigüedad Tardía → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
HERRMANN J. – VAN DEN HOEK A., The Sphinx: Sculpture as a Theological Symbol in Plutarch and
Clement of Alexandria, in The Wisdom of Egypt, 285-310.
[Introduction. The interpretative problem. Symbolic interpretations in ancient writers. Greek
sphinxes in religious settings. Early metaphorical interpretations of the sphinx: sphinx and
sybil. Sphinxes after Clement. Interpreting a being with two natures. Sculpted sphinxes in
Christian contexts. – «Current presentations of the sphinx fail to reflect the full range of
meaning that the sphinx had for ancient writers. The roles for the sphinx in ancient art
should be expanded beyond those of Theban killer, tomb guardian, and decorative motif.
The sphinx also served as temple guardian, and she (or he) had a series of symbolic roles,
representing prophetic utterance, theological ambiguity, divine mystery, divine retribution,
and protection with intelligence. Drawing on his Hellenized Egyptian environment, Clement
of Alexandria gave the fullest formulations of these rich interpretations» (pp. 308-310)].
HILHORST T., ‘And Moses Was Instructed in All the Wisdom of the Egyptians’ (Acts 7.22)
LE BOULLUEC A., Les controverses sur le mariage dans les Stromates (III) de Clément d’Alexandrie,
AEPHE.R 111 (2002-2003) 277-278.
LUGARESI L., Il corpo dell’attore nella letteratura patristica: primi spunti di lettura → 1. Miscellanee e
MERINO M., El «Stromata» VIII de Clemente de Alejandría, ScrTh 37 (2005) 13-51.
[1. El estado de la cuestión. 2. La investigación sobre la autoría y composición del texto. 3. Los
objetivos programáticos de Clemente. 4. Los cuatro últimos capítulos de Stromata VII. 5. El
libro VIII de los Stromata: A. El contenido del escrito; B. La forma literaria del Stromata VIII;
C. Algunos criterios del texto. 6. Conclusión. – Abstract: «This text considers two
fundamental questions: did the hand of Clement of Alexandria write the eighth book of
Stromata, which the Laurentianus manuscript transmits to us? Secondly, did Clement intend
it to be the next book of the Stromata following the seventh? The solutions outlined until now
by the diverse investigators of the Alexandrian’s work are not convincing. Studying the
420
transmission of the Stromata, the desires expressed by Clement in the final chapters of the
seventh book with investigations concerning the content and other internal criteria of the
first of three texts that complete the Laurentianus manuscript, lead one to think that these
writings form part of the eighth book of the Stromata written by the Christian master» (p. 13)].
MUCKENSTURM-POULLE C., Clément d’Alexandrie et les sages indiens, in Autour de Lactance. Hommages
à Pierre Monat, édités par J.-Y. GUILLAUMIN et S. RATTI, Publications de l’Université de FrancheComté, Besançon 2003, 139-147.
PAPY J., Sanctifying Stoic Virtues? Justus Lipsius’s Use of Clement of Alexandria in the Manuductio ad
Stoicam philosophiam (1604), in Virtutis Imago, 507-527.
[1. Lipsius’s Manuductio ad Stoicam philosophiam: purpose, sources, and structure. 2. Clement of
Alexandria and the transformation of Stoicism: 2.1. Clement and the historical restoration and
rehabilitation of the Stoic tradition; 2.2. Clement and the adjustment of Stoic doctrines.
3. Conclusion. – Dalla Conclusione: «Time and again Lipsius invokes Clement’s authority to
defend the use of Greek, especially Stoic, philosophy in constructing a valuable propaedeutic to
Christian faith, to demonstrate that the Stoics can inspire his contemporaries to deepen their
knowledge of Christian doctrine as it was set out in the ‘Porch of Solomon’. However, Lipsius
only uses Clement when appropriate, needed or possible. Thus he leaves aside Clement’s
theological views on philosophy as a work of divine providence, his ideas on revelatio generalis,
and his Gnostic exaggeration of the doctrine of ajpavqeia as the foundation of all virtues. On the
other hand Lipsius embraced (or perhaps felt compelled to agree with) Clement’s statement
that Christianity, in sharp contrast to Greek philosophy, does not represent a partial truth, but
rather universal truth. This viewpoint leads Clement to adopt an eclectic attitude and to make
necessary modifications: he abhorred the materialistic character of Stoic theology, and removed
Stoic ethics from their original cosmological perspective. In a similar vein, Lipsius was careful not
to promote Stoic doctrines and morality as such» (pp. 521-522)].
RIZZI M., Il corpo e la sua bellezza nella tradizione del cristianesimo alessandrino → 1. Miscellanee e studi
di carattere generale
– Rec.: Clément d’Alexandrie. Les Stromates: Stromate IV, Introd., texte critique et notes par A. VAN
DEN HOEK, Paris 2001, REAug 51 (2005) 187-192.
HOEK A., Apologetic and Protreptic Discourse in Clement of Alexandria, in L’apologétique
chrétienne gréco-latine à l’époque prénicénienne, 69-93.
[«To summarize, Clement built on existing Christian apologetic traditions but took them into
different directions by integrating new aspects of Hellenic culture in his approach. He
employed philosophical and rhetorical schemes as modes of expression but by doing so
transformed both the schemes and the traditional apologetic subject matter. The use of the
protreptic style – that is, the format of exhortation – was just one element in this strategy. A
precise definition of the apologetic element in Clement’s work is harder to formulate than his
overall strategy. In a narrow sense it consists of traditional ideas of the dependency of the
Greeks and the rejection of Greek religious customs. In a broad sense apologetic themes and
discourse permeate everything that Clement wants to include in his vision of the “true
philosophy”» (p. 92) – Il contributo è seguito dalla «Discussion» (pp. 94-102)].
VAN DEN
Katechetenschule → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino ed ambiente egiziano (2. Il periodo delle origini)
421
12. Origene
Origene. Commentario al Cantico dei Cantici. Testi in lingua greca, Introduzione, testo, traduzione e
commento a cura di Maria Antonietta BARBÀRA (Biblioteca Patristica, 42), Edizioni Dehoniane
Bologna, Bologna 2005, pp. 617.
[Riferimenti bibliografici, 7-57. Premessa, 59-60. Introduzione: I. L’interpretazione del Cantico
dei Cantici nella chiesa antica, 61-100; II. Catene, codici e edizioni, 101-137; III. Conclusioni,
137-143; IV. Criteri seguiti nella presente edizione, 143. Catene e codici, 145-146; Conspectus
Siglorum, 147-148. Commentario al Cantico dei Cantici: Testo e traduzione, 149-299.
Commento, 301-533. Indici, 535-615. Indice generale, 617].
Origenes. First sermon on the Book of Judges, translated in Hungarian by K. FOGARASI, Katekhón 1
(2004) 269-276.
BARBÀRA M.A., Su una recente edizione del commentario al Cantico dei Cantici di Nilo di Ancira,
Adamantius 12 (2006) 306-327.
[La tradizione manoscritta del Commentario niliano. Le tre forme principali di tradizione.
Rapporti con l’Epitome di Procopio di Gaza. Le fasi di trasmissione del commentario di Nilo.
Alcuni rilievi critici: I frammenti di Origene; L’eliminazione del codice Parigino gr. 154; La
catena trasmessa del cod. Barberiniano gr. 388; La catena di Procopio; I frammenti di
Teodoreto in C''PS; Il testo degli estratti di Gregorio di Nissa documentati da P S;
I frammenti di Basilio in P S. Rilievi particolari. – Note a margine di: Nilus von Ancyra,
Schriften, herausgegeben von der Patristischen Arbeitsstelle Münster, Band I. Kommentar
zum Hohelied bearbeitet von H.-U. R OSENBAUM [unter Verwendung der Vorarbeiten von
H. RINGSHAUSEN] (PTS, 57), Walter de Gruyter, Berlin-New York 2004].
Il Commento a Giovanni di Origene: Il testo e i suoi contesti. Atti dell’VIII Convegno di Studi del
Gruppo Italiano di Ricerca su Origene e la Tradizione Alessandrina (Roma, 28-30 settembre 2004),
a cura di E. PRINZIVALLI (Biblioteca di Adamantius, 3), Pazzini, Verucchio/Rimini 2005, pp. 655 (= Il
Commento a Giovanni di Origene: Il testo e i suoi contesti).
[E. PRINZIVALLI, Presentazione, 5-13. I Sezione. Struttura, genere letterario e genesi compositiva:
M. SIMONETTI, Il Commento a Giovanni tra esegesi e teologia, 15-41; L. PERRONE, Il profilo letterario
del Commento a Giovanni: operazione esegetica e costruzione del testo, 43-81; A. BASTIT, Typologie des
prologues aux commentaires des Évangiles, 83-115; D. PAZZINI, Considerazioni sulla lingua del
Commento a Giovanni, 117-131; G. BENDINELLI, Il Commento a Giovanni e la tradizione scolastica
dell’antichità, 133-156; R. SOMOS, Elements of the Theory of Scientific Knowledge in the Commentary
on John, 157-175. II Sezione. I grandi temi: G. LETTIERI, Il nou'" mistico. Il superamento origeniano
dello gnosticismo nel Commento a Giovanni, 177-275; C. MARKSCHIES, Der heilige Geist im
Johanneskommentar. Einige vorläufige Bemerkungen, 277-299; E. NORELLI, La profezia nel
Commento a Giovanni, 301-331; F. COCCHINI, La chiesa nel Commento a Giovanni, 333-360;
E. PRINZIVALLI, L’uomo e il suo destino nel Commento a Giovanni, 361-379. III Sezione. Contesti,
422
testi e personaggi biblici: C. SPUNTARELLI, «Uomo a immagine» in Filone: assimilazione della legge
e immortalità dell’albero dei virtuosi, 381-411; D.F. BUMAZHNOV, Towards a Better Understanding of
the Identity of the ‘Simple People’. Some Remarks concerning Origen’s Treatment of Previous
Exegetical Traditions: CIo XIII, 325-337, 413-422; É. JUNOD, Origène face au problème du désaccord
(diafwniva) entre les évangiles (CIo X, 3-36), 423-439; H. PIETRAS, Dio d’elezione (CIo II, 24), 441-448;
C. NOCE, Cristo Gran Sacerdote secondo l’ordine di Melchisedech nel Commento a Giovanni, 449461; M.C. PENNACCHIO, Da Okeanos al Logos: trasformazioni esegetiche di un fiume cosmico. La
simbologia del Giordano nel Commento a Giovanni, 463-482; T. PISCITELLI CARPINO, L’esegesi di Gv
1,29b «Ecco l’agnello di Dio che prende su di sé il peccato del mondo»: dalla conoscenza del Battista al
sacrificio di Cristo, 483-517; P. DE NAVASCUÉS, La ciudad de Cafarnaún: notas de topografía teológica
en Heracleón y Orígenes, 519-535; E. CATTANEO, L’episodio della Samaritana (Gv 4, 1-42) come
paradigma di conversione dallo gnosticismo, 537-553; V.H. DRECOLL, Giuda Iscariota nel Commento
a Giovanni, 555-570; C. MAZZUCCO, L’Apocalisse nel Commento a Giovanni, 571-611. Riassunti dei
contributi in lingua inglese, a cura di J. GAVIN SJ, 613-628. Sigle, 629. Indici, a cura di C. CICONE,
631-651. Indice generale, 653-655].
4. Studi
‘una’ traduzione greca di 1Enoc? → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
A RNS P.E. Card., La tecnica del libro secondo san Girolamo → 28. Gerolamo
[Numerosi riferimenti a Origene: cf. Indice alfabetico dei nomi e delle materie, s.v. (p. 249)].
BAKKER H., Potamiaena: Some Observations About Martyrdom and Gender in Ancient Alexandria
→ 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino ed ambiente egiziano (2. Il periodo delle origini)
BASTIT-KALINOWSKA A., L’impôt et le poisson: une lecture patristique de la péricope de Matthieu 17, 2427 → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
– Typologie des prologues aux commentaires des Évangiles, in Il Commento a Giovanni di Origene: il testo
e i suoi contesti, 83-115.
[1. L’attaque, ou prooivmion du prooivmion: 1.1. Attaque protreptique; 1.2. Attaque eisagogique;
1.3. Attaque symbolique. 2. La transition historique. 3. Le noyau: évangile et quaternité:
3.1. L’annonce des biens; 3.2. Quatre et un. 4. La finale: 4.1. La finale-sommet; 4.2. La finaleadresse. Conclusion. – Abstract: «Here one tries to insert the study of the prologue of Origen’s
CIo into the collection constituted by the various prologues (more than ten) in the gospel
commentaries which the patristic tradition, Greek and Latin, have bequeathed to us. These
are considered from the point of view of the dispositio, or the organisation around a central
nucleus of introductive material, as the attached graphical schema shows. From the
subsequent point of view of the inventio, one distinguishes two principal contents of this
‘nucleus’: a. the Greek perspective of Origen, continued by Chrysostom, and partially by
Cyril of Alexandria (but also by Augustine commenting on John), which attaches itself to the
dynamic representation of the divine word, and particularly to the active sense of the word
evangelium, or of its equivalent ‘to announce the good news’; b. Irenaeus’ perspective of the
four-fold Gospel, presented as the deployment in four complementary images of the object of
this announcement: the economy and action of the Incarnate Word. The model illustrated
by Irenaeus dominates the West (Ambrose, Chromatius, Jerome). These two traditions,
which partially overlap, are more parallels than opposites; each one aims to present the
423
efficacious novelty of the Gospel text, an object of commentary, as the integration of its
premise – the Jewish Bible – and its conclusion – the life of the Church» (p. 616)].
BENDINELLI G., Il Commento a Giovanni e la tradizione scolastica dell’antichità, in Il Commento a
Giovanni di Origene: il testo e i suoi contesti, 133-156.
[1. Introduzione. 2. Il retroterra di comunicazione verbale del Commento a Giovanni:
2.1. Formule di invito per l’uditorio; 2.2. Silenzi, oscurità, risposte mancate; 2.3. Digressioni e
riprese; 2.4. Estemporaneità del discorso e oscillazioni di pensiero; 2.5. Il lavoro filologico nel
Commento a Giovanni; 2.6. Lettura; 2.7. Prosopopea; 2.8. Lettura contestuale della Scrittura.
3. Quaestio e metodologia di matrice filosofica: 3.1. Zetesis a risposta univoca. Conclusione –
«This article intends to prove the hypothesis that O.’s CIo is a work of scholastic derivation.
Such a demonstration is advanced on two levels. Above all, it is developed upon the recognition
of the background of verbal communication which is the base of the commentary’s composition, as
the colloquial style and the continuous recalls to the hearer attest – collaborative readers, the
incessant invitation to research, the often disorganized and inorganic advancement of the
argumentation, the digression or the unexpected interruptions, which, in the judgment of one
who writes, would be references to Origen’s own genuine scholastic training. In the second
place, it is developed through the individualization of the reception of the exegetical
methodologies practiced in antiquity for interpretation/commentary on poets (involving textual
criticism, the correct modalities of reading, the individualization of principal tropes and
rhetorical figures, the interpretation of the more complex and difficult words, the explanatio
rerum, the correct prosopopea, the contextual reading of the text) and, in addition, those
methods adopted for the commentary on great philosophical texts (which, together with the
elaboration of the prologue in their work, had their great moment in the practice of the quaestio
– zetesis, developed in an ample and articulated form, with the advancement of multiple
responses, the comparison with diverse opinions of the commentators, the refusal on the part of
the author to take a categorical position, and the summation in the responses» (p. 617)].
BUCHINGER H., Towards the Origins of Paschal Baptism: The Contribution of Origen, SL 35 (2005) 12-31.
[I. Pascha and initiation in Origen’s Peri Pascha: 1. Pascha, Exodus, and initiation: baptism as a
key to the understanding of Pascha; 2. Core elements of the initiation rite: apotaxis, waterbath, and anointing; 3. The final stage of Christian initiation: allusions to a baptismal
eucharist?; 4. The process-character of initiation: allusions to the catechumenate; 5. Interim
balance. II. Towards the origins of paschal baptism: 1. Was the paschal celebration of baptism
familiar to Origen?; 2. Origen and the origins of paschal baptism. – «It should... be
emphasized that the surviving works from the Alexandrian period of Origen do not contain
any reference to the Pascha and that it would thus also be fruitless to look there for any
association of Pascha and initiation. This association is, however, an essential feature of Peri
Pascha, a work written after Origen moved to Caesarea. It not only contains hidden references
to the process of initiation and other theologoumena linked to the theology of baptism, but
also several passages in which Origen is quite clearly talking about core elements in the
baptismal rite. My intention in the present article is (I) to present both the clear relation
between Pascha and initiation as well as the somewhat vaguer hints at their association, and
subsequently (II) to endeavour to establish how significant these observations are for the
question of the origins of paschal baptism» (pp. 13-14)].
BUMAZHNOV D.F., Towards a Better Understanding of the Identity of the ‘Simple People’. Some Remarks
concerning Origen’s Treatment of Previous Exegetical Traditions: CIo XIII, 325-337, in Il Commento a
Giovanni di Origene: il testo e i suoi contesti, 413-422.
424
[Abstract: «In his Commentary on John 4:38 (CIo XIII, 50), Origen challenges a number of
more or less traditional scriptural interpretations of the catholic Church concerning God’s
role as man’s only and immediate Creator. Origen’s questioning of these traditions is all the
more precarious since a great number of them were developed as arguments in the
controversy with the Gnostics. Origen, however, in his alternative exegesis of John 4:38, seems
to be at least partly inspired by the Gnostic Heracleon. The paper provides an analysis of the
reasons for Origen’s taking up this position and attempts to argue that the interpretation of
John 4:38 can be seen in the context of the polemics with ‘simple people’ scattered
throughout CIo» (p. 622)].
CATTANEO E., L’episodio della Samaritana (Gv 4, 1-42) come paradigma di conversione dallo
gnosticismo, in Il Commento a Giovanni di Origene: il testo e i suoi contesti, 537-553.
[1. Un’esegesi attualizzante. 2. La Samaritana al pozzo, come immagine dello gnostico. 3. La
sorgente di Giacobbe, il pozzo e l’acqua di Gesù. 4. La crisi dello gnostico. 5. I cinque mariti, il
sesto uomo e il vero marito. 6. «Vedo che sei un profeta» (Gv 4, 19). 7. I veri adoratori in «spirito e
verità» (Gv 4, 23). 8. «Sono io che ti parlo» (Gv 4, 26). 9. La Samaritana come «apostolo» presso gli
gnostici. 10. L’interpretazione della Samaritana secondo Eracleone. Conclusione. – Abstract:
«The episode of the Samaritan woman (Jn 4:1-42), which occupies the entirety of Book XIII of
CIo, is read by Origen in an actualizing key: the Samaritan woman and the Samaritans are a
figure of the heterodox (Gnostics) who convert by meeting the Saviour. In this context, the
‘deep well’ becomes the image of the ‘pseudo-knowledge’ which refers erroneously to the
Scriptures. We are before an interesting path of investigation and, perhaps, before a unique
case in all of ancient Christian literature: the path of conversion of a Gnostic from the ChristSaviour of the false gnosis to the Christ of the ecclesial faith. In this profession of ecclesial faith,
Origen finds the possibility of a true conversion and of a true illumination of the soul, which also
signifies the beginning of true and incessant progress» (p. 627)].
CICCARESE M.P., Origene e l’arca di Noè: l’expositio historica, in Ad Contemplandam Sapientiam, 97-113.
[«Quest’articolo nasce da una lectio (nell’ambito delle letture origeniane dedicate alle Omelie
sulla Genesi, tenute a Roma nel 1997/98, a cura del gruppo italiano di ricerca su Origene e la
tradizione alessandrina» (p. 97)].
CLARK E.A., Origen, the Jews and the Song of Songs. Allegory and Polemic in Christian Antiquity, in
[Introduction. Origen as exegete. Solomon, allegory, and the dangers of the Song of Songs.
Origen’s Commentary and Homilies on the Song of Song. Typical Origenist themes. Jews and
Gentiles in the Song of Songs. Origen, Jews, and the Commentary on Romans. Origen and
contemporary Jews. The Old Testament in Origen’s Anti-Gnostic Polemic. Bibliography –
Dall’Introduzione: «Origen’s Commentary and Homilies on the Song of Songs provided the
inspiration for much later discussion of that biblical book... Distinctive to Origen’s
interpretation was his deployment of the Song to illustrate Paul’s hope, expressed especially in
Romans 9-11, for the eventual union of Jews and Gentiles in the Christian Church. For
Origen, the Song is a saga of Judaism’s and paganism’s progress to Christianity, a progress
from the children’s milk and weak man’s vegetables to the solid food of Christ’s athletes.
Whether or not Origen deemed likely the conversion of the Jews in his own time..., his
unwavering conviction of the power of God’s goodness and of the freedom of the human will
to turn from unbelief to “faith” prompted him to champion Paul’s vision» (p. 274)].
COCCHINI F., Origene e la “prova di Abramo”: note sull’omelia VIII su Genesi, in Ad Contemplandam
425
[«Ad Alessandria Clemente aveva fatto ricorso all’episodio sia nel Pedagogo sia negli Stromati.
(...) Sempre ad Alessandria... l’ebreo Filone si era occupato, lui sì varie volte, del nostro brano,
sia considerandolo globalmente sia privilegiando qualche singolo elemento e ne aveva offerto
quasi sempre una lettura simbolica; nel De Abraham, però, l’aveva fatto oggetto di un’esegesi
più dettagliata interessandosi anche alla realtà storica della vicenda, di certo allo scopo di
confutare alcuni detrattori della figura del patriarca, i quali ritenevano il gesto di sacrificare
un proprio figlio tutt’altro che straordinario. È dunque con due diversi approcci esegetici che
in quest’opera Filone si era accostato al testo genesiaco: il primo storico-letterale, il secondo più
profondo, nella ricerca del senso intelligibile. L’applicazione di entrambi i metodi e in una
quasi analoga proporzione si ritrova nell’omelia di Origene: come infatti Filone aveva assegnato
un limitato spazio all’esegesi spirituale..., ugualmente fa Origene, ricorrendo alla intelligentiae
spiritalis uia solo nell’ultimo dei dieci paragrafi» (pp. 142-143)].
– La chiesa nel Commento a Giovanni, in Il Commento a Giovanni di Origene: il testo e i suoi contesti,
333-360.
[1. Chiesa e Scrittura sacra. 2. La chiesa di Origene nel confronto con Eracleone. – Abstract:
«This essay intends to reveal the inspiration that Origen draws from the text of the fourth
Gospel for elaborating and enriching his ecclesiology. It begins by recalling the fundamental
connection, already theorized in De principiis, between the church and the interpretation of
the sacred scriptures, which, in CIo, finds confirmation apart from further opportunities for
deeper studies (cf. CIo I, 21; IX, 133; VI, 1-11; XIX, 44-58). The study then examines more
closely the ecclesiological doctrine developed by Heracleon in the four fragments cited by
Origen, in which the term ‘church’ explicitly appears: fr. 13 and 15, concerning the episode of
the purification of the sanctuary; fr. 25 and 37, related to the episode of the Samaritan woman.
Confronted with this Gnostic doctrine, Origen reacts by both synthesizing and confuting the
Gnostic position, compelled above all to oppose the doctrine of the natures which caracterizes
so strongly the ecclesiology of Heracleon. Particular importance is given to the interpretation
of the category of the ‘many’, which receives its name from the text of John itself – Jn 4:19 –,
first noted by Heracleon and then, probably under his influence, by Origen. For the Gnostic
teacher, the polloiv are symbolized by the Samaritans and are, therefore, indicative of the
psychics and, thus, are outside of the church. For Origen, however, they not only are part of
the church, but also, being those “who no longer believe through the word of the woman but
because they themselves have heard and know” who the saviour of the world is (cf. Jn 4:42),
they come to be identified with the spiritually perfect, with those who are already capable of
passing from the faith to direct knowledge of the Saviour (CIo XIII, 352-362)» (pp. 620-621)].
COVOLO E., Argomentazioni patristiche sulla verità. «Ego sum via et veritas» (cf. Gv 14, 6) in
Origene e in Agostino, in «Il vostro frutto rimanga». Miscellanea Ghiberti, 309-321.
[1. Introduzione. 2. Origene e Agostino: 2.1. Origene, con particolare riferimento al Commento
a Giovanni; 2.2. Agostino, con particolare riferimento al Commento al Vangelo di San
Giovanni. 3. Conclusione. – Dalla Conclusione: «I due esempi fin qui svolti, a mio parere
rappresentativi in massimo grado delle argomentazioni sulla verità, attestano senza ombra di
dubbio che Gesù Cristo, Lógos/Verbo di Dio, è la verità tutta intera, perché egli dimora nel
seno del Padre. A sua volta, il discepolo, “vero gnostico”, attinge alla verità dimorando, come
l’apostolo Giovanni, nel seno di Gesù e rimanendo nel suo amore» (p. 320)].
DAL
NAVASCUÉS P., La ciudad de Cafarnaún: notas de topografía teológica en Heracleón y Orígenes, in Il
Commento a Giovanni di Origene: il testo e i suoi contesti, 519-535.
[Introducción. 1. La exégesis de Heracleón: 1.1. El principio de otra economía; 1.2. ¿Desciende
el Logos o el Cristo?; 1.3. El Salvador en Cafarnaún no hizo ni dijo nada; 1.4. Conclusión. 2. La
exégesis de Orígenes: 2.1. Claves antiheracleonianas; 2.2. Claves antimarcionitas;
DE
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2.3. Conclusión. – Abstract: «The descent to Capharnaum (“the field of consolation”) in
Heracleon and Origen tends to be interpreted by modern criticism as an allegory for the
mystery of the Incarnation. However, passages from Irenaeus and Origen himself allow us to
consider rather that Heracleon (fr. 11) is able to refer to the descent of Christ into the Jordan
as an image of the descent of Christ in order to console Sophia, who had been abandoned
outside of the pleroma. On Origen’s part, the descent to Capharnaum seems to allude not so
much to the mystery of the Incarnation as to the capacity of the Word incarnate to unite
himself to all the situations of men, for the sake of the disconsolate who encounter them. The
antignostic valence of Origen is found in the fruit this descent bears: the non-exclusion of
salvation from men who are in an inferior situation. At the same time, Origen’s exegesis of
Capharnaum allows for the harmonization of John’s chronology with the synoptic chronology
and its insertion, in its turn, into the plan sketched by the Alexandrian throughout the books,
from book III to book XIII (cf. XIII, 455). The intent sustained by Origen could be understood
as the zeal to respond to Marcion with a diatessaron (in the Alexandrian manner), which
would also explain the hermeneutical parable (X, 15-20) just before the descent to
Capharnaum, the starting point of the Marcionite Christ» (pp. 626-627)].
DIVELY LAURO E. A., The Soul and Spirit of Scripture Within Origen’s Exegesis (The Bible in Ancient
Christianity, 3), Brill, Boston – Leiden 2005, pp. XII+251.
[Acknowledgments, IX-X; Abbreviations, XI-XII. Introduction, 1-11. Ch. 1. Rehabilitation of the
psychic sense, 12-14: I. The history of recent scholarship (E. de Faye, H. de Lubac, R.P.C. Hanson,
J. Daniélou, H. Crouzel, K.J. Torjesen, R.A. Greer), 15-33; II. The main contributions of this work, 3436. Ch. 2. Earlier exegetical theory, 37: I. Origen’s audience and polemic, 38-47; II. The spiritual
purpose of Scripture’s communication, 47-50; III. Scripture’s specific communications: the
definitions, 50-76; IV. The process of Scripture’s communication, 76-93. Ch. 3. Extended exegetical
theory, 94-96: I. Hom. Gen. 11: Three days at the well of vision, 96-103; Hom. Lev. 5: The three
sacrificial loaves, 102-109; III. Hom. Num. 9: The three parts of the almond, 109-121; IV. Hom. Gen.
2: The two and the three decks of Noah’s ark, 121-127; V. The main developments, 128-130.
Ch. 4. The psychic and pneumatic senses in practice, 131-132: I. Hom. Gen. 2: The two upper decks
of Noah’s ark, 132-148; II. Hom. Exod. 3: The two types of three-day journeys, 148-156; III. Hom. Gen.
12: The two sets of nations in Rebecca’s womb, 157-163; IV. Hom. Lev. 1: Two whole burnt offerings,
163-175; V. Hom. Gen. 8: The two Isaacs, 175-185; VI. Hom. Num. 27: Two types of Exodus, 186-191;
VII. Conclusion, 191-194. Ch. 5. The temporal means to the eternal hope, 195-197: I. An overview of
Comm. Cant. 1: Two brides and bridegrooms, 197-198; II. The unifying theme of love, 198-200;
III. The bride awaits the bridegroom, 201-208; IV. The bride finds herself in the bridegroom’s
presence, 208-215; V. The bride runs with the maidens: two types of maidens, 215-221; VI. The
bride enters the bridegroom’s chamber, 221-231; VII. Conclusion, 232-237. Afterword, 238-240. Select
bibliography, 241-245. Indexes, 247-251. – Dalla Postfazione: «This work has established that Origen
defines three senses of scriptural meaning within his exegetical theory and applies them within his
homilies and commentaries. Examinations of his practical works shows that the two nonliteral –
psychic and pneumatic – senses independently edify Scripture’s hearer and also relate to
complement the other’s spiritually transformative effects. This work shows that the height of
Origen’s exegetical effort to transform his audience occurs through the interrelationship between
psychich and pneumatic readings of the same biblical passage. Each is a pedagogy within
Scripture, but together, they form a dialectic of mutual reinforcement, which adds meaning to
Greer’s observation that, for Origen, “virtue leads to vision, and vision empowers virtue”» (p. 238)].
D ORIVAL G., Rec.: M. SIMONETTI, Origene esegeta e la sua tradizione; Brescia 2004, Rivista di storia
del cristianesimo 2 (2005) 541-542.
427
D RECOLL V.H., Giuda Iscariota nel Commento a Giovanni, in Il Commento a Giovanni di Origene: il
testo e i suoi contesti, 555-570.
[Abstract: «There are four passages which must be analyzed for understanding Origen’s
interpretation of the person of Judas in CIo: 1. CIo XXXII, 19-34; 2. CIo XXXII, 145-168; 3. CIo
XXXII, 229-259; 4. CIo XXXII, 280-317. Following his method of commentary, the following
points can be established: – At the beginning of the betrayal one finds the activity of the devil
“who shoots arrows into the heart of Judas” (Jn 13:2), which is possible because Judas does not
have perfect faith. Thus, Origen highlights, with antignostic intent, the free choice of Judas and
the initiative of the devil, indicating the space for the devil’s activity in every man. Commenting
on Jn 13, he does not presuppose the theory of pre-existence, but affirms that the devil will be
conquered by Christ eschatologically. Judas was excluded not only from the washing of the feet,
but also from being an apostle. There was a time, however, in which Jesus held him dear,
despite his foreknowledge of the betrayal. This poses the problem of how Jesus participates in
the preparation of the betrayal. – Origen affirms that Judas was not bad by nature and that
even after the betrayal he is not entirely bad, but is substantially a person equal to other men.
Even in this specification, there is an antignostic intention. – An important element in the
antignostic tradition seems to have been the interpretation that Judas was an instrument for the
salvation of the world. Origen seems to dialogue with this tradition, above all in the
interpretation of the dipped morsel: in giving it to Judas, Jesus is active and Judas, at the same
moment, looses his peace, permitting the devil to enter into his soul. In this way there are two
grades in the possession of Judas on the part of the devil: a. Jn 13:2: the arrows striking his heart;
b. Jn 13:27: the entrance of the devil. By means of this exegesis, Origen succeeds in explaining
the betrayal as part of the process of salvation begun and directed by Jesus himself and – in the
same moment – as the result of the free choice of Judas and the activity of the devil. In short,
the antignostic tendency of the interpretation of the person of Judas does not consist only of the
affirmation of his free choice, but also of the reflection upon the importance of Judas as the
isntrument for the salvation of the world» (pp. 627-628)].
DUNKLE B. s.j., A Development in Origen’s View of the Natural Law, Pro Ecclesia 13 (2004) 337-351.
[The natural law tradition. Origen’s remarks on the natural law outside of the Commentary on
Romans. Natural law in the Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans. The natural law in the
Contra Celsum. Conclusion. – The author argues that scholars have failed to note that Origen
develops his theory of a moral natural law not by direct reference to any particular
philosophical position, but rather after reflection on Scripture].
EMMEL S., Ein altes Evangelium der Apostel taucht in Fragmenten aus Ägypten und Nubien auf →
10. Cristianesimo alessandrino ed ambiente egiziano (3. Gnosticismo, ermetismo e manicheismo)
[Dall’Abstract: «Since the “Unbekanntes Berliner Evangelium” is a gospel narrated by “the
apostles”, the question must at least be posed, whether it might stand in some direct relationship
with the famous, but nonetheless obscure “Gospel of the Twelve Apostles” mentioned by Origen
in his first homily on Luke, especially if one is prepared to question the long-standing identification
of Origen’s “Gospel of the Twelve” with the “Gospel of the Ebionites”» (p. 96)].
FILORAMO G., Lo statuto della profezia in Origene, in Ad Contemplandam Sapientiam, 239-251.
[1. Considerazioni introduttive. 2. Lo statuto del profeta. 3. Definizioni della profezia.
4. Metamorfosi del profeta. Conclusioni. – «In un passo contraddistinto dalla polemica
antigiudaica, Origene, sottolineando il fatto che ormai presso i Giudei non vi sono più profeti,
afferma di contro che ciò accade presso i cristiani del suo tempo. Anche se isolato, questo passo è
un’ulteriore conferma che, senza spingersi ad identificarsi come un profeta, lo stesso Origene era
convinto che il carisma profetico non era certo estinto, anche se esso ora si manifestava
essenzialmente nelle figure dei didascali e degli esegeti. Ciò sollevava indubbiamente il problema
428
di fondo: in che rapporto si venivano a trovare queste figure di “spirituali” con il tipo ministeriale
e sacerdotale di Grande Chiesa che si era nel frattempo formato? È impossibile approfondire in
questa sede quest’ordine di problemi. Come l’esperienza dello stesso Origene doveva
dolorosamente confermare, il particolare statuto che egli aveva riconosciuto al profeta e alla
profezia non doveva essere privo di conseguenze anche sul piano personale, a conferma che la
chiesa degli spirituali e dei profeti mal si conciliava con il volto che la chiesa stava ormai
assumendo verso la metà del III secolo della nostra era» (p. 251)].
F LADERER L. – B Ö RNER -K LEIN D., Kommentar
[E. Christlich: III. Griechisch (a. Herakleon, 311; b. Origenes: 1. Funktion, 311-312, 2. Sitz im
Leben, 312, 3. Kommentar und Homilie, 312-313)].
HEINE R.E., The Testimonia and Fragments Related to Origen’s Commentary on Genesis, ZAC 9
(2005) 122-142.
[An overview of the contents of the Commentary on Genesis: Book I; Book II; Book III; Books
IV-VIII (Genesis 1, 22-25; Genesis 1, 26; Genesis 1, 28; Genesis 2, 2 and 2, 4); Book IX; Book XXIII (Genesis 2, 8-17; Genesis 3, 8-9; Genesis 3, 21; Genesis 3, 24; 4, 8 and 4, 14; Genesis 4, 15). –
Abstract: «Der Aufsatz untersucht die Reste des Genesiskommentars von Origenes und
versucht, soweit als möglich, die Themen des Kommentars wiederherzustellen. Dabei werden
Texte aus anderen Werken des Origenes und Bruchstücke aus Katenen, der Philokalia,
Eusebius, Pamphilus, Sokrates, Hieronymus, Epiphanius, Procop von Gaza und Johannes
Philoponos diskutiert» (p. 142)].
HLEBAROVA L., The Dogmatic Opinions of Origen in De Principiis, Bogoslovska Misyl 3 (1998) 15-30,
25-44, 19-40 (bulg.).
JUNOD É., Origène face au problème du désaccord (diafwniva) entre les évangiles (CIo X, 3-36), in Il
[1. La diafwniva entre les récits évangéliques: un problème traité exclusivement dans les
ouvrages exégétiques; 2. Le Commentaire sur Jean: premier ouvrage dans lequel Origène traite
de la diafwniva. 3. L’exposé de CIo X, 3-36. 4. Remarques conclusives. – Abstract: «CIo...
contains the elements of a theory of interpretation of the Gospels, which completes,
regarding a central point, the treatment of hermeneutics in Prin. The specific contribution of
book X in this material concerns the problem of the divergence among the gospel stories,
especially between the Gospel of John and the three others. At the beginning of Book X,
Origen dedicates a didactic exposé to this problem (CIo X, 1, 3-36). Here it seems that Origen
tackles head-on for the first time the problem to which he attaches the term diafwniva (never
used previously in his CIo or elsewhere in reference to the contradictions among the Gospels).
In book VI, Origen indicates and applies his rule of proceeding in the interpretation of
passages in John which have parallels in the other Gospels: to quote and examine the parallels
each time in order to show that there is an agreement behind the apparent differences and
to clarify the peculiarities. He also emphasizes that he considers the other Gospels to be the
first context for the Gospel of John and that he understands the four texts as constituting a
gospel corpus. In his interpretations of the differences, he seeks a solution which testifies to
the agreement and complementariness of the Gospels. At the beginning of Book X, he must
explain Jn 2:20ff. and finds himself in a new situation where John’s chronology is
incompatible with that of the other Gospels. On the level of the historical narrative, there is a
diafwniva, a term with a negative connotation which indicates a division and gives evidence
for the presence of a lie, or a ‘non-truth’. If the Gospels are in disagreement, it is because they
do not contain the truth. Addressing the literalists, Origen explains that the truth of the texts
which would appear to contradict one another resides in the spiritual realities: the diafwniva is
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resolved by the spiritual interpretation (ajnagwghv). His explanation takes the form of a
complex theoretical exposé in which he shows great daring, though he fails to convince
completely the reader (§§ 3-36)...» (p. 623)].
KAMESAR A., Church Fathers, Rabbinic Midrash and → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
LE BOULLUEC A., De Paul à Origène: continuité ou divergence?, in Allégorie des poètes, allégorie des
philosophes, 113-132.
[Paul, adepte de l’allégorie? Qu’en est-il chez Origène?: L’autorité de Ga 4, 24; Méthode;
Terminologie; Allégorie et «physiologie». – «Pour un chrétien du IIIe siècle qui, comme Origène,
connaît l’usage grec, rhétorique, poétique et philosophique, de l’allégorie, la référence obligée,
pour légitimer le recours à une telle méthode, est le seul emploi néotestamentaire du verbe
ajllhgorei'n, qui se trouve, au passif, au verset 24 de la péricope 4, 21-31 de l’épître aux Galates de
Paul. Dans ce passage l’allégorisation des énoncés de la Genèse consiste précisément à y
découvrir les “deux alliances”, l’assujettissement de l’une à l’autre des deux figures qui les
représentent, Hagar et Sara, étant interprété dans le sens d’une substitution. (...) L’allégorie
paulinienne contient en germe le rapport de subordination déjà évoqué, mais l’écart reste grand
entre Paul et Origène: l’Apôtre n’emploie “Écriture” qu’au singulier, dans la même péricope
(Ga 4, 30), à propos seulement de ce qui est devenu plus tard “l’Ancien Testament”. Compte
tenu de l’importance inaugurale des deux auteurs en la matière (comme en d’autres), il est utile
de comparer l’usage de Paul à celui d’Origène, en se demandant si l’un et l’autre entendent
sous le terme d’allégorie la même démarche herméneutique» (pp. 113-114)].
LETTIERI G., Il nou'" mistico. Il superamento origeniano dello gnosticismo nel Commento a Giovanni, in
Il Commento a Giovanni di Origene: il testo e i suoi contesti, 177-275.
[1. La dialettica tra gnosi cattolica e gnosticismo eretico: 1.1. La comune esigenza cristiana di
superamento della tradizione; 1.2. La polemica antignostica come processo di distacco. 2. La
profondità della Scrittura, concordia discors: la storia di Cristo come figura della teogonia:
2.1. Diafwniva e ajnagwghv; 2.2. Il mistero cristologico come profondo del Vangelo di Giovanni,
chiave della Scrittura; 2.3. Il Prologo di Giovanni: il codice genetico della rivelazione. 3. Il
divenire del Figlio: dagli eoni alle ejpivnoiai: 3.1. L’unica sostanza del Figlio e la molteplicità delle
ejpivnoiai, assolute e relative; 3.2. La Sophia come ajrchv e la subordinazione del Logos alla
Sophia; 3.3. La distinzione tra Unigenito e Primogenito. 4. Il Figlio in sé e nel Padre: SophiaUnigenito e la prima tetrade valentiniana: 4.1. Sophia e le prime due sizigie valentiniane:
Abisso e Ennoia, Intelletto e Verità; 4.2. Sophia come Verità: il sistema di teoremi;
4.3. L’eternità della creazione intellettuale; 4.4. Excursus plotiniano: il Nous come sistema di
teoremi e Volto totale di volti. 5. Il Figlio in altro e per altro: Logos-Primogenito e la seconda
tetrade valentiniana: 5.1. L’incarnazione eterna del Logos e la genesi dello spirituale: dagli eoni
ai lovgoi; 5.2. JO qeov", qeov", oiJ qeoiv: l’Archetipo e le immagini; 5.3. La vita dei logoi nel Logos: la
terza sizigia valentiniana (Logos e Vita); 5.4. La luce dei logoi: la quarta sizigia valentiniana
(Uomo e Chiesa); 5.5. La vita che diventa morte: l’Uomo-Chiesa infedele e la caduta degli
spirituali. Conclusione – Abstract: «The Gospel of John is, for Origen, the most elevated and
profound book of Scripture, and therefore the foundation of a Christian theology which is
able to be born only as the exegesis of the revealed text. The Prologue is the heart and key of
the Gospel and is, therefore, the most hidden gnosis of God in as far as it describes not only
the historical revelation of Christ, but also the eternal becoming of God in himself, the
generation of the Son, and the genesis of the spiritual. To decipher the Prologue means,
therefore, to compete with the arduous mythical-speculative exegesis of the Gnostics. Origen
depends systematically upon this exegesis, although he is guided by the demand for criticism,
an overcoming of gnosis, anagoghe, and an inexhaustible passage from the myth to the Logos,
430
and from arbitrary creations of the intelligence of man to the revealed Catholic gnosis.
Origen’s commentary on the Prologue, at least in the first two books that have come to us, is
strongly pronounced by the theogonic articulation of the first two Valentinian tetrads and by
the distinction between the Only-Begotten and the First-Begotten. Abyss, Ennoia, Sophia,
Truth, Life, Logos, Man, and Church become the figures of Origen’s Trinitarian theology,
which demythologizes the gnostic eons, interpreting them as epinoiai of either the unique
hypostasis of the Son or of the created logoi. It is an interpretation of Christianity as gnosis of
the pleroma – of the birth of the Son from the Father, of the eternal intimacy of man in God,
of the genesis of the Spirit, of the life of the logoi in the Logos who creates them, and of the
eternal incarnation of the Logos in the mystical body of the created intellects. This
presupposes neither single borrowings, nor limited points of contact with gnosticism, but the
assumption of the same structure of the Valentinian theological system, despite the fact that
it was opposed as heretical and was criticized as an inadequate and mythologizing
comprehension, therefore still material of God and of creatures» (pp. 618-619)].
dell’esegesi di Ecclesiaste 3, 5 da Origene alla tradizione medievale → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
MARKSCHIES C., Der heilige Geist im Johanneskommentar. Einige vorläufige Bemerkungen, in Il
[1. Der Heilige Geist und die Trinität. 2. Der Heilige Geist, die Schöpfung und die Erlösung.
Schluß. – Abstract: «This lecture examines two widespread opinions regarding the
Pneumatology of CIo which are found in the German writings on the history of dogma. Since
the time of Harnack, Origen has been accused of having insufficiently developed the
doctrine regarding the Holy Spirit. He is supposed to have been a binitarian in disguise, and
the Holy Spirit is supposed to be a nearly functionless figure in his system. This lecture will
demonstrate, especially in texts from books II, VI, XIII, and XXXII, that these positions,
which W.D. Hauschild, for instance, has also advocated in various publications, cannot be
maintained: Origen develops in CIo a precise description of the role of the Holy Spirit and
assigns to it an important position in salvation history» (p. 619)].
– Gnostische und andere Bilderbücher in der Antike → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
MARTIN M.J., Origen’s Theory of Language and the First Two Columns of the Hexapla, HThR 97 (2004)
99-106.
[Origen’s theory of language. The first two columns of the Hexapla. The function of the
second column. The function of the first column. – «If the function of the Hexapla has been
open to question, then we might expect that the intended functions of the individual
Hebrew and Greek columns within Origen’s great text-critical work have also been the
subject of speculation. Our interest here is in the role of the Hebrew text and its
translitteration into Greek characters contained in the first two columns of the Hexapla but,
obviously, the function of individual columns within the Hexapla is to some extent
influenced by its overall function, or functions, for which the synopsis as a whole was
intended. (...) Yet, if the issue of translation is a principal interest of the Hexapla, it must be
deemed noteworthy that very little modern commentary on the Hexapla has concerned itself
with Origen’s theory of language. Language theory is directly relevant to the problem of
translation and, as such, Origen’s thought in this area can cast light on the nature of the
Hexapla and its construction, and, more specifically, highlight the complexity of the role
played by the Hebrew in this work» (pp. 99-100)].
MAZZUCCO C., L’Apocalisse nel Commento a Giovanni, in Il Commento a Giovanni di Origene: il testo
e i suoi contesti, 571-611.
431
[1. L’Apocalisse nella struttura del Commento a Giovanni. 2. Valutazioni dell’Apocalisse. 3. Temi
collegati all’Apocalisse. 4. Scopi polemici del ricorso all’Apocalisse. 5. Confronto con le altre opere
di Origene. 6. Confronto con gli autori precedenti. Tavole: Riferimenti all’Apocalisse nel
Commento a Giovanni: 1. Riferimenti secondo l’ordine del Commento; 2. Riferimenti secondo
l’ordine dell’Apocalisse. – Abstract: «Undoubtedly the Apocalypse holds greater importance in
Origen’s CIo than it holds in other works. There are numerous references, above all in the first
two books, where ample sections of the text are dedicated to specific comments on passages
(Apoc 22:13; 1:17-18; 19:11-16), and prove to be the most functional sections in the argumentation.
The Apocalypse is considered to be a writing which is very close to the Gospel of John and to the
prophets – in fact, even superior to the prophets on account of its particular acuteness which
was recognized in its comprehension of the divine mysteries. The citations are principally tied to
Christology and revelation, both scriptural revelation and that which is beyond Scripture.
Origen makes use of the Apocalypse above all in order to defend the legitimacy of a spiritual
conception of the truth of faith and of a spiritual reading of the Bible against the opponents
present in the Church, as well as to combat certain Gnostic positions. The comparison with
other works shows that the Apocalypse continues to be appreciated by Origen, but he applies his
interest to other passages, or leads one to reread in a different way the passages commented on
with greater relief in CIo. In every case Origen refuses to concern himself with some sections of
the work (e.g., chapters 13, 17, 18) and separates himself from preceding authors, such as Justin,
Irenaeus, and Hippolytus, who had made great use of the book for describing eschatological
events, from the Antichrist to the thousand-year reign. Yet, examples of spiritual, Christological,
and ecclesiological readings of the Apocalypse are not lacking in the prior traditions from Origen
was able to find inspiration» (p. 628)].
METZLER K., Weitere Testimonien und Fragmente zum Genesis-Kommentar des Origenes, ZAC 9
(2005) 143-148.
[Nota a margine di R.E. HEINE, The Testimonia and Fragments Related to Origen’s Commentary
on Genesis, ZAC 9 (2005) 122-142 – «Methodisch ist dezidierter zu trennen, so zwischen
Testimonien und Fragmenten, aber auch innerhalb dieser Gruppen: bei den Fragmenten
zwischen zuverlässigen, Dubia und Spuria (in der Kommentierung von Gen 1, 1 bis 5, 1 fällt diese
Frage freilich nur für den Gießener Papyrus an), bei den Testimonien zwischen denen, die
eindeutig oder mit einiger Sicherheit den Inhalt des Genesis-Kommentars bezeugen, und
solchen, die allgemein ein Zeugnis für die Genesis-Kommentierung des Origenes abgeben
(dafür müssen auch die exegetischen Gattungen bei Origenes berücksichtigt werden). Im
Handwerklichen wird sich der Unterschied bemerkbar machen, daß in einer Edition
ausschließlich maßgebliche Textausgaben zugrunde gelegt werden; Autor (z.B. Epiphanius)
und Übersetzer (z.B. Hieronymus) sind hier zu unterscheiden. Für die Ausgabe spitzt sich aber
auch die Frage zu, woher die zahlreichen Fragmente stammen, die sich auf spätere Teile der
Genesis als 5, 1 beziehen» (p. 143)].
MONACI CASTAGNO A., Il santo come asceta e taumaturgo: archeologia di un paradigma → 1. Miscellanee e
MOSER M.B., Teacher of Holiness: The Holy Spirit in Origen’s Commentary on the Epistle to the
Romans, Gorgias Press, Piscataway/NJ 2005, pp. XII+231.
[Acknowledgements, III-IV; Contents, V-VI; Abbreviations, VII-XII. Ch. I. Introduction,
1: 1.1. The text of the Commentary, 6-13; 1.2. Origen’s hermeneutics and context, 13-20; 1.3. The
scope of the Commentary, 20-21; 1.4. Contribution, 22-25; 1.5. Method and content, 25-28.
Ch. II. The Spirits of the Commentary on Romans, 29: 2.1. Background for Origen’s
understanding of Spirit, 30-41; 2.2. Reading «Spirit» in Origen’s Commentary, 41-49; 2.3. Diverse
432
spiritual beings, 49-51; Excursus: Education and the school of the spirit, 52-55; 2.3.1. The human
spirit, 55-69; 2.3.2. Ministering spirits, 69-76; 2.3.3. The spiritual battle: spiritual hosts of
wickedness in the heavens, 76-83; 2.4. Conclusion, 83-84. Ch. III. The Holy Spirit and God’s exitus
into the World, 85: 3.1. The Holy Spirit in Origen’s corpus, 89-93; Excursus: Trinitas in Rufinus’
translation, 93-99; 3.2. Images for the Holy Spirit, 99-101; 3.2.1. Holy Spirit and Logos as Cherubim,
101-109; 3.2.2. Holy Spirit as wedding ring, 110-118; 3.2.3. Holy Spirit as teacher, 118-129; 3.3. The
Holy Spirit in relation to the Father and the Son, 129-133. Ch. IV. The Holy Spirit in the human
reditus to God, 135: 4.1. The gifts of the Spirit, 137-138; 4.1.1. The spiritual gifts as participations in
the Spirit, 138-144; 4.1.2. Ethics and the gifts of the Spirit, 144-146; 4.2. Imitatio Spiritus, 146-147;
4.2.1. Teaching: the Spirit’s presence in the world, 147-150; 4.2.2. Progression in teaching and in
holiness, 150-152; 4.2.3. The kenotic teaching of the scriptural authors, 152-158; 4.2.4. The
character of Christian teaching, 158-161; 4.2.5. The fruits of Christian teaching, 162; 4.2.6. The
unitive character of Christian teaching, 166-168; 4.3. Conclusion, 168-169. Ch. V. An evaluation of
Origen’s pneumatology, 170: 5.1. Origen’s pneumatology: summary and assessment, 171; 5.1.1. The
Spirit’s role in Origen’s theology, 171-176; 5.1.2. Questions about Origen's pneumatology, 177-184;
5.2. Origen’s Pneumatology and contemporary theology, 184; 5.2.1. Spirit: from private feelings to
interconnected community, 185-189; 5.2.2. Teaching: sacrament of the Spirit's presence, 189-197;
5.3. Conclusion: the person of the Holy Spirit, 197-204. Bibliography, 205-225. Index, 227-230.
Index of scriptural passages, 231].
NOCE C., Cristo Gran Sacerdote secondo l’ordine di Melchisedech nel Commento a Giovanni, in Il
[1. Una gerarchia di sacerdoti. 2. Sacerdozio secondo Aronne e secondo Melchisedech. 3. I due
aspetti del sacerdozio secondo Melchisedech: CIo I, 255-258. 4. CIo I, 259-260. Conclusione –
Abstract: «Starting with the definition of Christ as great high priest in CIo I, 255-259, the whole
work has been examined in order to discover the reasons for the high priestly ministry of
Christ. Christ acts as high priest on two levels: as Logos, in the ontological mediation between
the Father and rational beings; and as man, through the soul of Jesus, having received the
priestly unction before the beginning of time to become the intermediary between God and
man. The Gnostic Heracleon takes a similar two-level approach, but with noticeable
differences as regards the limits and purpose of the mission of the great high priest and
saviour. Origen underlines how the saving process comes about according to a plan and an
order corresponding to the merits of the individual, while Heracleon limits the effectiveness
of the Saviour’s priesthood to only two human categories (psychic and spiritual) and envisages
a predetermined order in salvation. This study reveals the importance of the figure of Christ
as high priest in CIo and, more generally, the influence of the Epistle to the Hebrews on
Origen’s exegesis of the Fourth Gospel» (pp. 624-625)].
NORELLI E., La profezia nel Commento a Giovanni, in Il Commento a Giovanni di Origene: il testo e i
suoi contesti, 301-331.
[1. L’inferiorità dei profeti: un testo probabilmente marcionita. 2. I profeti conobbero i misteri
divini allo stesso livello degli apostoli? 3. Il libro sesto. 4. Il libro primo. 5. La profezia di Caifa. 6. CIo
XIII: una diversa concezione del rapporto tra profeti e apostoli? – Abstract: «In the first place, the
discourse regarding prophecy has an anti-heretical valence. A fragment which attacks the
prophets’ announcement of Christ, cited by Origen (CIo II, 200) and considered by scholars as
generically gnostic and/or as Valentinian, reveals itself, under a more detailed examination, to be
probably Marcionite. (...) Of the three arguments which Origen uses against the position
expressed in the fragment, the only truly relevant one is the third, which introduces an essential
theme of Origen’s conception of prophecy: the prophets, more than just announcing the future,
have announced the divine mysteries, and they have acquired a knowledge of them that was not
433
inferior to that knowledge which the Apostles would subsequently have. More precisely, a
fundamental passage of CIo VI, 15-16 distinguishes the perfect and superior prophets, who had
such a gift, from the other prophets, who did not reach that level. Origen makes use of biblical
texts regarding the revelation of the mystery hidden for the ages, in particular Rm 16:25-26 and
Eph 3:5-6; but his theory of the equivalence between the prophets’ knowledge and the knowledge
available after the coming of Christ profoundly modifies the perspective regarding the prophets,
transferring the progress of revelation from universal history to the individual story of the believer.
(...) Discussing some proposals of A. Orbe, the presentation puts into relief the problems
regarding the identification of the two categories of prophets, and the relationship of the
categories with the condition that the individuals who belong to them had as rational beings
before their incarnation: in other words, to what degree is the quality of the perfect prophet tied
to the individual merits? Another brief, but important, passage (CIo I, 37) proposes the parallelism
between revelation prior to the Incarnation of the Son and revelation after the Incarnation. It
confirms the preceding observations by means of the ‘demythologization’ of the notion of the
“fullness of time”. Finally, this paper compares CIo XIII, 300-320 with the preceding passages. In
CIo XIII, 300-320, Origen, though not renouncing the position that the prophets knew in a
perfect manner these mysteries which were communicated to each one of them, accentuates the
superiority of the knowledge accorded to the apostles. Here, the traditional Christian conception
of progress between the first revelation of Christ and that revelation brought by Christ himself is
recovered. Origen strives not to put the two perspectives in a state of formal contradiction, but
maintains clear tensions. It is interesting to note that when, in book XIII, Origen juxtaposes the
traditional conception... with the conception, dear to himself, of the equivalence of the two
revelations, both these positions (and not only the first, as one would expect) present
contradictions with the conception which he set forth in I, 37. With all probability, even here, as
so often in his works, he understands theological thought not as an obligatory reduction to a single
solution, but as a field of inevitable and fecund tensions» (pp. 619-620)].
OROSZ A., La catechesi della Pasqua nella tradizione della Chiesa antica e dei Padri orientali
PASINI C., La siro-esaplare dell’Ambrosiana (codice C 313 inf.), in Le Chiese sire tra IV e VI secolo:
dibattito dottrinale e ricerca spirituale. Atti del 2° Incontro sull’Oriente Cristiano di tradizione siriaca.
Milano, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, 28 marzo 2003, a cura di E. VERGANI e S. CHIALÀ, Centro
Ambrosiano, Milano 2005, 17-40.
[1. Il codice C 313 inf. e il suo arrivo in Ambrosiana. 2. Lo studio del manoscritto in Ambrosiana.
3. L’antica sontuosa legatura del codice. 4. La provenienza del codice dal monastero dei Siriani a
Wadi al-Natrun. 5. Note sul manoscritto e sulla sua legatura vergate da monaci del Tur ‘Abdin.
6. Punti sicuri, soluzioni ipotetiche e problemi aperti. – «Paolo di Tella tradusse con rigorosa
fedeltà la recensione esaplare della Settanta, collocata da Origene alla quinta colonna
dell’Esapla... La Settanta inserita da Origene nell’Esapla riprendeva non il testo di questa
recensione trasmesso dai manoscritti di provenienza cristiana, divenuto poi comune in questo
ambito, ma quello usato dagli ebrei. Precisamente su quest’ultimo Paolo di Tella compì la
versione siriaca, denominata appunto siro-esaplare. Egli scelse con cura i manoscritti da cui
effettuare la traduzione; soprattutto impreziosì la versione inserendo nei margini sia i segni critici
dei grammatici alessandrini (gli obeli e gli asterischi), sia varianti tratte dalle traduzioni di Aquila,
Simmaco e Teodozione, sia talora scoli e brevi introduzioni ai libri biblici» (pp. 17-18)].
PASTORELLI D., Les deux sens du terme «paraclet» dans le corpus johannique selon Origène, Traité des
Principes II, 7, 3-4: une polémique anti-montaniste, Adamantius 12 (2006) 239-262.
434
[1. Le Paraclet Esprit Saint: un consolateur (II, 7, 4, ll. 92-109): 1.1. Structure du passage;
1.2. Une recherche étymologique; 1.3. Le thème de la sobre ivresse. 2. Origène et les
montanistes (II, 7, 3): 2.1. Identification des Montanistes; 2.2. Témoignages externes; 2.3. La
polémique contre l’extase-inconscience; 2.4. Thèse. 3. Le Paraclet Jésus: un intercesseur (II, 7,
4, ll. 110-126): 3.1. Les deux sens du terme «paraclet»; 3.2. Innovation d’Origène. Conclusion. –
Dalla Conclusione: «L’évangile de Jean emploie le terme “paraclet” en raison de sa valeur
sémantique large et peu définie; il élabore à partir de là ce qu’il y a de plus original dans sa
pneumatologie. Toutefois, ce procédé n’est pas sans risque: il a joué en sa défaveur, au point
que, dans sa réception au second siècle, l’évangile a été perçu comme un écrit hérétique. Ce
flou sémantique où se sont engouffrés les Montanistes a forcé les Pères de l’Église à avancer à
tout prix un sens pour paravklhto" dans l’évangile. Les Montanistes faisant une utilisation
séduisante du titre pour leur office de prophètes enseignants, c’est Origène qui, en fin
philologue et familier de la Bible grecque, a défini la fonction de “consolateur” dans l’exégèse
johannique. Ce sens, inscrit dans une évolution sémantique logique, est circonscrit à la
recherche savante en matière de traduction grecque de l’Ancien Testament, qu’à lui seul le
docteur alexandrin a synthétisé dans ses Hexaples» (p. 262)].
PAZZINI D., Considerazioni sulla lingua del Commento a Giovanni, in Il Commento a Giovanni di
Origene: il testo e i suoi contesti, 117-131.
[1. Un possibile catalogo. 2. Procedimento esegetico e procedimento stilistico. 3. La frase
origeniana e il testo di Giovanni. – Abstract: «Three lines of investigation are proposed: the
characteristics of the stylistic form which are more appropriately argumentative; the
relationship between the stylistic procedure and the allegorical procedure; the position of the
text of John in the sentence of Origen. The argumentative form presents a variety of
typologies which are difficult to classify. It is possible, however, to trace certain constants.
One of them in particular may be mentioned: the bipartite structure according to which a
single thought articulates itself in two periods. The first period is brief and assertive with the
tone of a law; the other is long, complex, and rich with subordinate sentences and
parenthetic clauses. The exegetical procedure in its programmatically allegorical point seems
to privilege a stylistic form of a narrative type, or even of an exhortative type, which give
visibility to every particular, as if projecting it or representing it in a scene. The circuit
between the sentence of Origen and the text of John probably remains the most internal
nucleus of the language of CIo. One cannot speak of the text and the explication of the text
as two dualistically distinct and subsequent realities. The synthesis shows its specificity in the
resolution of this dualism. It can often be shaped in such a manner that the linguistic
medium, which allows for the passage from the interpreted text to the interpreting sentence,
becomes hidden and imperceptible, shortened, or even absent by constituting itself as a
vacuum which confers a very remarkable movement to the entire period» (pp. 616-617)].
PENNACCHIO M.C., Da Okeanos al Logos: trasformazioni esegetiche di un fiume cosmico. La simbologia
del Giordano nel Commento a Giovanni, in Il Commento a Giovanni di Origene: il testo e i suoi
contesti, 463-482.
[1. Etimologia di Giordano; l’incarnazione del Logos. 2. Il Giordano fiume cosmico. 3. La traversata
del Giordano. 4. La processione dietro all’arca e la purità di sacerdoti e leviti. Conclusione –
Abstract: «In book VI of CIo, Origen proposes a refined allegorical interpretation of the Jordan,
comparing the episode of the baptism of Jesus to the crossing of the river under the guidance of
Joshua. The descent of Jesus into the Jordan is the symbol of the Incarnation of the Logos,
either in the mystical dimension of the union with the logikoi, realized in a perfect way only with
the soul of Christ, or in the historical Incarnation. Origen then introduces the crossing of the
river, relating it to the baptism and presenting both as complementary representations of the
same intelligible reality: the baptism represents the initial event, and the crossing represents the
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passage of its actualization from history into eternity. The bond between the two episodes,
beyond that of the common presence of the Jordan, grounds itself upon a rereading of the OT
episode in the light of the christological hymn of Phil 2:6-11; the fundamental motive is that of
the chenosis: the ark which plunges into the river is the symbol of the double ‘descent’ of the
Logos, in the Incarnation and in his death; the exaltation of Jesus (Phil 2:9) recalls the exaltation
which God accorded to Joshua after the crossing of the river. This signifies the reconstitution of
the Son of Man in his divine form and the fulfillment of the salvific mission, i.e., the
amplification of divinization for all rational creatures. In drawing these two episodes together,
the symbolic sense of the Jordan/Logos emerges, in which the entire existential journey of
rational creatures is represented, from the sin of pre-existence to the redemption in the
apocatastasis. It is an itinerary wich goes from a primordial unity, contained in the Logos, to a
phase of division and fragmentation, which only progressively, according to an appropriate order
(characterized by the new cult establish by Joshua), is turned back to God by Christ. Christ
reconstitutes the pre-existent unity of the spiritual pleroma» (p. 625)].
PERRONE L., Fra silenzio e parola: dall’apologia alla testimonianza del cristianesimo nel Contro Celso di
Origene, in L’apologétique chrétienne gréco-latine à l’époque prénicénienne, 103-141.
[Premessa: l’opzione del silenzio e la testimonianza. I. Il clima di una disputa. II. L’apologia di
un esegeta. III. La soglia del mistero cristiano. – «Vorrei anzitutto provare a rintracciare gli
elementi di un possibile Sitz im Leben dell’apologia di Origene, al di là della circostanza
esterna che la muove: in quale misura CC non resta semplicemente un’“opera da tavolino” e
ci offre invece un metro per rivisitare ambienti e dibattiti nella comunità ecclesiale e negli
ambienti religiosi e intellettuali attorno alla metà del III secolo? In secondo luogo, mi interessa
comprendere quale è il profilo letterario dello scritto di Origene: non essendo in ipotesi
un’‘opera di scuola’ – come lo sono, almeno dal punto di vista della loro genesi ambientale, i
commentari esegetici – né tanto meno un testo avvicinabile alla produzione omiletica, quale
statuto preciso riveste quest’opera costruita dal suo autore vincendo l’‘opzione del silenzio’?
Infine, mi sembra che proprio questa alternativa respinta intervenga comunque in maniera
determinante nello stesso articolarsi del discorso apologetico di Origene, anche in relazione al
pubblico mirato da CC. Se la risposta a Celso poggia su due grandi registri continuamente
ripresi – confutazione e elaborazione dottrinale –, fino a che punto l’autore può spingersi
verso un approfondimento del mistero cristiano agli occhi dei lettori dichiarati “infanti”,
“deboli” o addirittura “digiuni” nella fede? Come si vedrà, il confine tra “apologia” e
“testimonianza” è più fluido di quello che la natura del discorso apologetico sembrerebbe
ammettere in via di principio» (p. 111) – Segue la «Discussion» (pp. 142-149)].
– Il profilo letterario del Commento a Giovanni: operazione esegetica e costruzione del testo, in Il
[1. Prospettive di un’analisi letteraria: 1.1. Pensieri pieni e compatti; 1.2. Un’‘opera di scuola’?; 1.3. Il
fatto letterario; 1.4. Un ‘autore’; 1.5. L’impronta del tempo e dell’ambiente. 2. La fisionomia
strutturale: 2.1. La ‘precomprensione’ dell’esegesi; 2.2. Forme dell’argomentazione: istanze apodittiche
e ragionamento aporetico; 2.3. Intertestualità biblica e schemi ermeneutici; 2.4. La disposizione del
testo. 3. L’orizzonte del lettore: l’autore e il suo pubblico: 3.1. Tratti protrettici; 3.2. A giudizio del lettore.
– Abstract: «Starting from the conviction that CIo may be examined even as a ‘literary work’, this
contribution intends to clarify how the text came to be structured, what are its principal literary
devices, and what is, in short, the horizon of the ‘implicit reader’. Though not ignoring the
circumstances of composition and the polemical goals which inspire the work of Origen, this
contribution highlights how the exegetical argumentation influences the literary profile of the text.
For the Alexandrian, the discovery of the truth is never separable from its demonstration. This is the
ductus which in general presupposes the exposition. The apodictic requirement is sustained mostly by
the treatment of ambiguities within the Johannine text. Regarding the true construction of the text
itself, despite the frequent recurrence of digressions, it is necessary to recognize that Origen never
436
loses the thread of the argument and always keeps his eye on the complex plan of the text. The
space of the commentary, in fact, is an ‘ordered’ space for the Alexandrian. For this reason it is
arranged as a structured treatise, framed by prologues and epilogues, and united internally to
unitary themes which sometimes return to and develop the argument of the topic in examination.
Along with such aspects, the relationship of the author with the public assumes particular relevance
in Origen for the form which is assigned to his work. In confirmation of what has already been noted
in the opening of the work, the model of ‘collaborative reader’ is profiled. In the conclusions one
observes the importance of the intellectual environment, nourished by the culture of the written
word and habitually applied to the practice of the redaction of texts, of which CIo, even with its
literary profile, gives full testimony» (pp. 615-616)].
séduction. L’histoire du concept de la tentation dans l’Antiquité] → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere
generale
PIETRAS H., Dio d’elezione (CIo II, 24), in Il Commento a Giovanni di Origene: il testo e i suoi contesti,
441-448.
[Abstract: «Origen wrote: “The God of the universe is God of the election and, therefore, for
a greater reason, he is God of the Saviour of the election”. God is the “God of the election”
because he is free and does not act on account of some sort of determinism or fate. He does
what he wants, forced by no one or no thing outside of his liberty. In exercising his proper
liberty, he does not become a tyrant who accomplishes his own will without taking into
consideration the liberty of the others. Without accelerating the times, he waits for the
realization of that which he wants, up until the maturation of the will of the logikoi. He
desires that which he wants accomplished might be the fruit of the encounter between his
will and the will of the others. The logikoi, having fallen on account of their own choices, are
self-limited in their own liberty. They become slaves of their own choice. In the commentary
on the first sentence of the Letter to the Romans, “Paul servant of Jesus Christ”, Origen poses a
rhetorical question: “In fact, is there such a person who, finding himself in the flesh, is able to
achieve a liberty so complete that he no longer serves the flesh in anything?” (CRm I, 1).
Christ was sent to save all from slavery, in order that man, called by him, might become
“freed by the Lord” (1 Cor 7:21ff in CRm I, 1). As a result, Christ becomes the “Saviour of the
election”, because he saves those who have been made slaves of their own choices. Christ
desires to render them free once again, and make them capable of choices that conform to
the liberty of God himself. The full victory of God and his reign beyond the ages occurs when
God will be able to accomplish all that he wants – not in spite of the choices of the logikoi,
but by encountering their full collaboration in liberty» (p. 624)].
PILHOFER P., Von Jakobus zu Justin. Lernen in den Spätschriften des Neuen Testaments und bei den
Apologeten, in Religiöses Lernen, 253-269.
[Osservazioni su CC III 55: «Die Polemik des Kelsos führt mich... zu der folgenden Zwischenbilanz:
1. Ein Charakteristikum des Christentums ist seine intensive Lehrtätigkeit. 2. Die christliche Lehre
beschreitet neue – und aus der Sicht des Kelsos verwerfliche – Wege. 3. Christen lernen in einer
neuen und ungewöhnlichen Gemeinschaft, die Frauen einschließt, ausserhalb des etablierten
pädagogischen Betriebs. 4. Diese neue Gemeinschaft von Lernenden stellt überkommene
Autoritäten in Frage. 5. Ziel des christlichen Lernens ist das o{pw" dei' zh'n» (p. 256)].
PISCITELLI CARPINO T., L’esegesi di Gv 1,29b «Ecco l’agnello di Dio che prende su di sé il peccato del
mondo»: dalla conoscenza del Battista al sacrificio di Cristo, in Il Commento a Giovanni di Origene: il
testo e i suoi contesti, 483-517.
437
[1. Cristo come agnello. 2. Le testimonianze del Battista: 2.1. La prima testimonianza nell’esegesi di
Eracleone e nell’esegesi di Origene; 2.2. La seconda e la terza testimonianza nell’esegesi di
Eracleone e nell’esegesi di Origene; 2.3. La quarta testimonianza: Gv 1, 29. 3. L’esegesi di Gv 1,
29b: 3.1. Il sacrificio di Cristo a confronto con i sacrifici antichi e i sacrifici dei martiri; 3.2. Il
sacrificio di Cristo: redenzione, purificazione, propiziazione; 3.3. Il sacrificio di Cristo come
redenzione universale. 4. L’esegesi di Gv 1, 29b nel contesto pasquale. – Abstract: «The
commentary on Jn 1:29... moves along a double exegetical line; Christ is the sacrificial lamb (on
the basis of Is 53) and the paschal lamb. The verse constitutes one of the testimonies of John the
Baptist and indicates a definite moment of growth in the formation of his knowledge: he moves
from being a prophet to being an eye-witness. The reading of the verse, in light of the
interpretation advanced by Heracleon and refuted by Origen, makes way for antignostic
clarifications regarding the unity of the two testaments and the universality of Christ’s work of
salvation. Origen interprets the verse as a witness to the double nature of the Son of God: man,
in his being the lamb destined for sacrifice; God, in his offering the lamb to death. The
interpretation inspires an ample treatment of the theme of sacrifice, victims, and martyrdom (in
respect to both martyrs and Christ himself). The propitiatory value of the sacrifice of Christ,
valid for the entire world, poses a double problem: the clarification of the concept of ‘world’ and
the relationship between the world and the Church. Another element in the reading lies in the
theme of the assumption of sin on the part of Christ and the concomitant necessity of
purification even after the passion. The exegetical element of the “Christ-paschal lamb” image
emerges from the interpretation of Paul in 1 Cor 5:7... who, in his self-offering as the nourishment
(Jn 6:32-36) which is realized through the Scriptures, is the food of salvation» (p. 626)].
PRINZIVALLI E., L’uomo e il suo destino nel Commento a Giovanni, in Il Commento a Giovanni di
Origene: il testo e i suoi contesti, 361-379.
[1. Premessa. 2. Apocatastasi. 3. Rifiuto dell’antropocentrismo. 4. La dottrina della
partecipazione. 5. Il peccato del primo terrestre e l’inizio del mondo visibile. – Abstract: «The
anthropology of CIo, with its eschatological fulfillment, is completely inscribed in the
christology by means of the centrality assumed by the reflection upon 1 Cor 15:26-28
combined with Jn 10:30. The apocatastasis is confirmed as the pivot of Origen’s thought, in as
far as it is a guarantee, in the antignostic sense, of the identification of justice, goodness, and
omnipotence in God. Origen refutes the anthropocentric vision of redemption in favour of a
cosmic valence, promoted by the doctrine of the participation of creatures in the Logos and of
the participation of the Logos in the Father. In CIo, the primordial creation of creatures in the
Logos is distinguished from the specific creation of man as rational creature in Gen 1:26-27,
which occurred after the sin of the First Terrestrial» (p. 621)].
RESSA P., Note al testo del Contro Celso, VetChr 40 (2003) 159-166.
[Il contributo è dedicato alla trattazione di due interessanti passi di CC (II, 16; VII, 68) nei
quali, a parere dell’autore, troppo frettolosamente gli editori moderni hanno sentito la
necessità di emendare un testo che, invece, risulta pienamente difendibile sulla base di
riscontri sia interni, riconducibili cioè alle convinzioni esposte da Origene nel suo scritto, che
esterni, in quanto basati sul confronto con le testimonianze di altri autori. La pubblicazione
della nuova edizione critica del Contro Celso a cura di M. Marcovich, pur ricca di correzioni, a
volte giustificate altre no, ha accolto proprio gli emendamenti ormai divenuti tradizionali che
qui si cerca di confutare].
438
RIZZI M., Il corpo e la sua bellezza nella tradizione del cristianesimo alessandrino → 1. Miscellanee e studi
di carattere generale
R OUKEMA R., Irenaeus en Origenes over de opstanding der doden, Kerk en Theologie 56 (2005) 86-96.
[La vision millénariste d’Irénée, 87-90; la vision eschatologique spiritualiste d’Origène;
réhabilitation d’Eugène de Faye et de Hal Koch, 91-94].
– L’interprétation patristique de quelques mots hébraïques de la Septante → 4. LXX
– Paul’s Rapture to Paradise in Early Christian Literature → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
SALVESEN A., Pigs in the Camp and the Breasts of my Lambs: Song of Songs in the Syriac Tradition → 4. LXX
SIMONETTI M., Il Commento a Giovanni tra esegesi e teologia, in Il Commento a Giovanni di Origene:
il testo e i suoi contesti, 15-41.
[Abstract: «The hermeneutical model put into practice by Origen in CIo is extremely open,
being suggestive more than assertive. It holds these qualities in as far as it is founded upon the
criteria of freely deepening, in the spiritual sense, the literal significance of the text by means
of the quaestio. This quaestio is generally carried out by the application of more scriptural
passages to that passage which is under examination. The quaestio is then developed through
the technique of allegory, above all in the interpretation of the deeds of Jesus, but for the
most part without going beyond the literal sense when the object of interpretation is Jesus’
words. In the first two books of the commentary, and many times in the others, the exegesis
enters into the doctrinal exposition, above all where Origen treats the Logos. The Logos is the
unquestioned protagonist of the commentary in its function as intermediary between God
the Father and the world of rational creatures. The Logos is investigated above all in its
relationship with the other epinoiai of Christ, in particular with the most important of these,
Wisdom. By Wisdom, Origen intends the systema of the theoremata thought by God, the Nous,
and by Logos he intends the communication of these to rational creatures» (p. 615)].
– Su un passo della traduzione latina del Commento a Matteo di Origene (12, 9-14), Aug. 45 (2005) 265294.
[«Dall’analisi alla quale abbiamo sottoposto CMt 12, 9-14 è risultato che in qualche punto TG (= il
testo greco) risulta più breve, più contratto di TL (= la traduzione latina), e questa sua brevità non
può essere sempre spiegata considerando amplificato il testo di TL per iniziativa del traduttore
latino. Talvolta abbiamo cercato di ipotizzare i motivi per cui un qualche trascrittore dotto di TG
potrebbe aver soppresso qualcosa del testo che trascriveva; qualche altra volta abbiamo avuto
l’impressione che in TG fossero cadute alcune parole forse soltanto per errore meccanico. Quanto
a TL, l’apprezzamento è più difficoltoso, perché là dove esso diverge da TG si presentano due
possibilità alternative, in quanto la divergenza potrebbe essere stata provocata o da iniziativa del
traduttore ovvero dal suo tradurre un testo greco in quel punto divergente dal nostro TG, e la
nostra analisi ha rilevato occorrenze dell’una e dell’altra possibilità. Nell’ultimo dei passi che
abbiamo esaminato non siamo riusciti a proporre, neppure anche solo quanto mai ipoteticamente,
un tentativo di soluzione, tanto i due testi divergono uno dall’altro, pur rimontando tutti e due a
Origene. In altri termini, nel passo in questione l’originario testo di Origene non corrisponde
completamente né a TG né a TL. Ne risulta che, al fine dell’apprezzamento, il più possibile
completo sulla base del materiale a nostra disposizione, dell’originario testo di CMt 12, 9-14 è
necessario fondarsi sull’analisi sia di TG sia di TL» (pp. 293-294)].
SŁOMKA J., Origen’ Reflections on Priesthood and Eucharist in his Homilies on the Book of Leviticus
(pol.), Vox Patrum 23/44-45 (2003) 99-116.
[Summary: «Origen’s reflections on priesthood, as well as his interpretation of the Book of
Leviticus, are based on the assumption that there exists inner priesthood which is inherent in
human nature. Such priesthood means human ability to offer spiritual sacrifices to God.
439
Origen points to the human mind as the priest in man. It is the mind that is capable of
turning to God. The spiritual priesthood imposes a moral obligation on every human being.
Only against this background does Origen consider priesthood in the OT and the NT. The
OT priesthood was established by Moses and involved the ability to make both material and
spiritual offerings. That priesthood was an anticipation of the priesthood of Jesus Christ. Jesus
is, at the same time, a priest and a sacrifice. Thus he fulfills all the promises of the OT in
himself. As regards the NT priesthood, Origen points to its relationship with the priesthood of
Jesus Christ. Jesus was the one who established it. Unlike the OT priesthood, it does not
entail making material offerings, but only spiritual ones. Origen does not dwell on the
typological relations between the priesthood of the OT and the NT. He emphasizes, however,
that all Christians are priests for their own souls, and if they fail to fulfill it, even the
priesthood of the Church is of little value. Listing the responsibilities of the Church’s priests,
Origen only mentions teaching and absolving of sins, but he does not relate them to any rites.
The lack of any clear linkage to the celebration of Eucharist is typical of the author. What is
more, the Eucharistic issues are virtually absent from his homilies. Origen does not apply the
OT sacrifice – Eucharist typology. If he invokes texts clearly relating to the Eucharist (e.g. the
description of its establishment), he also gives them a spiritual interpretation: the body of
Christ is the Word. The absence of the Eucharistic themes can be explained as follows: the
Eucharist is celebrated in the Church on a regular basis, and its meaning is clear. Origen
accepts the common understanding of the Eucharist as sufficient for ordinary Christians. In
his homilies, he consciously avoids any Eucharistic teaching and concentrates on the spiritual
dimension while interpreting the passages from the Gospel, as he decides that doing
otherwise would not contribute to the building of the Church and might encourage the
interpretation of the Eucharist as a sacrifice in the OT sense. The homilies contain allusions
to the hidden deeper meaning of the Eucharist, accessible only to the few. This approach to
the theme of the Eucharist is essentially different from that of some decades later: the
Eucharist will become one of the central themes in the catechesis, and Bible commentaries
will raise the Eucharistic issues as frequently as possible» (p. 117)].
SOMOS R., Elements of the Theory of Scientific Knowledge in the Commentary on John, in Il
[1. The science-theoretical point of view and its grounds. 2. Fundamental science-theoretical
conceptions in Origen. 3. An Aristotelian science-theoretical motif in Origen’s Commentary on
John. 4. The place of the Commentary on John in Origen’s work from a science-theoretical
point of view. 5. The problem of commentary-introduction. 6. Scientific methodology in
Origen’s Commentary on John: 6.1. The reconstruction of the text and its meaning; 6.2. Logical
principles and text-interpretation; 6.3. Dialectics, text-interpretation and polemics; 6.4. Logic,
theory of scientific knowledge and theology. – Abstract: «The paper deals, first, with some
fundamental scientific-theoretical conceptions, such as arche, stoikheion, axioma, systema or
soma. Next, the paper considers an Aristotelian scientific-theoretical motif in CIo I, 107. The
third point is the scientific-theoretical aspect of the literary genre of commentaryintroduction, which throws light on the intellectual background which influenced the
Alexandrian thinker. The main topic is the scientific methodology employed in Origen’s CIo
as a reconstruction of the text and its meaning, along with the question of logical tools and the
method of text-interpretation. The author treats the connection between the Origenian
polemics against Heracleon and rules of dialectic. Finally, the author treats some theological
consequences of the scientific-theoretical elements used in CIo» (p. 618)].
SPUNTARELLI C., «Uomo a immagine» in Filone: assimilazione della legge e immortalità dell’albero dei
virtuosi → 7. Filone Alessandrino (4. Studi)
440
SZRAM M., L’autocastration d’Origène – fait ou malentendu? (pol.), Vox Patrum 23/44-45 (2003) 171-201.
[Résumé: «L’article présente les arguments pour et contre l’authenticité de l’automutilation
d’Origène, en montrant à l’occasion le contexte historique du problème de la castration dans
l’Église ancienne. Selon l’auteur, les rares sources conservées (des mentions isolées chez
Eusèbe de Césarée, Jérôme, Épiphane de Salamine ainsi qu’une déclaration plutôt obscure
d’Origène lui-même dans son Commentaire sur saint Matthieu sur l’interprétation du texte de
Mt 19, 12) ne peuvent pas fournir de preuve définitive de l’autocastration de l’Alexandrin,
même si les autres documents – par exemple l’Apologie de saint Justin, les Actes (gnostiques) de
Jean, les Sentences de Sextus, le Panarion d’Épiphane, les Philosophoumena d’Hippolyte, les
Canons Apostoliques ou le canon 1 du Concile de Nicée – parlent de cas semblables, pratiqués
dans les premiers siècles du christianisme pour des motifs ascétiques ou sous l’influence des
cultes païens (surtout d’Attis et de Cybèle). Certains savants doutent de l’authenticité de
l’acte (K.F. Schnitzer, F. Böhringer, A. Harnack, E. Klostermann, H. Chadwick, J. Dechow).
Selon l’auteur de l’article, l’interprétation spirituelle du texte de Mt 19, 12 (surtout du terme
“eunouchos”), bien connue dans la tradition alexandrine avant Origène (chez Clément
d’Alexandrie), peut témoigner contre l’autocastration de l’Alexandrin. Ce sont justement les
significations différentes de ce mot qui pouvaient faire qualifier Origène de castrat, alors qu’il
était simplement “eunouchos” spirituel, c’est-à-dire décidé à rester célibataire, vivant dans la
chasteté. On peut donc expliquer sa prétendue castration comme un malentendu
terminologique. En tout cas, il est presque impossible de concilier un acte de castration avec
l’exégèse allégorique pratiquée par Origène pendant toute sa vie. Même si Origène s’est
mutilé, ses propres œuvres témoignent qu’il aurait préféré ne pas le faire et elles servent à
toute l’époque patristique d’exhortation à l’“eunuchisme spirituel” (p. 202)].
– Rec.: Origene e l’alessandrinismo cappadoce (III-IV secolo). Atti del V Convegno del Gruppo Italiano
di Ricerca su “Origene e la tradizione alessandrina”, a cura di M. GIRARDI e M. MARIN, Bari 2002,
Vox Patrum 23/44-45 (2003) 461-466.
TLOKA J., Griechische Christen – Christliche Griechen. Plausibilisierungsstrategien des antiken
Christentums bei Origenes und Johannes Chrysostomos (Studien und Texte zu Antike und
Christentum, 30), Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2005, pp. XII+295.
[Vorwort, VII-VIII. Einleitung, 1-3. Teil A. Einführung. Erziehung und Bildung im dritten
und vierten Jahrhundert n.Chr.: 1. Der antike Bildungsgang, 5-13; 2. Die Relevanz der paideiva
in der Gesellschaft der Kaiserzeit, 13-18; 3. Problemanzeige: Christentum und paideiva, 18-21.
Teil B. Origenes, 23-24: I. Historischer und kirchengeschichtlicher Hintergrund, 25-28; II. Die
theologische Bedeutung der Erziehung, 29-43; III. Origenes’ Tätigkeit innerhalb des antiken
Bildungssystems, 44-50; IV. Origenes und die hellenistische paideiva, 51-85; V. Origenes als
Lehrer der Kirche, 86-111; VI. Zur sogenannten alexandrinischen Katechetenschule, 112-124;
VII. Zusammenfassung, 125-126. Teil C. Johannes Chrysostomos, 127-128: I. Theologische
Voraussetzungen, 129-137; II. Zur historischen Situation, 138-144; III. Johannes Chrysostomos
über Kindererziehung, 145-175; IV. Johannes Chrysostomos und die spätantike Gesellschaft,
176-204; V. Der Wert der paideiva bei Johannes Chrysostomos, 205-225; VI. Christliche
Rhetorik nach Johannes Chrysostomos, 226-244; VII. Zusammenfassung, 245-246. Ertrag, 247250. Literaturverzeichnis, 251-273. Register, 275-295. – «Bei der vorliegenden Arbeit handelt es
sich um meine am 03.12.2003 an der Evangelisch-Theologischen Fakultät Münster
eingereichte Dissertation. Kleinere Korrekturen wurden vorgenommen, später erschienene
Literatur konnte nicht mehr eingearbeitet werden» (p. VII)].
TZVETKOVA A., Creator caeli et terrae: Vergleichsuntersuchung der Schöpfungsexegese bei Origenes,
Ambrosius und den frühen Rabbinen, in «Cultura animi». Studies in Honour of Prof. Anna Nikolova,
Sofia 2004, 307-327.
441
[Einleitung. 1. «Am Anfang schuf Gott Himmel und Erde» (Gen. 1, 1). 2. «Es werde Licht».
3. «Tag eins» und das Problem der Schöpfung der Zeit (Gen. 1, 5). 4. «Ein Gewölbe entstehe
mitten im Wasser und scheide Wasser von Wasser» (Gen. 1, 6). 5. «Das Wasser unterhalb des
Himmels sammle sich an einem Ort, damit das Trockene sichtbar werde» (Gen. 1,9). 6. «Das
Land lasse junges Grün wachsen, alle Arten von Pflanzen, die Samen tragen, und Bäume, die
auf der Erde Früchte bringen mit ihrem Samen darin» (Gen. 1, 11)». 7. «Lichter sollen am
Himmelsgewölbe sein, um Tag und Nacht zu scheiden. Sie sollen Zeichen sein und zur
Bestimmung von Festzeiten, von Tagen und Jahren dienen...» (Gen. 1, 14-19). 8. Schöpfung
der Tiere und der Vögel (Gen. 1, 20 und 1, 24). Schlußwort. – Abstract: «Der Aufsatz bietet
einen Überblick über die Exegese zu Gen. 1, 1-25 bei Origenes, Ambrosius und den frühen
Rabbinen und ihre gegenseitige Einflüsse. Die gemeinsame Polemik gegen Philosophen,
Gnostiker und Markioniten führt zu gemeinsamen Schwerpunkten (Ablehnung einer
präexistierenden Materie, Einheit und Allmacht Gottes etc.). Nichtsdestoweniger werden
viele Argumente, z.B. die Schöpfung als einmaliger Akt oder die Lehre der vier Elemente, von
der antiken Philosophie aufgenommen. All dies beweist gegenseitige Kenntnis und nach
Meinung der Verf. bedeutende origenische Einflüsse auf die rabbinische Exegese. Die
Tatsache, daß nahezu das ganze benutzte Material aus Homilien stammt, trägt zusätzlich
dazu bei, unser Bild von Kirche und Synagoge in den ersten Jahrhunderten zu beleben»].
H ORST P.W., ‘The God Who Drowned the King of Egypt’: A Short Note on an Exorcistic
Formula → 4. LXX
VAN DER
Sozomène → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
[Ch. II. La théologie de l’histoire: 2. D’Origène à Eusèbe, 90-105].
VIVIAN T., Rec.: The Westminster Handbook to Origen, ed. by J.A. MC GUCKIN, Louisville/Ky. 2004,
AThR 87 (2005) 357-358.
arrepticii → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene
Ilario di Poitiers. Commento ai Salmi/1 (1-91), Introduzione, traduzione e note a cura di A. ORAZZO
(Collana di Testi Patristici, 185), Città Nuova, Roma 2005, pp. 473.
[Introduzione, 5: 1. Vita e opere, 6-15; 2. I Trattati sui Salmi, 15-25; 3. Una esegesi al servizio del
mistero, 25-44; 4. Temi dottrinali, 44-63; 5. Il posto dell’opera ilariana nella storia dell’esegesi, 6367; 6. Il testo ilariano del Salterio, 67-70; 7. Cenni sulla tradizione manoscritta e sulle edizioni,
70-72; Traduzione, 73-74. Nota bibliografica, 75-84. Sigle e abbreviazioni, 85-87. Ilario di
Poitiers. Commento ai Salmi (1-91): Istruzione sui salmi, 91-109; Salmo 1, 111-131; Salmo 2, 132-171;
Sul titolo del Salmo 9, 172-176; Salmo 13, 177-183; Salmo 14, 184-197; Salmo 51, 198-219; Salmo 52,
220-237; Salmo 53, 238-250; Salmo 54, 251-265; Salmo 55, 266-273; Salmo 56, 274-281; Salmo 57, 282288; Salmo 58, 289-299; Salmo 59, 300-310; Salmo 60, 311-315; Salmo 61, 316-324; Salmo 62, 325-333;
Salmo 63, 334-343; Salmo 64, 344-359; Salmo 65, 360-380; Salmo 66, 381-388; Salmo 67, 389-423;
442
Salmo 68, 424-453; Salmo 69, 454-458; Sul titolo del Salmo 91, 459-470. Indice generale, 471-473. –
Cf. alle pp. 21-25: «Elementi di confronto con Origene», ma i riferimenti all’Alessandrino nelle
note alla traduzione sono molto frequenti].
BENDINELLI G., Il Commento a Matteo latino di Origene in epoca medioevale: i casi di Pascasio
Radberto e Tommaso d’Aquino, Adamantius 12 (2006) 263-301.
[I. L’Expositio in Evangelium Matthaei di Pascasio Radberto: Rimandi espliciti; Rimandi
anonimi. II. La Catena aurea e la Lectura super Matthaeum di Tommaso d’Aquino. – «Il presente
contributo intende affrontare il problema della ricezione del corpus matteano latino di Origene
(VetInt e CMtS) in età medioevale, a partire dall’uso di esso da parte di due illustri teologi e
autori, Pascasio Radberto e Tommaso d’Aquino. La ragione di tale scelta è essenzialmente
legata al riscontro della presenza massiccia di tale commentario nelle opere di questi due
autori, che fonda il conseguente impegno a fare luce su un fenomeno scarsamente indagato
dalla critica. Quanto a Pascasio Radberto in verità è già stato detto genericamente della sua
dipendenza rispetto al grande Alessandrino nella elaborazione dell’Expositio in Evangelium
Matthaei, mentre a proposito di Tommaso vige un silenzio quasi completo circa le sue possibili
dipendenze origeniane. Il fatto poi che l’esame si estenda a due autori appartenenti a epoche
ed ambienti completamente diversi – la rinascita carolingia dell’VIII e IX secolo da un lato, gli
Ordini mendicanti e le scuole teologiche universitarie dall’altro – non fa che rafforzare il
significato di questa indagine, perché documenta la penetrazione di questo corpus al di là delle
diverse temperie culturali e ne impone la presenza come elemento costante capace di
assicurare continuità alle diverse epoche» (p. 263)].
BONFRATE G., Dire Dio da Origene ai Trappisti algerini, in Dire Dio = I quaderni di “Bailamme”
2005, a cura di E. FATTORINI, Marietti, Genova – Milano 2005, 19-65.
[La vita dice. Un dire generato. Un dire pellegrino e affamato. Dire partorendo. Parole simili.
La voce della Parola. Un dire di carne: la vita che parla di Dio e ne dischiude l’accesso. – «Nelle
pagine che seguono si troveranno nomi ed esperienze che assumono l’ipotesi di dire Dio: per
qualcuno oggetto di speculazione anche se mai scisso dalla sua traduzione in scelta di vita, per
altri solo gesto vitale – azione eloquente –, anche estremo, che assume l’ipotesi vivendo. Le
riflessioni seguiranno un crescendo di convinzione che se la Parola è il gesto con cui Dio non si
separa, le parole umane che si cercano per dirLo, non potranno che essere ulteriori gesti – la
prosecuzione di quelli divini –, per avvicinare le distanze. La prima quella tra il dire, il suo
oggetto, e chi lo dice. Lungo questa progressione che scopre la reciproca appartenenza di ogni
parte all’altra, si ritroveranno descritte tutte le altre attese di prossimità» (p. 20). Numerosi
riferimenti a testi di Origene].
BURGER C., Gegen Origenes und Hieronymus für Augustin: Philipp Melanchthons Auseinandersetzung mit
Erasmus über die Kirchenväter, in Die Patristik in der frühen Neuzeit, 13-26.
[1. Zeugnisse für Melanchthons Umgang mit den Kirchenvätern und sein Verhältnis zu Erasmus.
2. Die Wurzeln der Differenzen zwischen Erasmus und Melanchthon. 3. Das Fortwirken der alten
Gegensätze in der modernen Forschung. – «Ich skizziere eingangs einige Zeugnisse für
Melanchthons Umgang mit den Kirchenvätern und sein Verhältnis zu Erasmus. Dann versuche
ich Erasmus’ Begeisterung für Origenes und Hieronymus einerseits, Melanchthons Orientierung
an Augustins antipelagianischen Schriften andererseits aufzuzeigen. Abschließend gehe ich dem
Fortwirken von Gegensätzen aus der Reformationszeit in der modernen Forschung nach» (p. 13)].
DALEY B.E., Balthasar’s Reading of the Church Fathers → 0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili di
studiosi
HALL M.A., Melanchthon and the Cappadocians → 21. I Padri Cappadoci
443
[X. Some unexpected lacunae and areas for further study: B. Shadow of Origen:
«Melanchthon is... at best ambivalent toward Origen. Though he cites Origen as a witness to
the baptism of infants, Melanchthon finds his allegorical interpretation of scripture excessive
and cautions his readers that Origen shoud be examined with much caution. Melanchthon’s
ambivalence is best seen in his omission of Origen from the chain of teachers» (pp. 44-45)].
KATOS D., Origenists in the Desert: Palladius of Helenopolis and the Alexandrian Theological Tradition,
ABenR 56 (2005) 167-193.
[Alexandrian scriptural exegesis. Divine omnipotence and human free will. Conclusion. –
Dalla Conclusione: «Did the “Origenism” of Palladius more closely resemble that of the Tall
Brothers than the “Origenism” of Rufinus? This cannot be known for certain, of course, but
one can agree that Rufinus, like Evagrius and Origen before him, occupied himself with
theoretical, apologetic, and doctrinal questions that are unlikely to have confronted monks
living in the desert. True, Palladius was so closely associated with Evagrius that he like
Rufinus and Melania the Elder might have known well the more speculative and problematic
tenets he had derived from Origen. Unlike either Rufinus or Melania, however, Palladius’
interests (like those of the Tall Brothers) were largely confined to the practice of asceticism,
and so it is unlikely that he would have needed to appropriate Origen’s or Evagrius’ more
speculative cosmological or anthropological theories. In this respect, Palladius was probably
very representative of his ascetic confreres, more so than Rufinus. Association alone does not
warrant identification of his theology with that of Evagrius, which should caution against
suggesting too many similarities between Origen and his subsequent readers» (pp. 191-192)].
LALLA S., Robert Bellarmin und die Kirchenväter, in Die Patristik in der frühen Neuzeit, 49-63.
[«Ein weiterer problematischer Fall stellt sich für Bellarmin bei der Rezeption des Origenes dar.
Dessen Verurteilung macht ihn als “Kronzeugen” der Traditionskontinuität zumindest fraglich,
andererseits kann Bellarmin auf die einflußreiche Philosophie und Theologie des Origenes nicht
verzichten. Vorbereitet wird die partielle Rehabilitation in der frühen Zusammenstellung der
Werke, wenn Bellarmin weitgehend wertungsfrei die gegensätzlichen Stellungnahmen zu
Origenes referiert, um dann die positiven bis in die jüngste Zeit fortzuführen. Beredter ist
jedoch die Tatsache, daß sich Bellarmin an vielen Stellen einfach der Gedanken Origenes’
bedient. Bereits die Extension, die er Origenes dabei einräumt macht deutlich, daß die nicht
verurteilten Schriften ausreichen, um Origenes insgesamt als einen Schwerpunkt der
Argumentation aufzuzeigen. (...) Auch in der vielfachen Verwendung der Predigten des
Origenes stehen hauptsächlich die Calvinisten im Zielpunkt der Kritik Bellarmins» (pp. 55-56)].
LEINKAUF T., Beobachtungen zur Rezeption patristischer Autoren in der frühen Neuzeit, in Die Patristik
in der frühen Neuzeit, 191-207.
[Fra gli aspetti di carattere “strutturale” è da considerare anche la ricezione di Origene: «Es
gibt schließlich natürlich die gezielte, weil kontroverse Positionen präziser und schärfer
artikulieren und fundieren wollende Bezugnahme auf Autoren, die, wenn man so sagen darf,
mit ihren Theorien “Epoche” gemacht haben. Das vielleicht prägnanteste Beispiel für diesen
Typus ist in der Origenes-Rezeption des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts zu sehen, eine Rezeption,
die vor allem durch die 1512 erstmalig erschienene Ausgabe, die Jacques Merlin besorgt hatte,
angeregt worden ist. Als Erasmus 1537 dann seine Ausgabe herausbringt, ist Origenes schon zu
einem Teil eines polarisierenden Diskurses geworden, der, vor allem im sog. Wittenberger
Augustinismus, Augustinus gegen Origenes (wie auch gegen Hieronymus) ausspielt» (p. 195).
L. rinvia, fra l’altro, allo studio di R. HÄFNER, Die Präsenz des Origenes in Jean Bodins
Colloquium Heptaplomeres, in Jean Bodins Colloquium Heptaplomeres, hg. von G. GAWLICK
u. F. NIEWÖHNER, Wiesbaden 1996, 73-97].
444
LÖSER W., Wort und Wort Gottes in der Theologie Hans Urs von Balthasars → 0. Bibliografie, repertori
e rassegne; profili di studiosi
[«Von Balthasar hat für seine Theologie im ganzen und für seine Theologie des Wortes von
Origenes stärkste Impulse empfangen, was nicht ausschließt, daß er auch die Gefährdungen
dieser Theologie nicht verkennt. So merkt er einmal an: Die “Identifizierung des Schriftwortes
mit dem Wort, das der Sohn ist, die Deutung der Schrift als eine Leibwerdung des Logos, ist zu
wenig differenziert, als daß sie nicht zu Fehlschlüssen verführte”. Ohne Zweifel wurde von
Balthasar während seiner Lyoner Studienjahren von Henri de Lubac auf Origenes hingewiesen.
Das aus der Feder de Lubacs stammende, 1950 veröffentlichte Buch “Histoire et Esprit” hat ein
Kapitel, das in weitgehend gleicher Weise auf die Origenische Lehre von den “Verkörperungen
des Logos” eingeht, wie sie in von Balthasars Schriften entfaltet ist» (p. 234)].
dell’esegesi di Ecclesiaste 3, 5 da Origene alla tradizione medievale → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere
generale
[«La tradizione medievale successiva, nel suo complesso, da Alcuino ad Anselmo di Laon, da
Ruperto di Deutz ad Onorio di Autun, fino ad Ugo di San Vittore, risente molto dell’influsso
geronimiano ed in parte, attraverso quest’ultimo, di quello origeniano» (p. 367)].
MIRA M., Ideal ascético y antropología antiarriana en las homilías de Basilio Magno → 21.1. Basilio di
Cesarea
PETITMENGIN P., Un ami de Melanchthon: Sigismundus Gelenius, éditeur et traducteur de textes classiques
et patristiques, in Die Patristik in der frühen Neuzeit, 65-92.
[Ritratto dell’umanista boemo Zikmund Hrubý z Jeleni, alias Sigismundus Gelenius (1497?-1554),
editore di testi classici e patristici per l’Officina Frobeniana e autore di numerose traduzioni di
scrittori della traduzione alessandrina, fra cui Origene, CC. Di questa, pubblicata postuma nel 1557,
si propone un passo dal I l. (CC I, 62): «Le modeste sondage que nous présentons dans un encadré
montre que Cristoforo Persona, le prieur de Sainte-Balbine qui publie en 1481 la première
traduction du “Contre Celse”, reproduite encore dans l’édition bâloise de 1536, mérite les jugements
qu’ont portés sur lui Erasme: “c’est un traducteur auquel on ne peut se fier, car il ne sait bien ni le
latin ni le grec”, et l’éditeur mauriste d’Origène, dom Charles Delarue, qui constate que les érudits
ont trouvé chez lui: “linguae Graecae ignoratio, exigua in investigandis sententiis diligentia,
obtusum acumen, levis et sublesta fides”. (...) Ses versions des textes grecs, jugées accuratissimae,
n’ont parfois jamais été remplacées; certaines l’ont été, mais tardivement: ainsi en 1733 celle du
“Contre Celse”, traduit sur nouveaux frais par dom Vincent Thuillier» (pp. 79-80)].
PINGGÉRA K., Heilsverwirklichung in eschatologischer Spannung. Zu Cyrill von Alexandrien,
Responsiones ad Tiberium 12 → 31. Cirillo Alessandrino
PRINZIVALLI E., Per una storia dei conflitti intorno all’eredità di Origene fra III e IV secolo, in Ad
[Un periodo decisivo. Amici e nemici di Origene nella percezione delle antiche fonti. Due
tradizioni culturali a confronto: l’asiatica e l’alessandrina. L’Origene «implicito» nelle
polemiche teo-logiche della seconda metà del III secolo. La polemica esplicita con Origene a
partire dall’inizio del IV secolo. Mutamenti ideologici e istituzionali fra III e IV secolo. – «Una
versione inglese di questo saggio è stata presentata al Colloquium Origenianum Septimum,
Hofgeismar-Marburg, 25-29 Agosto 1997» (p. 571, n. 1)].
RIZZI M., Patristische Exegese und politische Theologie im sechzehnten
Forschungsperspektive, in Die Patristik in der frühen Neuzeit, 327-349.
Jahrhundert:
eine
445
[1. Potestas, imago und freier Wille: die politische Theologie von Origenes. 2. Im Westen:
Ambrosius und der Ambrosiaster. 3. Die Zweideutigkeit Augustins. 4. Die unmögliche Utopie
des Erasmus. 5. Luther und die politische Theologie der Reformation. 6. Melanchthon und
die Geburt der säkularen politischen Theologie. 7. Schlußbemerkung. – «Mit der neuen, von
Christi Geburt eröffneten Ökonomie werden die Gesetze Moses auch im zivilen Umfang
nicht mehr mustergültig sein, weil diese Mustergültigkeit mit der bereits veralteten
alttestamentlichen Verwaltung eng und ausschließlich verknüpft war. Folglich ist der
politischen Macht, wenn sie auch im Rahmen einer göttlichen Weltordnung eingeschrieben
bleibt, jede den Horizont der Sinnenwelt transzendierende Gründungsmöglichkeit entzogen.
Das ist der entschiedene Vorschlag von Origenes, um die Frage danach, was der ordo
potestatum im Wesentlichen sei, aufzulösen; jene Frage, die die Exegese und die politische
Theologie in den kommenden Jahrhunderten quälen wird» (p. 331)].
VAN NUFFELEN P., Two Fragments from the Apology for Origen in the Church History of Socrates
Scholasticus, JThS NS 56 (2005) 103-114.
[I. Socrates 3.7.5-10: Fragment 1 and Testimonium 1. II. Socrates 4.27.3-6: Fragment 2 and
Testimonium 2. Conclusion – Abstract: «The church historian Socrates (c. 440) refers twice to
the Apology for Origen, written by Pamphilus and Eusebius. In these passages he actually offers
two fragments from now lost books of this work. It is, however, uncertain whether Socrates used
the original version written by Pamphilus or a version reworked and interpolated by a later
unknown Origenist. From the patriarch Photius (ninth century) we can understand that
different versions of the Apology existed. I suggest that Socrates used a further unknown version
of the original Apology, adapted to the Origenist controversies of c. 400» (p. 103)].
14. Dionigi Alessandrino
15. Pierio di Alessandria
16. Pietro di Alessandria
CAMPLANI A., L’identità del patriarcato alessandrino tra storia e rappresentazione storiografica
→ 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino ed ambiente egiziano (4. La chiesa alessandrina: istituzioni, dottrine,
riti, personaggi e episodi storici)
PEARSON B.A., Gnosticism and Christianity in Roman and Coptic Egypt → 1. Miscellanee e studi di
carattere generale
17. Alessandro di Alessandria
Il patriarcato di Alessandria nella tarda antichità, a cura di A. CAMPLANI → 1. Miscellanee e studi di
carattere generale
18. Ario
Il patriarcato di Alessandria nella tarda antichità, a cura di A. CAMPLANI → 1. Miscellanee e studi di
carattere generale
446
19. Eusebio di Cesarea
Eusebio di Cesarea. Elogio di Costantino: Discorso per il trentennale, Discorso regale, Introduzione,
traduzione e note di M. AMERISE (Letture cristiane del primo millennio, 38), Paoline, Milano 2005,
pp. 269.
[Introduzione: I. Eusebio di Cesarea, 11-15; II. L’Elogio di Costantino, 16-32; III. Storia e teologia
del Discorso per il trentennale, 33-67; IV. Il Discorso regale: una “apologia”, 68-91. Avvertenza alla
traduzione, 92. Bibliografia, 93-97. Elogio di Costantino: Discorso per il trentennale, 101-163;
Discorso regale, 165-228. Appendici: I. Dio come il Grande Re, 231-232; II. La chiesa dei
SS. Apostoli e la sepoltura di Costantino, 233-236; III. Il sacerdozio dell’imperatore, 237-239;
IV. La successione dinastica, 240-241; V. L’imperatore e il sole, 242-244; VI. Concordanze tra la
Teofania siriaca e il Discorso regale, 245-248: Indici: Indice scritturistico, 251-253; Indice
onomastico, 254-262; Indice analitico, 263-265; Indice generale, 267-269].
Eusebius. Onomasticon. The Place Names of Divine Scripture, Including the Latin Edition of Jerome,
Translated into English and with Topographical Commentary by R.S. NOTLEY and Z. SAFRAI
(Jewish and Christian Perspective Series, 9), Brill, Boston – Leiden 2005, pp. XXXVII+212.
[Acknowledgments, VII. Preface to the English Translation, IX. Introduction, XI: The period
reflected in the Onomasticon, XIII-XV; The structure of the Onomasticon, XV-XVIII; The
double entries, XVIII-XIX; The geographical material in the Onomasticon, XX-XXVII;
Irregular and exceptional descriptions, XXVII-XXXI; Was the author familiar with the land
of Israel?, XXXI-XXXIII; The identifications, XXXIII-XXXVI; Topographical commentary,
XXXVI-XXXVII. Eusebius’ Onomasticon: The Place Names of Divine Scripture, 1-166. Table
of name comparison, 167-194. Indexes: Site index, 195-203; Source index, 204-212].
Eusebius von Caesarea. Das Onomastikon der biblischen Ortsnamen. Edition der syrischen Fassung mit
griechischem Text, englischer und deutscher Übersetzung, Eing., hrsg. und mit Indices vers. von
S. TIMM (TU, 152), Walter de Gruyter, Berlin – New York 2005, pp. VIII+46*+253.
[Vorwort, V. Einleitung: 1. Zur Erstedition, 1*-3*; 2. Zum Umfang der syrischen Übersetzung
(S), 3*-10*; 3. Zur graphischen Gestalt des syrischen Manuskripts, 11*-14*; 4. Hilfszeichen im
syrischen Text zur Morphologie und zum Vokalismus, 14*-23*; 5. Zusätze in der syrischen
Übersetzung (S) gegenüber der Vorlage, 23*-26*; 6. Vorgaben für den Übersetzer ins Syrische,
26*-27*; 7. Parallelen zur syrischen Fassung (S) des Onomastikons, 27*-31*; 8. Zur Bedeutung
der syrischen Übersetzung (S), 32*-39*; 9. Zur Transkription, 39*-41*; 10. Literatur, 41*-45*.
Siglen und Abkürzungen, 46*. Text und Übersetzung, 1-116. Indices: 1. Index der Toponyme
in griechisch, 119-131; 2. Index der Personennamen in griechisch, 131-138; 3. Index der
griechischen Wörter, 138-179; 4. Zahlen und Entfernungsangaben in griechisch, 179-180;
5. Index der Toponyme in syrisch, 180-195; 6. Index der Personennamen in syrisch, 195-202;
7. Index der syrischen Wörter, 202-248; 8. Zahlen und Entfernungsangaben in syrisch, 248249. Bibelstellenregister, 251-253].
Eusebii Caesarensis Quaestionum Concordantia. Textus iuxta Vat. Pal. Gr. 220. Curavit C. ZAMAGNI,
adiuvante A. FREY (AlOm, R. A, 245), Olms – Wiedmann, Hildesheim – Zürich – New York 2005,
pp. 427.
[Contenuto: Foreword, 5; Concordantia, 7-332; Textus, 333-363; Indices: Lemmata et formae
cum frequentia, 367-400; Frequentia lemmatum, 401-408; Frequentia formarum, 409-426].
447
B. LANÇON, Suivie de quatre études sur les Chroniques et chronographies dans l’Antiquité tardive (IVeVI e siècles) → 28. Gerolamo
AMERISE M., Il battesimo di Costantino il Grande. Storia di una scomoda eredità (Hermes
Einzelschriften, 95), Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 2005, pp. 177.
[Premessa, 9-11. 1. Parte I. Il battesimo di Costantino nella Vita Constantini: 1.1. Introduzione,
13-17; 1.2. La recezione della Vita Constantini, 17-25; 1.3. Da Elenopoli a Nicomedia (Vit. Const.
IV, 61-62, 1), 25-39; 1.4. Il discorso di Costantino ai vescovi ed il battesimo nel Giordano (Vit.
Const. IV, 62, 1-3), 39-43; 1.5. Il rito del battesimo (Vit. Const. IV, 62, 4), 43-50; 1.6. L’ultimo
discorso e l’eredità di Costantino (Vit. Const. IV, 63), 50-63; 1.7. Conclusioni Parte I, 63-64.
2. Parte II. Il battesimo come elemento di confronto dottrinale: 2.1. La formazione del
Constantinus orthodoxus, 65-74; 2.2. Dalla condanna di Girolamo alla “riabilitazione” di
Ambrogio e Rufino, 74-84; 2.3. La recezione del battesimo nicomediense in Oriente, 84-91;
2.4. Conclusioni Parte II, 91-92. 3. Parte III. Verso il rifiuto del battesimo nicomediense:
3.1. Una versione alternativa: gli Actus Sylvestri, 93-118; 3.2. Conclusioni Parte III, 118-119.
4. Conclusioni, 121-122. Appendice I: La spedizione persiana e la morte di Costantino, 123-133;
Appendice II: Il battesimo degli imperatori nel IV secolo, 134-141. Bibliografia, 143-172. Indice
onomastico e topografico, 173-177].
BAKKER H., Potamiaena: Some Observations About Martyrdom and Gender in Ancient Alexandria
→ 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino ed ambiente egiziano (2. Il periodo delle origini)
BORZÌ S., Sull’autenticità del Contra Hieroclem di Eusebio di Cesarea, Aug. 43 (2003), 397-416.
[1. Contenuto e scopo del Contra Hieroclem. 2. La questione dell’autenticità. Gli argomenti di
T. Hägg. 3. Eusebio è davvero l’autore del Contra Hieroclem. 4. Conclusione. – Dalla
Conclusione: «Da quanto detto mi sembra che sia stata sufficientemente dimostrata
l’infondatezza dei dubbi di Hägg in relazione all’autenticità del Contra Hieroclem. Un altro
punto è da mettere in rilievo. È singolare che lo studioso, da un lato, cerca di trovare
argomenti a favore della sua tesi, ma, dall’altro, nella conclusione del suo esame, dopo aver
rilevato l’assenza del Contra Hieroclem nell’elenco delle opere che compare in Girolamo, De
viris illustribus 81, mette in evidenza che esso è presente fra gli scritti attribuiti ad Eusebio da
Fozio, e che tutti i codici, compreso quello autorevole di Areta, attribuiscono unanimemente lo
scritto alla penna di Eusebio» (p. 416)].
D ORIVAL G., Remarques sur les Eklogai prophétiques d’Eusèbe de Césarée, in Philomathestatos, 203-224.
[«Au total, du point de vue du nombre des psaumes messianiques, les Eklogai se situent entre
la Démonstration et le Commentaire sur les psaumes. Au fur et à mesure de son existence,
Eusèbe a-t-il accru le nombre des psaumes messianiques? Mais les Eklogai paraissent
antérieures à la Démonstration. La chronologie ne permet pas d’expliquer le constat qui vient
d’être fait. En réalité, on peut se demander s’il ne faut pas distinguer deux groupes d’œuvres
eusébiennes: les Eklogai et la Démonstration, d’une part, qui sont à peu près de la même
époque, et le Commentaire sur les psaumes, qui est beaucoup plus tardif. En ce cas, la mise en
relation de l’accroissement du nombre des psaumes messianiques avec la chronologie serait
pertinente. Resterait toutefois à comprendre la variation du nombre des psaumes
messianiques dans le premier groupe d’œuvres. Peut-être est-elle due à l’organisation de la
matière, par livres bibliques dans les Eklogai, par thèmes dans le cas de la Démonstration. En
effet une telle organisation favorise le repérage systématique des passages messianiques de
l’AT en ce qui concerne les Eklogai, mais elle favorise leur sélection en ce qui concerne la
448
Démonstration. La limite de cette explication, c’est qu’elle ne permet pas de rendre compte
de l’absence des psaumes 85 et 90 dans les Eklogai. Une autre explication reste en ce cas à
trouver» (pp. 223-224)].
JACOBSON H., Eusebius, Polyhistor and Ezechiel, JStPs 15 (2005) 75-77.
[Abstract: «Careful analysis of Eusebius’ technique in quoting historical sources, and accurate
assessment and translation of the Greek he used in introducing such quotations, indicates
beyond doubt that he did not quote Ezechiel’s play Exagoge directly, but through the mention
of Alexander Polyhistor. Recognition of this state of affairs demonstrates that the Mosesexaltation motif in Ezekiel’s drama is properly to be located in the Hellenistic, rather than in
Christian, period» (p. 75)].
[5. The chronological framework: Eusebius’ testimony: the Chronicon, 146-149; Eusebius’
testimony: the Historia Ecclesiastica, 149-152. 6. The question of Eusebius’s sources, 157-166].
SINISCALCO P., La politica di Costantino verso i cristiani e la sua santificazione, in Ad Contemplandam
[«Senza dubbio la santificazione di Costantino rappresentò un elemento nuovo nell’orizzonte
cristiano. Ma non si può dimenticare che si disponeva di una prospettiva religiosa e civile che
da lungo tempo conosceva l’apoteosi degli imperatori, ossia la loro consecratio quali divi. Del
resto si sa che lo stesso Costantino, subito dopo la sua morte, fu “consacrato” dal Senato di
Roma, sia pure in forme tali da non contraddire le sue convinzioni cristiane e la sensibilità di
quella comunità cui aveva dato libertà e sostegno» (p. 673)].
Sozomène → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
[Ch. II. La théologie de l’histoire: 2. D’Origène à Eusèbe, 90-105].
– Two Fragments from the Apology for Origen in the Church History of Socrates Scholasticus
VIAN G.M., Eusebio e Atanasio sul salmo 132, in Ad Contemplandam Sapientiam, 675-679.
[«Sul Ps. 132 la tradizione catenaria attribuisce ad Atanasio quattro frammenti... Due di
questi... sono stati rivendicati a Eusebio da Carmelo Curti perché si ritrovano, sia pure
anepigrafi, in una redazione molto simile ma con qualche variante e omissione, nella catena
palestinese (che non sembra attestare, se non per il Ps. 118, il commento atanasiano), e
soprattutto per la loro coerenza con un frammento che li precede e che è attribuito a Eusebio
dalla stessa catena. La catena palestinese è, invece, su questa parte del Salterio, testimone
privilegiata per il commento eusebiano, composto, per quanto riguarda il Ps. 132, da cinque
(secondo Robert Devreesse) o sei (secondo Ekkehard Mühlenberg) frammenti. La
dipendenza del testo atanasiano da quello di Eusebio da una parte e dall’altra la complessità
dei dati che emergono da un’estensione dell’esame ad altri rappresentanti della tradizione
manoscritta catenaria mi inducono tuttavia a esprimere perplessità e dubbi sulla sicurezza
della rivendicazione a Eusebio dei due frammenti» (pp. 675-676)].
WINKELMANN F., Rec.: A. CARRIKER, The Library of Eusebius of Caesarea, Leiden – Boston 2003,
ThLZ 130 (225) 404-406.
449
20. Atanasio
Athanase d’Alexandrie. Les Trois Discours contre les Ariens, Traduction et notes par A. R OUSSEAU,
Ouverture et guide de lecture par R. LAFONTAINE (Donner raison, 15), Éditions Lessius, Bruxelles
2004, pp. 516.
generale
BIENERT W.A., Athanasius von Akexandrien Kirchenvater der einen Christenheit, in Väter der Kirche.
Ekklesiales Denken von den Anfängen bis in die Neuzeit, Festgabe für Hermann Josef Sieben SJ zum
70. Geburtstag, hrsg. von J. ARNOLD, R. BERNDT SJ, R.M.W. STAMMBERGER zusammen mit
C. FELD, Schöningh, Paderborn – München – Wien – Zürich 2004, 167-188.
the Passion Narrative → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
D ONATO G., La Vita Antonii di Atanasio: ascesi e lavoro, Nicolaus 30 (2003) 273-284.
[1. La struttura. 2. L’iter ascetico. 3. Ascesi materiale e lavoro: 3.1. Il messaggio biblico; 3.2. Il
lavoro di Antonio. Conclusione. – Dalla Conclusione: «L’ascesi di Antonio è un’ascesi integrale
e globale, che coinvolge tutto l’essere, anima e corpo. Il lavoro, in particolare, è considerato
come il punto di incontro tra la materia e lo spirito, in cui si esprime la dimensione cosmica
che rende l’uomo collaboratore di Dio nella creazione, che sempre progredisce... Chi non
lavora non è solo contro la tradizione apostolica e la legge umana (insegnamento dei genitori),
ma ruba anche ai poveri, venendo meno alla legge della carità, che impone di sovvenire in loro
aiuto... Il monaco che lavora perfeziona se stesso, nella pratica della virtù del corpo e
dell’anima, con profitto dell’uomo interiore ed esteriore» (pp. 284-285)].
D ORIVAL G., L’apport des Synopses transmises sous le nom d’Athanase et de Jean Chrysostome à la
question du corpus littéraire de la Bible, in Qu’est-ce qu’un corpus littéraire?, 53-93.
[I. La Synopse attribuée à Jean Chrysostome. II. La Synopse attribuée à Athanase. III. L’apport
des Synopses à la question du corpus littéraire de la Bible. – «Au terme de cette étude sur les
deux Synopses, on peut être tenté d’opposer la Synopse cohérente de Jean Chrysostome (ou du
Pseudo-Jean Chrysostome) à la Synopse incohérente du Pseudo-Athanase. Mais en fait il faut
nuancer ce diagnostic. Certes, l’auteur de la première Synopse a eu le mérite de mettre au
point une tripartition de l’Ancien Testament parfaitement homogène, en ce sens qu’elle fait
appel à des critères de même type, – des critères de contenu –; et cette tripartition est
probablement la plus satisfaisante de toutes celles que les Pères ont proposées. Mais l’auteur
de la Synopse lui-même insiste sur les limites de la distinction entre histoire, exhortation et
prophétie, puisque chacune de ces parties de la Bible contient à titre secondaire des passages
qui relèvent des deux autres parties. Dans le cas du Pseudo-Athanase, il est vrai que les deux
modèles canoniques qu’il tente de faire se correspondre sont incompatibles et qu’il aboutit à
des incohérences et des contradictions. Mais, en même temps, à la différence de Jean
Chrysostome, il a le mérite de brasser plusieurs corpus littéraires, dont il a bien senti qu’ils
entretenaient des rapports entre eux. Même s’il n’a pu proposer un modèle interprétatif
satisfaisant, il a posé un vrai et vaste problème, ce que ne fait pas Chrysostome. En définitive,
450
il faut parler d’une cohérence relative de Jean Chrysostome (ou du Pseudo-Jean
Chrysostome) et d’une incohérence potentiellement féconde du Pseudo-Athanase» (p. 93)].
MARTIN A., Athanase d’Alexandrie et l’Église d’Égypte: un réexamen, Adamantius 12 (2006) 91-104.
[«C’est à l’invitation d’Alberto Camplani que j’ai proposé, en hommage aux retractationes du
maître Marrou, de revenir sur cet ouvrage déjà ancien (1993/1996), à la lumière des critiques
qu’il a suscitées et de la recherche de ces dix dernières années. Si le cadre général reste le
même, celui du IVe siècle marqué par le débat doctrinal et l’intégration définitive du
christianisme dans les structures de l’empire romain et de la société, le personnage qui
l’occupe devrait y gagner en approfondissement, et donc en complexité. Derrière l’homme de
conviction et de combat que retient l’historiographie, devrait mieux ressortir le théologien et le
pasteur doublement enraciné dans la culture alexandrine (théologique et philosophique), et
égyptienne (monastique), sans oublier l’homme de terrain» (p. 91). – Discussione critica di
problemi sollevati dalla biografia di Atanasio ad un decennio dalla pubblicazione di Athanase
d’Alexandrie et l’Église d’Égypte au IVe siècle (328-373), Rome – Paris 1996].
MATTHEW M.J., Athanasiana Syriaca and the Library of Dayr al-Suryan, Ancient Near Eastern
Studies 40 (2003) 225-234.
[Abstract: «The library of the convent of Dayr al-Suryan, Wadi an-Natrun, Egypt, represents the
single most important collection of Syriac manuscripts to have survived into the modern period.
Taking as a starting point the preservation in this collection of the Syriac translation of the Festal
Letters of St Athanasius (the Greek original of which is lost), the author examines the role of the
tenth century abbot Moses of Nisibis in the building of this collection. When the manuscripts
added by Moses to the library are viewed in the context of the history of early Syriac literature, it is
discovered that the possibility that Moses was able to acquire such a rich body of very early
manuscripts precisely because they represented literature of diminished interest in the heartland
of Syriac culture, must be given serious consideration» (Reperibile on line all’indirizzo
http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&id=562939&journal_code=ANES)].
VIAN G.M., Eusebio e Atanasio sul salmo 132 → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
arrepticii → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
ZAMAGNI C., Rec.: J.D. ERNEST, The Bible in Athanasius of Alexandria, Boston – Leiden 2004, Review
of Biblical Literature (2005) http://www.bookreviews.org [pp. 1-5].
21. I Padri Cappadoci
COMINGS J.B., Aspects of the Liturgical Year in Cappadocia (325-430) (Patristic Studies, 7), Peter Lang,
New York 2005, pp. IX+140.
[Ch. 1. Introduction: multiple contexts, 1-17. Ch. 2. The paschal cycle, 19-59. Ch. 3. The
nativity/incarnation cycle, 61-94; Ch. 4. The sanctoral cycle, 95-120. 5. Conclusions. Works
consulted, 129-136. Idex, 137-140].
451
D OUGLASS S., Theology of the Gap. Cappadocian Language Theory and the Trinitarian Controversy
(American University Studies: Series 7, Theology and Religion, 235), Peter Lang, New York 2005, pp.
XI+289.
[Introduction, 1-26. Part I. The limitations of language: The construction of a Diastemic
Episteme in the Refutation of Eunomius: Ch. 1. The construction of a diastemic episteme:
creation as diavsthma and kivnhsi", 29-56; Ch. 2. The limitations of language: language as
diavsthma and kivnhsi", 57-88; Ch. 3. Gregory of Nyssa’s deconstructive strategies in his Contra
Eunomium, 89-123. Part II. The construction of a diastemic theological discourse: the linguistic
reconstitution of metadiastemic intrusions: Ch. 4. The metadiastemic intrusion, 127-159; Ch. 5. The
generation of a diastemic discourse, 161-191. Part III. Diastemic language and diastemic structures
of Christian becoming: the Cappadocians’ epinoetic-metanoetic project: Ch. 6. Christ, centaurs
and the return of rhetoric: the epinoetic-metanoetic encounter with the (un)truths of language,
195-251. A postmodern postscript, 253-276. Bibliography, 277-285. Index, 287-289].
FATTI F., Il seme del diavolo. La parabola della zizzania e i conflitti politico-dottrinali a Bisanzio (IV-V
secolo) → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
GIRARDI M., Gli «sciti» fra mito e storia nei Cappadoci, VetChr 42 (2005) 275-287.
[Premessa. 1. La fonte paolina: Col 3, 11. 2. Lo scita «barbaro»: una metafora. 3. Lo scita Abari: il
mito. 4. Incursioni e scorrerie dei Goti in Cappadocia e Ponto: l'attualità. 5. Notizie
etnogeografiche; Conclusioni. – Dalle Conclusioni: «L’influenza del pensiero paolino inerente
la cristiana fraternità e soteriologia universaliste, almeno nei termini di Col 3, 11 (e vv. affini),
appare nella tradizione patristica sorprendentemente minima. Anche nei Cappadoci citazioni
e allusioni restano numericamente irrilevanti ma oltremodo significativo risulta il collegamento
alla vita nuova inaugurata dal battesimo con l’inabitazione di Dio in ogni credente, in
cammino progressivo verso la deificazione. Pur con qualche isolata concessione (poetica) al
mito, maggior peso e numero, non diversamente dalla tradizione anche profana, riceve la
metafora dello scita “barbaro’, che il sodalizio cappadoce rende di drammatica attualità
facendola veicolo di denuncia e condanna delle violenze degli ariani e degli stessi imperatori
Giuliano e Valente sui credenti fedeli al credo niceno» (p. 287)].
HALL M.A., Melanchthon and the Cappadocians, in Die Patristik in der frühen Neuzeit, 27-47.
[I. Introduction. II. Impetus of the study. III. Scripture and Tradition: Melanchthon’s use of
the Fathers. IV. Cappadocians defined. V. Cappadocians known to Melanchthon.
VI. Gregory the Wonderworker (Thaumaturgos). VII. Saint Basil the Great. VIII. Saint
Gregory of Nazianzus (the Theologian). IX. General summary. X. Some unexpected lacunae
and areas for further study. XI. Conclusion – Conclusione: «This essay has proceeded along four
stages: first, has been to examine what was known of the Cappadocians in the sixteenth century
(image); second, in a rudimentary manner, identify the Cappadocians works available in the
sixteenth century (substance); third, chart the influence of both the Cappadocian image and
substance in the works of Philip Melanchthon; and finally, note some areas where one does not
find the Cappadocian influence (or comment) one might expect. If this study has succeeded in
anything, it has been to show that Cappadocian influence upon Melanchthon warrants further
study, especially the second goal. The Cappadocians are a fascinating point of interest because
they help us to illuminate not only Melanchthon’s use of patristic sources but also chart the
availability and influence of Latin translations and perhaps (most important) Greek texts
available in the sixteenth century» (p. 46)].
LOUTH A., The appeal to the Cappadocian Fathers and Dionysios the Areopagite in the iconoclast
controversy, in Gregory of Nazianzus: Images and Reflections (→ 21.2. Gregorio di Nazianzo), 271-281.
452
[«In the following, I should like to explore the influence of the Cappadocian fathers on
Byzantine aesthetics, in particular their impact on the formation of the iconodule response to
Byzantine iconoclasm. I add to the Cappadocians the thinker who wrote under the
pseudonym Dionysios the Areopagite, because he was the other supposedly early authority to
whom John Damascene appealed in support of his theology of the icon» (p. 272)].
RUBENSON S., The Cappadocians on the Areopagus, in Gregory of Nazianzus: Images and Reflections
(→ 21.2. Gregorio di Nazianzo), 113-132.
[Basil. Gregory of Nazianzus. Gregory of Nyssa. Conclusion. – «If there is a conclusion to be
drawn from the meagre results of an examination of Cappadocian references to Athens, it
would be that Gregory of Nazianzus differs from the others as well as from previous tradition
in his references to Athens. Basil, in his words on Athens, connects well with Origen and
Eusebius, without, however, coming anywhere near their much more profound discussions,
and Gregory of Nyssa connects with Athanasius. But where in early Christian literature do we
find parallels with the Nazianzen’s treatment of Athens? What he has in his mind is somehow
neither the real Athens of his own day, nor the biblical Athens. It is rather his own imaginary
Athens, or perhaps we might say, his heavenly Athens» (p. 132)].
21.1. Basilio di Cesarea
ALEO F., Basilio di Cesarea e la Comunione ecclesiale nel De Spiritu Sancto, Laós. Rivista di scienze
religiose e umanistiche. Istituto Superiore di Scienze Religiose «San Luca», Catania, 12 (2005) 3-17.
BARBÀRA M.A., Su una recente edizione del commentario al Cantico dei Cantici di Nilo di Ancira
→ 12. Origene (2. Edizioni e traduzioni)
D ÖRING K., Vom Nutzen der heidnischen Literatur für eine christliche Erziehung: Die Schrift Ad
adolescentes de legendis libris gentilium des Basilius von Caesarea, Gym. 110 (2003) 551-567.
[Abstract: «Bald nach 370 verfasste Basilius d. Gr. eine Schrift, in der er darlegt, daß und
wieso die intensive Lektüre der paganen Literatur für christliche Jugendliche unerlässlich ist:
In der richtigen Weise betrieben, stattet sie die jungen Menschen in optimaler Weise mit
den Voraussetzungen aus, die sie benötigen, um, erwachsen geworden, in der Lage zu sein,
die Heiligen Schriften in angemessener Weise zu studieren. “In der richtigen Weise
betreiben” heißt: Die Jugendlichen müssen lernen zwischen Nützlichem und Schädlichem
zu unterscheiden, um sich das eine zu Eigen zu machen und das andere zu meiden. Bei der
Festlegung der Kriterien, nach denen dies zu geschehen hat, folgt Basilius in der Hauptsache
den pädagogischen Richtlinien, die Platon in der Politeia aufgestellt hatte, mildert sie
allerdings erheblich ab» (p. 551)].
GAIN B., En marge de l’édition latine de saint Basile, in Chartae caritatis, 345-356.
[I. Place de saint Basile dans la Congrégation de Saint-Maur. II. Préparation de l’édition
mauriste (1720-1731). III. Manuscrits de saint Basile connus des Mauristes].
GIRARDI M., Basilio di Cesarea, la passio di s. Saba «il goto» e la propagazione del cristianesimo nella
regione del Basso Danubio fra III e IV secolo, in Italia e Romania. Storia, Cultura e Civiltà a confronto
(Quaderni di «Invigilata Lucernis», 21), Bari 2004, 157-171.
[Analisi di Basilio, Epp. 155, 164, 165 e della passio s. Sabae Gothi, lettera inviata al metropolita di
Cappadoce dal presbyterium di Tomis].
– 1 Cor 7 nell’esegesi di Basilio e Gregorio di Nazianzo: l’economia salvifica fra matrimonio e verginità,
VetChr 42 (2005) 59-72.
453
[Basilio. Gregorio di Nazianzo. – «Occasionalità e frammentarietà di esegesi, finalizzata a
parenesi ascetico/morale e pastorale/disciplinare, hanno impedito ai Cappadoci un commento
continuo di 1 Cor. In Basilio sono assenti 22 vv. su 40 dell’intero cap. 7. Presenze significative
sono sparse in scritti ascetici, lettere, raramente omelie. Non avendo quasi mai usato specifica
terminologia monastica né legiferato con vere e proprie “regole” per i “fratelli”, riuniti in
“fraternità” all’interno della comunità ecclesiale... Basilio s’indirizza a tutti i cristiani, spronati
all’unica santità a misura del proprio status nel perseguimento della perfezione evangelica del
duplice precetto dell’amore» (p. 59)].
HENKE R., Ambrosius als Übersetzer von Basilius, Hexaëmeron 9, 3f.: Die stoische Oikeiosislehre im
Sechstagewerk → 22. Ambrogio di Milano
LE BOULLUEC A., Recherches sur les commentaires grecs du livre d’Isaïe, AEPHE.R 111 (2002-2003) 278-280.
[«Nous donnons simplement ici un aperçu du commentaire attribué à Basile, sur les premiers
versets du chapitre 13. Comme l’a montré Bernard Gosse, Isaïe 13, 1-14, 23 dans la tradition
littéraire d’Isaïe et dans la tradition des oracles contre les nations, Göttingen, 1988, dans le livre
prophétique déjà, Babylone n’est plus seulement la capitale historique, mais elle symbolise le
Mal. Les commentateurs antiques (même si certains, comme Jérôme, insistent sur le sens
historique du passage) ont tiré parti de ce symbolisme» (p. 278)].
LEEMANS J., Preaching Christian Virtue: Basil of Caesarea’s Panegyrical Sermon on Julitta, in Virtutis
Imago, 259-284.
[1. Hagiobiographical literature and the construction of Christian virtue. 2. Basil’s homily on
Julitta: content and context. 3. Julitta’s martyrdom as historical event. 4. Julitta as an example
of Christian virtue: 4.1. Julitta: male and female; 4.2. Julitta as a martyr; 4.3. Julitta as a widow.
5. Conclusion. – Dalla Conclusione: «Julitta was a rich widow from Caesarea who died as a
martyr during the Great Persecution. Some seventy years later, in the context of the annual
commemoration of her death, Basil delivers in her martyrium a panegyric on her. Drawing on
traditional stereotypes, Basil’s homiletical genius turns the narrative of the event of the past
into the presentation of the martyr as an example of Christian virtuous life to be imitated by
Christians living in the 370s. Three elements have been highlighted in this contribution. As a
woman who ‘became male’, Julitta can inspire the members of Basil’s community to achieve
the same: the women are encouraged to become ‘male’ themselves, whereas the men are
exhorted not to be inferior to their female counterparts. As a martyr, she can serve as an
example reminding Christians that it is possible to remain steadfast in the faith in troubled
times. As a widow, she may be a model of Christian virtue for the group of widows living in
Caesarea. In this way, Basil turns Julitta, a martyr belonging to a fairly distant past, into a
source of inspiration for both the present and the future» (pp. 279-280)].
MIRA M., Enseñanzas de Basilio de Cesarea sobre la vida en Cristo, Annales Theologici. Rivista della
Facoltà di Teologia della Pontificia Università della S. Croce, 18 (2004) 355-372.
[I. De Spiritu Sancto XV: la conformación con Cristo por el bautismo. II. Epistola CCLXI: la
redención de la humanidad en Cristo, hombre perfecto. III. De gratiarum actione: Cristo,
modelo para los hombres. IV. Conclusiones. – Abstract: «Saint Basil of Caesarea depicted
Christian life as a participation in Christ’s life in De Spiritu Sancto XV, 35, in Epistola CCLXI
and in the homily De gratiarum actione. In the tractate, he explains that man participates in
Christ’s death and resurrection by means of baptism. In the letter, he empasizes that Christ
had human flesh. If this were not so, he would not have redeemed us. In the homily, he offers
Christ’s weeping as an example for all Christians. Since these three works belong to the last
454
years of Basil’s life, we conclude that Basil discovered the importance of this way of
understanding christian life during his maturity» (p. 372)].
– Ideal ascético y antropología antiarriana en las homilías de Basilio Magno (Patrologia. Beiträge zum
Studium der Kirchenväter, 15), Peter Lang, Frankfurt a.M. 2004, pp. 265.
[Introducción, 11-18. Primera Parte. Las descripciones del itinerario ascético, 19-22: Primer
Capitulo: La Epistola 2, 23-29; Segundo capitulo: Quod Deus non est auctor malorum, 30-41;
Tercer Capitulo: La Homilia VII in Psalmum XXXIII, 42-49; Cuarto Capitulo: La Homilia IX
in Psalmum XLV, 50-58; Quinto Capitulo: La Homilia V in Psalmum XXIX, 59-87. Segunda
Parte. La asimilación del hombre a Dios: Sexto Capitulo: La homilía Attende tibi ipsi, 91-141;
Septimo Capitulo: La homilía In Hexaemeron, IX, 142-172. Tercera Parte: La evolución de la
doctrina sobre el conocimiento de Dios: Introducción, 175; Octavo Capitulo: La Epistola 2, 176178; Noveno Capitulo: La homilía Attende tibi ipsi, 179-183; Decimo Capitulo: La Homilia X in
Psalmum XLVIII, 184-195; Decimo primer Capitulo: La Epistola 233, 196-209; Decimo segundo
Capitulo: La homilía De gratiarum actione, 210-236. Conclusiones, 237-239. Indices, 241-257.
Bibliografia, 259-265. – Dalle Conclusioni: «La doctrina de san Basilio sobre la asimilación del
hombre a Dios reviste en sus primeros escritos una forma origeniana. En ellos, esta asimilación
es vista como el resultado de la actualización de una potencia recibida en la creación, por
medio del empeño moral, en el que el Capadocio, tambien en continuidad con el maestro
alejandrino, fundia empeño humano y don divino como aspectos de una misma realidad
indiferenciada. Tras una reflexión impulsada por el debate con los anomeos, quienes
afirmaban que el hombre poseía la semejanza con Dios como algo proprio para rebajar la
condición divina del Verbo, elaboró una nueva noción de asimilación a Dios, vista ahora como
una divinización que la gracia otorga al alma purificada. Aunó así la exigencia moral, que
caracteriza el pensamiento de Orígenes sobre la asimilación, con la precisión doctrinal
desarrollada por Atanasio de Alejandría en el enfrentamiento con los arrianos de la primera
hora» (p. 238)].
MORESCHINI C., Introduzione a Basilio il Grande (Letteratura Cristiana Antica. Nuova Serie, 6),
Morcelliana, Brescia 2005, pp. 116.
[Prefazione, 7-8. Cap. I. Biografia ed epistolario, 9-38. Cap. II. La teologia di Basilio, 39-59. Cap.
III. Chiesa e ascesi, 61-74. Cap. IV. La predicazione, 75-89. Cap. V. Cristianesimo e paideia
classica, 91-101. Cap. VI. La posterità di Basilio, 103-110. Bibliografia, 111-113. Sommario, 115-116].
NOVEMBRI V., Due epistole, una consolatio: Basilio di Cesarea a Nettario e alla sua consorte (ep. 5 e 6),
VetChr 40 (2003) 319-337.
[1. sumpaqei'n. 2. paramuqiva. 3. paraivnesi". Conclusioni. – Dalle Conclusioni: «Sebbene lo
schema delle due epistole consolatorie segua in linea di massima quello fissato dai retori pagani
e la scelta degli argomenti consolatori attinga ampiamente dal repertorio tradizionale, Basilio sa
adattare perfettamente tutto questo ai nuovi contenuti della “filosofia” cristiana, quali erano
stati elaborati in particolare dai Cappadoci, e alla condizione psicologica dei suoi destinatari»
(p. 336)].
RUBENSON S., The Cappadocians on the Areopagus → 21. I Padri Cappadoci
21.2. Gregorio di Nazianzo
Saint Grégoire de Nazianze. Œuvres poétiques. Tome I, 1re partie: Poèmes personnels II, 1, 1-11, Texte
établi par A. TUILIER et G. BADY, Traduit et annoté par J. BERNARDI (Collection des Universités de
France), Les Belles Lettres, Paris 2004, pp. CCXVIII+214.
455
[Introduction: I. La vie de Grégoire de Nazianze, IX-XLI; II. L’œuvre, XLII-L; III. Les poèmes
personnels du Tome I, LI-LVII; IV. La tradition directe et indirecte des Poèmes de Grégoire
de Nazianze, LVIII-CLXXXIX; V. Inventaire de la tradition manuscrite directe et indirecte
retenue dans cette édition, CXC-CCXIV; VI. Stemma de la tradition directe et indirecte des
Poèmes de Grégoire de Nazianze, CCXV. Conspectus siglorum, CCXVII-CCXVIII. Texte et
traduction des poèmes personnels (II, 1, 1-11): 1. Sur ses épreuves (Peri; tw'n kaq∆ eJautovn), II, 1, 1:
2-43; 2. Règles de vie ( {Oroi bivou), II, 1, 2: 44-45; 3. Vers du même. Sur la route (Stivcoi ta; ejnovdia ),
II, 1, 3: 46-47; 4. Autres vers ( [Alla), II, 1, 4: 48; 5. Autres vers ( [Alla), II, 1, 5: 49; 6. Autres vers
( [Alla), II, 1, 6: 50; 7. À ceux qui ne l’aiment pas (Pro;" tou;" ajfivl ou"), II, 1, 7: 51; 8. Autres vers
( [Alla), II, 1, 8: 52; 9. Autres vers ( [Alla), II, 1, 9: 53; 10. Aux évêques (Eij" ejpiskovpou"), II, 1, 10: 5456; 11. Autobiographie (Eij" to;n eJa utou' bivon), II, 1, 11: 57-136. Notes complémentaires, 137-209].
Gregorio di Nazianzo. Autobiografia, Carmen de vita sua, a cura di F. TRISOGLIO (Letteratura
Cristiana Antica. Nuova Serie, 7), Morcelliana, Brescia 2005, pp. 250.
[Premessa, 9-12. Introduzione: I. Inquadramento biografico, 13-20; II. Inquadramento storico,
21-45; III. Criteri della traduzione e del commento, 46-48. Testo e traduzione, 49-141.
Commento, 143-219. Appendice I. L’ecclesiologia di Gregorio e del concilio del 381:
Costantinopoli “Nuova Roma”, 223-224; Appendice II. L’apollinarismo, 225-227; Appendice
III. Sedizione all’Anastasia, 228-229; Appendice IV. Le trattative con i pneumatomachi, 230237. Sigle – Edizioni, 239-242. Bibliografia, 243-247. Sommario, 249].
Gregory of Nazianzus: Images and Reflections, Edited by J. BØRTNES and T. HÄGG, Museum
Tusculanum Press, University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen 2006, pp. 349 (= Gregory of Nazianzus:
Images and Reflections).
[Acknowledgments, 7-8. 1. J. BØRTNES, Introduction: Prompting for meaning in Gregory’s
rhetoric, 9-17. 2. F.W. NORRIS, Gregory contemplating the beautiful: Knowing human misery and
divine mystery through and being persuaded by images, 19-35. 3. J. BØRTNES, Rhetoric and mental
images in Gregory, 37-57. 4. S. PAPAIOANNOU, Gregory and the constraint of sameness, 59-81.
5. E. NARKEVICS, Skiagraphia: Outlining the conception of God in Gregory’s Theological
Orations, 83-112. 6. S. RUBENSON, The Cappadocians on the Areopagus, 113-132. 7. T. HÄGG,
Playing with expectations: Gregory’s funeral orations on his brother, sister and father, 133-151.
8. V. BURRUS, Life after death: The martyrdom of Gorgonia and the birth of female hagiography,
153-170. 9. S. ELM, Gregory’s women: Creating a philosopher’s family, 171-191. 10. J.A. MCGUCKIN,
Gregory: The rhetorician as poet, 193-212. 11. N. MCLYNN, Among the hellenists: Gregory and the
sophists, 213-238. 12. S. EFTHYMIADIS, Two Gregories and three genres: Autobiography,
autohagiography and hagiography, 239-256. 13. T.T. TOLLEFSEN, Theosis according to Gregory, 257270. 14. A. LOUTH, The appeal to the Cappadocian Fathers and Dionysios the Areopagite in the
iconoclast controversy, 271-281. 15. P. R OUSSEAU, Retrospect: Images, reflections and the «essential»
Gregory, 283-295. Bibliography, 297-322. Contributors, 323-326. Index locorum, 327-342. General
index, 343-349. – Il volume raccoglie in gran parte i contributi presentati al convegno «Gregory
of Nazianzus: the Theologian, the Hellenist, the Man» (Bergen, 21-25 maggio 2003)].
BACCI L., Influssi filosofici in scritti di Gregorio Nazianzeno, Rendiconti dell’Istituto Lombardo,
Accademia di Scienze e Lettere: Classe di Lettere e Scienze Morali e Storiche 138/1-2 (2004) 175-205.
[Abstract: «This work discusses two poems by Gregory Nazianzen: II, 2, 7 vv. 204-230 and II, 2,
5 vv. 116-164. Both poems re-echo formulations, concepts, ideal models and exempla of several
pagan philosophical schools: Gregory infuses the pagan themes with Christian spirit. His aim
is to persuade the pagan addressee of poem II, 2, 7 to understand and accept the Christian
doctrine and to provide the addressee of poem II, 2, 5, a Christian youth who wants to study
456
rhetoric, with a practical example of how to approach the pagan cultural heritage. This study
also discusses the hypothesis, previously put forth in the literature, that in II, 2, 5 vv. 116 ss.
there might be a hint to the Purgatory» (p. 175)].
BØRTNES J., Rhetoric and mental images in Gregory, in Gregory of Nazianzus: Images and Reflections, 3757.
[«We might, I think, come closer to Gregory’s rhetoric of cognition if we could modify Barbel’s
formulation to the effect that human beings are not “given earthly knowledge of God”, but
knowledge of God is “given to them as a task”... This would enable us to understand the
instability and fluidity of Gregory’s verbal imagery, as he moves between the recollection of a
biblical past that can never be recovered, and a future that can never be defined. Haunted
by the possibility of divine presence, Gregory creates a discourse in which this presence is
continually postponed and displaced by the never-ending generation of new and different
images» (p. 57)].
BURRUS V., Life after death: The martyrdom of Gorgonia and the birth of female hagiography, in Gregory
of Nazianzus: Images and Reflections, 153-170.
[«Similarities between Gregory’s encomium of his sister and other near-contemporaneous
narratives of women’s lives have received remarkably little attention. Indeed, the persistent
dubbing of Gregory of Nyssa’s Life of Macrina as the first female hagiography effectively
erases the Nazianzen’s fraternal tribute from the history of female Lives, an erasure for which
Pierre Maraval offers explicit generic justification: whereas the Life of Macrina is a philosophic
biography, the encomium of Gorgonia is a funeral oration and thus (he implies) essentially
incomparable. The oration for Gorgonia will, however, take its place more comfortably in the
history of women’s Lives if we resist the temptation to view female hagiography as a stable or
bounded genre with a clearly defined lineage. I would suggest that female hagiography is
more helpfully understood not as the legitimate Christian daughter of biography (or of any
other single genre) but rather as the collective effect of particular intertextual practices that
transgress boundaries between genres promiscuously, producing a field of texts at once
completely overlapped and intricately differentiated» (pp. 154-155)].
CODUTI F., Gli Epitaffi su se stesso di san Gregorio Nazianzeno: Teologia e poesia della morte, Vivens
Homo 14 (2003) 43-72.
[1. Gregorio: i dieci Epitaffi su se stesso. 2. Testo, traduzione, commento: 2.1. Divisi nella sepoltura,
uniti nella vita celeste; 2.2. Dolore per la morte dei suoi; 2.3. Vita di Gregorio; 2.4. Biografia in
dieci punti; 2.5. Totale appartenenza a Cristo; 2.6. Scudiero della Triade e sposo della Sapienza;
2.7. Una probabile imitazione; 2.8. Fuggito nudo dal mondo; 2.9. Supplica a un viandante;
2.10. Supplica agli angeli. 3. Cenni di teologia. – Summary: «Among Gregory of Nazianzus’
poetry there are ten epitaphs dedicated to himself, interesting because, written in the last
years of his life, they reveal the way he felt and lived his nearing end. The first two poems (AG
VIII 77-78) are dedicated to himself and his relatives, while the third and the fourth (carm. II
1, 92; AG VIII 79) are short autobiographies. The other six synthetically suggest, one after the
other, salient aspects and events of his life. In this way emerge Gregory’s psychological and
spiritual traits, the ties with the epigrammatic Hellenistic poetry, the use of philosophical and
biblical concepts to express his vision of life and death, service to the Trinity, the high value
of the priesthood, his great affection for his loved ones and his sorrow for their death, soothed
by faith in the resurrection and eternal life» (p. 72)].
CRIMI C., Nazianzenica XI. Citazioni e allusioni gregoriane in testi bizantini, in Ad Contemplandam
457
CRISCUOLO U., Dio, anima e corpo: Gregorio di Nazianzo e Simeone il Nuovo Teologo, in Ad
EFTHYMIADIS S., Two Gregories and three genres: Autobiography, autohagiography and hagiography, in
Gregory of Nazianzus: Images and Reflections, 239-256.
[«... Compared to the great theologians of his age and later, Gregory’s name and fame
imposed certain idiosyncratic features that could hardly be avoided by his biographers. To
begin with, a comprehensive account of his life was available in the form of first- and thirdperson autobiographies, often contradictory in tone. In fact, the first biographer of Gregory
was none other than Gregory himself! Several scholars have recently made a good case that in
these and other writings he projected a self-created holiness, but, significantly, long before
their publications, such works as the Carmen de se ipso, the Or. 42 (De se ipso in concilio
Constantinopolitano 150 episcoporum), the Or. 2 and 12 (De fuga sua and Ad patrem) as well as
the Or. 10 and 9 (Ante and Post consecrationem) were all given entries by the Bollandists in the
Bibliotheca Hagiographica (nos 703 a-c, t, u, v)» (pp. 240-241)].
ELM S., Ellenismo e storiografia: Giuliano imperatore e Gregorio Nazianzeno, in Società e cultura in età
tardoantica. Atti dell’incontro di studi, Udine 29-30 maggio 2003, a cura di A. MARCONE (Studi
Udinesi sul Mondo Antico), Le Monnier Università, Firenze 2004, 58-76.
[«... L’opera di Gregorio, e il tema centrale che egli affronta e sviluppa in tutti i generi letterari
del tempo, era una risposta diretta a Giuliano e alle caratteristiche del suo regno. Giuliano è
stato il catalizzatore che ha spinto Gregorio all’azione. I pensieri e le azioni di Giuliano hanno
influenzato significativamente la risposta di Gregorio, che a sua volta è diventata fondante per
molti aspetti del pensiero e delle istituzioni bizantine posteriori» (p. 59)].
– Gregory’s women: Creating a philosopher’s family, in Gregory of Nazianzus: Images and Reflections, 171-191.
[Gregory’s women. Gregory and the discourse on masculinity. Made men. Julian’s divine
issue. Gregory’s philosophical family. – «Gregory of Nazianzus was a family man. Family and
its human ties were for him of profound value: they were the constituent factors of his very
self as a philosopher. This was not at least because as a philosophical family his parents,
siblings and children all played their own distinct role for Gregory as the messenger of the
Logos. His eugeneia had predestined his path towards the divine, and his siblings’
philosophical lives, each according to their own sphere, manifested the power of their shared
eugeneia and hence that of his own predestination. Yet, the very nature of his ties to his own,
human family mirrored the ties that bound him, too, to his physical self. This physical self
and its transformation through the love of the Logos was the precondition for Gregory’s own
fecundity: his words, which brought forth and purified his children» (p. 191)].
GAUTIER F., À propos du témoignage de Grégoire de Nazianze sur le concile de Constantinople (maijuillet 381) aux vers 1750-1755 du De uita sua, REAug 51 (2005) 67-76.
[Abstract: «As bishop of the city, Gregory of Nazianzus presided for a time over the council of
Constantinople (381), that enthroned him, before being forced to resign his episcopal throne.
In the De uita sua, he obviously criticizes the conclusions of the council regarding the third
article of its creed. Up to now, scholars have taken for granted that Gregory declares this very
same creed to be “pious” (orthodox). But how could it be the case, as in the same passage
(v. 750-755) Gregory blames the ambiguity of the council’s “teachings” for having misled the
bishops devoted to the divinity of the Holy Spirit? Instead of expending boundless ingenuity
in order to remove this inconsistency, we should more reasonably assume that the phrase tov
t∆ ejn mevsw/ khvrugma eujs ebw'" e[cwn refers to the Theodosian edict of January 10th, 381. Such
an approach will provide us a firmer basis for grasping Theodore’s policy, Gregory’s role
during the council, and the reasons for the latter’s resignation» (p. 76)].
458
GIRARDI M., 1 Cor 7 nell’esegesi di Basilio e Gregorio di Nazianzo: l’economia salvifica fra matrimonio e
verginità → 21.1. Basilio di Cesarea
HÄGG T., Playing with expectations: Gregory’s funeral orations on his brother, sister and father, in Gregory
of Nazianzus: Images and Reflections, 133-151.
[«We have... a small corpus of orations by Gregory that all belong to the same rhetorical genre,
the epitaphios logos, celebrate immediately comparable subjects, and were composed in a
certain order within a short period of his writing career. The situation is ideal for a
comparative study of his literary technique. Earlier studies have mostly focused on the
rhetorical structure of the speeches. This will be my point of departure too; but I shall then
go on to discuss other literary aspects: how he chooses to fill and organize the various
structural parts, and how he controls and manipulates the conventions – more so, it would
seem, the more familiar he becomes with the form. I shall also apply the comparative
perspective to his narrative technique in the encomium parts of the speeches, to his
spectacular use of at least one dramatic incident in each speech, and to his methods of
characterization. After all, Gregory is not only arguably the most accomplished Greek orator
after Demosthenes, but a consummate literary artist as well, with a register much broader
than the modern label rhetorician would imply» (p. 134)].
KOHLBACHER M., Ein übersehenes Bekenntnis des Gregorios von Nazianz?, in Philomathestatos, 351-357.
[1. Überlieferung des Bekenntnisses. 2. Gregorios von Nazianz als Quelle des Bekenntnisses.
3. Identifikation des wahren Autors. – «Dieses Gregorios von Nazianz zugeschriebene Bekenntnis
ist Exzerpt eines ausführlichen Bekenntnisses, das unter einer authentischen
Autorenzuschreibung gut überliefert ist: die Homologie aus dem sogenannten Edikt des Kaisers
Iustinianos (CPG 6885 = 9343; publiziert im Juni 551), das in mehreren Handschriften sowohl
Griechisch als auch Lateinisch erhalten ist. Der von A. Alexakis edierte Text des GregoriosBekenntnisses entspricht dem vollständigen Wortlaut von p. 72, l. 13-28 (Schwartz)» (p. 356)].
LAGA C., La ponctuation (dont on ne doit pas se soucier) → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
MACÉ C., La tradition indirecte grecque ancienne de Grégoire de Nazianze. Deux citations chez les
historiens Socrate et Sozomène, in Philomathestatos, 377-388.
[«... Si l’on peut se fier à ces deux témoignages, ce qu’ils nous apprennent surtout, c’est que les
leçons caractéristiques de la tradition manuscrite médiévale ont commencé à apparaître très
tôt dans l’histoire et, même plus justement dans la préhistoire, du texte de Grégoire de
Nazianze. Il n’y a là rien de très étonnant. Le soin scrupuleux, et même religieux, avec lequel a
été copié le texte de Grégoire de Nazianze explique que les copistes médiévaux aient préservé
les traces d’une histoire du texte qui s’est jouée bien avant eux. Il semble que le texte se soit
diversifié très tôt (c’est ce dont témoignent aussi les petites divergences entre les traductions
anciennes et les manuscrits), puis, à une époque difficile à déterminer (la situer sous le règne
de Justinien serait une hypothèse séduisante), se soit pratiquement figé» (p. 387). – Sulle citazioni
di Or. 5, 23-24 in Socrate, HE III, 23, 17-27 e Ep. 202, 6-17 in Sozomeno, HE VI, 27, 1-6].
MCGUCKIN J.A., Gregory: The rhetorician as poet, in Gregory of Nazianzus: Images and Reflections, 193212.
[«Gregory’s poetry has been studied so far mainly in terms of literary allusions, for the light it
throws on the reception of classical texts, not least Sappho, whom Gregory quotes more than
any other Christian writer (another surprising aspect of this extraordinary monk). It has also
been scrutinized for its historical and autobiographical evidences, domains where it plays a
459
role so fascinating to the interpreter that it often becomes a major source for the
interpretation of important aspects of the period, despite the caveats one needs to register
concerning the highly charged apologetic nature of the sources, especially when relating the
events after 381. The poetry has, to a lesser extent, been quarried for the epitomes of
theological teaching it offers, often paralleling and synopsising the more extensive and
complex doctrines offered in the Orations. In this regard the Carmina Arcana formed an early
core of the corpus of Gregory’s “Collected Poems”, and have attracted most theological
attention ever since. More recently the poems have drawn interest in relation to the
psychological persona of Gregory. (...) It is noticeable how few have analyzed the poetry in
terms of its own matrices and intellectual contexts, that is the rhetorical and literary
expectations of Second Sophistic rhetoric» (pp. 193-194)].
MCLYNN N., Among the hellenists: Gregory and the sophists, in Gregory of Nazianzus: Images and
Reflections, 213-238.
[Gregory and the literary professionals. Gregory the literary professional. From school to
symposium? From symposium to school? – «To assess what might have been at stake for
Gregory in pursuing his literary interests it is necessary to establish a social setting. The
purpose of this paper is therefore to explore in more concrete detail the context of Gregory’s
engagement, at Nazianzus, with classical culture and with its locally recognized purveyors.
Some connections will be established, and some others proposed; but many more questions
will be raised than answered. Not the least challenge for students of Gregory is to give due
recognition to all that remains uncertain about his career and his literary purposes» (p. 214)].
NARKEVICS E., Skiagraphia: Outlining the conception of God in Gregory’s Theological Orations, in
Gregory of Nazianzus: Images and Reflections, 83-112.
[The meaning of agennêton I. The meaning of agennetôn II. The trinitarian scheme. –
«Gregory’s conception of God is inseparable from the argumentative strategies by which it is
formed. A remarkable feature of these strategies is that the Theological Orations display a
comparatively high degree of detachment from the particular circumstances of their
composition. In contrast to Basil’s and Gregory of Nyssa’s textual demolition of Eunomius’
treatises, it seems that Gregory’s arguments, without losing their specific target and polemical
stance, are not so much involved in actual polemic as in imitating it, drawing a picture or map
of a conceptual battlefield. Gregory has chosen to fight his adversaries on his own ground,
reducing them to hypothetical positions on his conceptual map» (pp. 84-85)].
NORRIS F.W., Gregory contemplating the beautiful: Knowing human misery and divine mystery through
and being persuaded by images, in Gregory of Nazianzus: Images and Reflections, 19-35.
[Human misery. Divine mystery. Conclusion. – Dalla Conclusione: «... Only when Greek
education waned, particularly during recent centuries in which technical rhetoric slowly
passed into the background and philosophical rhetoric all but died from lack of attention,
could Gregory be viewed as a muddled minister or a simple preacher rather than the
Theologian. My hope is that the sometimes baffling understandings of various postmodernists
and some of their critics will move us out of the “greenhouse” reliance on syllogistic logic and
its variants in theology into a fuller engagement with the rough and tumble of the streets.
The Theologian’s insistence on the importance of images and mental pictures is clarified in
such conversations. Dialogue between theology and science reformulates some of his
argument in Or. 28 that because we know so little about nature and human nature, it is not
odd to recognize how limited is our knowledge of God» (p. 33)].
PAPAIOANNOU S., Gregory and the constraint of sameness, in Gregory of Nazianzus: Images and Reflections,
59-81.
460
[Sameness or to one’s self. Enargeia: Infinity and otherness. Mirrors: Receptivity and reflection.
Becoming another. – «The following paper discusses Gregory of Nazianzus’ responses to Greek
models of ontology by surveying the interrelation between three distinct registers in his work:
(a) his aesthetics of discourse, that is, his view on what ideal discourse is and how it operates,
(b) his anthropology, his view of the ideal human self, or what may be termed aesthetics of
existence, and (c) his projected persona, his self-representation. Through this joint examination
I wish to show how Greek models of ontology, which were intrinsic in classical, hellenistic, and
late antique Greek philosophical and rhetorical theory, functioned as the discursive horizon
from which Gregory, a Christian rhetor, performed. It is this horizon that I term “the constraint”
and which, I argue, was an ambiguous boundary simultaneously delimiting and inviting
transgression, a finitude as well as an imaged infinity» (p. 59)].
PERNOT L., Gregorio di Nazianzo (or. 33, 6-7) e l’elogio retorico delle città, in Ars/Techne. Il manuale
tecnico nelle civiltà greca e romana. Atti del Convegno Internazionale. Università “G. D’Annunzio” di
Chieti-Pescara, 29-30 ottobre 2001, a cura di M.S. CELENTANO (Collana del Dipartimento di Scienze
dell’Antichità. Università degli Studi “G. d’Annunzio” Chieti-Pescara. Sezione filologica, 2), Edizioni
dell’Orso, Alessandria 2003, 79-97.
TOLLEFSEN T.T., Theosis according to Gregory, in Gregory of Nazianzus: Images and Reflections, 257270.
[«In Gregory’s thought, the sphere of transformation into divinity opened up by the Saviour, points
beyond the life of corruptible human existence to the blessed condition of the divine mode of
being. And the almost schocking impression made by proclaiming the Gospel in this way should be
preserved. Gregory is not careless when he does not define with exactness the limits of deified
human nature in relation to divinity. The Cappadocians never thought that uncreated and
created nature could change into one another. But who could set the limits?» (p. 270)].
WIDOK N., Gregorii Nazianzeni opinio de formula trinitaria: miva oujsiva – trei'" uJpostavsei" (pol.),
Vox Patrum 23/44-45 (2003) 221-233.
[Argumentum: «Saeculo quarto diversae explicationes ad tres personas divinas pertinentes inter
Christianos propagatae sunt. Qua ratione scriptores ecclesiastici impulsi sunt ad divinas
personas pressius investigandas. Quorum Basilius Magnus formulam trinitariam statuit, i.e. miva
oujsiva kai; trei'" uJpostavsei". Vox oujsiva Trinitatis essentiam significat, et vocabulum uJpovstasi"
ad personas divinas attinet indicatque differentiam inter eas. Hanc doctrinam trinitariam
suscepit Gregorius Nazianzenus, qui in suis operibus solum quinquies Basilii formulam adhibuit.
Saepius ad Trinitatis descriptionem vocibus fuvsi" et trei'" ijdiovthte" usus est. Gregorii attamen
institutio de trinitariis appellationibus profundius investiganda est» (p. 233)].
21.3. Gregorio di Nissa
BADILITA C., Figures et biographies de femmes aux IVe et Ve siècles → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere
generale
BARBÀRA M.A., Lezioni della tradizione catenaria alternative a lezioni della tradizione diretta delle
homiliae in Canticum canticorum di Gregorio di Nissa, in Ad Contemplandam Sapientiam, 31-46.
[«In conclusione è in ogni caso fruttuoso lo studio delle Catene esegetiche pure per i
commenti attestati anche in tradizione diretta, come appunto le homiliae di Gregorio di Nissa
sul Cantico. Le indagini condotte scrupolosamente sui mss. catenari possono contribuire a
461
migliorare il testo offerto dalla tradizione diretta, talvolta correggendo errori evidenti
introdottisi in questa, talaltra restituendo espressioni cadute per lo più per omoteleuto, guasto
in cui incorrono anche gli amanuensi più diligenti, talaltra infine presentando lezioni
alternative se non proprio preferibili a quelle note per tradizione diretta, almeno meritevoli,
come è il caso delle homiliae in esame, di qualche considerazione» (p. 45)].
– Su una recente edizione del commentario al Cantico dei Cantici di Nilo di Ancira → 12. Origene
(2. Edizioni e traduzioni)
BERTRAND D., Origine de l’âme et animation du corps humain → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere
generale
[Une contre-épreuve: le Peri; th'" katastavsew" tou' ajnqrwvpou de Grégoire de Nysse (pp. 305308)].
CANNATÀ FERA M., Un poeta antico in Gregorio di Nissa: tramiti profani e tramiti cristiani, in Ad
[Su Ep. 14, 2. «Nell’ipotizzare che la fonte di Gregorio fosse Atenagora, è necessario essere
cauti, in quanto sia il passo pindarico, sia quello euripideo, conoscono una ricca tradizione
gnomologica. Tale tradizione è tuttavia diversa per i due passi: quello pindarico ricorre in una
serie di citazioni sugli dei e sugli eroi degli Elleni, quello euripideo in contesti “sulla ricchezza”
oppure in opposizione a passi “sull’amicizia”. La loro connessione si trova soltanto in
Atenagora, che ama arricchire i materiali tradizionali» (p. 54)].
the Passion Narrative → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
studiosi
D OUGLASS S., Theology of the Gap. Cappadocian Language Theory and the Trinitarian Controversy
→ 21. I Padri Cappadoci
D ROBNER H.R., Rec.: Lexicon Gregorianum, Bd. III-V, Leiden – Boston – Köln 2001-2003, ThLZ
130 (2005) 56-58.
LALLEMAND A., Références médicales et exégèse spirituelle chez Grégoire de Nysse, in Les Pères de l’Église face à
la science médicale, 401-426.
[Préliminaire: importance du contexte. Variations de l’attitude de Grégoire en fonction du
genre littéraire et de ses interlocuteurs: l’exemple des différentes thérapies à propos de sa
sœur Macrine: Guérisons miraculeuses; Observation des symptômes. Compassion et
contagion: l’exemple de la lèpre et le refus de reconnaître la contagiosité dans le sermon Sur
l’amour des pauvres II. La physiologie au service du thème de la croissance: importance de la
fonction nutritive. Dieu diététicien, l’éloge de l’appetit dans la IVe Homélie sur les Béatitudes.
L’anatomie descriptive et la physiologie dans les Homélies sur le Cantique des Cantiques. – «En
conclusion, les références médicales sont-elles un obstacle à la lecture des œuvres de Grégoire
de Nysse ou offrent-elles un intérêt supplémentaire? On a souvent préféré l’auteur mystique
au savant, à juste titre peut-être, car il est vrai que tout savoir scientifique est destiné à être
dépassé, et que Grégoire a été victime des erreurs de la science de son temps. Pourtant la
présence de connaissances médicales n’est certainement pas pour notre auteur un simple
462
ornement, même si elle peut s’apparenter parfois au développement d’ekphraseis; elle relève
d’une véritable curiosité scientifique, d’un dessein pédagogique, avec des applications pour
soigner les malades et se maintenir en bonne santé. Mais plus profondément encore, il n’y a
pas pour Grégoire incompatibilité entre aspiration mystique et exposé savant, mais nécessité
de concilier charité et élan spirituel avec savoir médical» (p. 426)].
LEEMANS J., God and Christ as Agonothetae in the Writings of Gregory of Nyssa, SE 43 (2004) 5-31.
[1. Introduction. 2. A triple background: historical, scriptural, agonistic language. 3. The image
of Christ/God as agonothetes before Gregory of Nyssa. 4. The agonothetes-image in Gregory
of Nyssa’s writings. 5. A link with the varied religious make-up of Gregory’s congregation.
6. General conclusions. – Summary: «This article studies the metaphor of the agonothetes
(president of the games) as it is applied on God or Christ. First I sketch how the original
historical background of the games in Greek, Hellenistic and Roman times, together with the
vocabulary developed within the philosophical genre of the diatribe, brought about the
agonistic language of the Pauline writings of the NT, which in their turn resulted in the
development of an agonistic language which was used by the earliest Christian authors. In
the wake of these authors, this agonistic terminology offered later patristic writers the terms
and concepts to speak about martyrdom and about the growth towards the ideals of
Christian virtue and spiritual perfection. It is within this framework that Gregory of Nyssa, in
line with the authors before him, was employing the metaphor in question. Gregory’s
anthropology, however, provides a particular framework within which the agonothetes model
can operate: on the one hand the agonothetes-image helps to articulate Christ’s attitude of
loving support towards the martyr and martyrdom, while it serves on the other in the context
of parenesis to strive towards spiritual perfection» (p. 31)].
LILLA S.R.C., Neuplatonisches Gedankengut in den «Homilien über die Seligpreisungen» Gregors von
Nyssa (VigChr.S, 68), Brill, Leiden 2004, pp. XVIII+234.
[Vorwort des Herausgebers, Vorwort des Autors, Einleitung, XI-XVIII. I. Die Aufteilung der
Tugend auf die Menschen, 2-14. II. Gotteserkenntnis als Erkenntnis des inneren «Ich», 15-72;
III. Die Negative Theologie, 73-85. IV. Weiteres über Gottes Erhabenheit, 87-96. V. Die
Mässigung der Leidenschaften und die Identität von ajpavqeia und oJmoivwsi", 97-101. VI. Die
Verbindung der Tugenden miteinander, 103-106. VII. Der Logos als Arzt, 107-112. VIII. Das
Wesen des Schönen, 113-116. IX. Die Betrachtung des Weltalls, 117-138. X. Das Einswerden, 137158. Schluß, 167-171. Abkurzungen, Quellen, Literature, Register, 173-234. – Dalla Conclusione:
«Aus der Analyse der zahlreichen von ihm benutzen technischen Ausdrücke und Termini kann
man leicht entnehmen, dass seiner Behandlung wichtiger, mit der Theologie, Ethik und Mystik
zusammenhängender Fragen ein schon festgelegter Sprachgebrauch zugrunde liegt, der zwar in
einigen Fällen schon bei den Vorsokratikern anfangshaft vorkommt, der sich aber in der
darauffolgenden philosophischen Spekulation stark entwickelt beherrschten Philosophie der
Spätantike seinen Höhepunkt erreicht» (p. 167)].
generale
MASPERO G., La cristología de Gregorio de Nisa desde la perspectiva del II Concilio de Constantinopla,
ScrTh 36 (2004) 385-410.
– Lo schema dell’exitus-reditus e l’apocatastasi in Gregorio di Nissa, Annales Theologici. Rivista della
Facoltà di Teologia della Pontificia Università della S. Croce, 18 (2004) 85-110.
[I. Introduzione. II. Le interpretazioni. III. Gregorio. IV. L’evoluzione. V. La terminologia.
VI. La condanna. VII. Il malinteso. VIII. Conclusione. – Abstract: «Gregory of Nyssa’s
463
apokatastasis is examined from the viewpoint of his image-theology and of the exitus-reditus
scheme, where the Trinity is the origin and the term of man. If the analysis does not stop at a
synchronic moment, but extends itself diachronically to the whole of Gregory’s works, it
becomes clear that there is no idea of universal salvation, but only of universal resurrection.
The possibility of an eternal condemnation is required by the Christological dimension of his
eschatology: the refusal of Christ, the perfect image, implies the dehumanization and the
exclusion from the participation (but not from the knowledge) of the Trinitarian inner life»
(p. 110)].
MATEO-SECO L.F., Notas sobre el lenguaje cristólogico de Gregorio de Nisa, ScrTh 35 (2003) 89-112.
[I. El lenguaje cristólogico en la literatura espiritual del Niseno: El nombre de Cristo e la
espiritualidad cristiana; El significado del nombre de Cristo; La unidad de Cristo. II. El
lenguaje cristólogico en los ecritos dogmáticos: Oratio catechetica magna; El tercer libro del
Contra Eunomium; adv. Apolinarium].
– El Espíritu Santo en el Adversus Macedonianos de Gregorio de Nisa, ScrTh 37 (2005) 475-498.
[Los pneumatómacos. 2. La posición de Gregorio. 3. El Santo que proviene de Santos.
4. Spiritus Creator. 5. Dador de vida. 6. El Espíritu es el que da la vida. 7. La gloria del Espíritu
Santo. 8. Los rasgos distintivos del Espíritu. 9. La triple llama y el orden trinitario. 10. La
descripción de un «filioquismo» avant la lettre. 11. La mutua inhesión de las personas.
12. Conclusión. – Abstract: «The work of Gregory of Nyssa on the Holy Spirit (Adversus
Macedonianos pneumatomachos, de Spiritu Sancto) gives the impression of having been written
after the First Council of Constantinople. The doctrine of Gregory on the Holy Spirit is fully
developed here, not only in terms of His divinity, but also in the concepts by which we
differentiate the Holy Spirit from the created world and from the other two Divine Persons.
In this work, the vision of Gregory presents his line of thought in an explicit and well-defined
way, with reference to trinitarian theology as well as with reference to christology and
anthropology. In the Maced. Gregory writes a small treatise on the divinity of the Holy Spirit in
opposition to the Pneumatomachs, and in doing so he not only provides a lesson in the
reasons on which belief in the divinity of the Holy Spirit is based, but also analyses in depth
the consideration of His unity with the Father and the Son and the difference between
them. It is fascinating that he analyses His origin and position in the vita intratrinitaria. This
he does with great prudence, not wanting to distance himself from the Scriptures: the Spirit
proceeds from the Father (cf. Jn 15, 26), is received by the Son (cf. Jn 16, 14), and is sent (cf.
Jn 14, 26 and 15, 26). He is Glory and the Glorifier» (pp. 475-476)].
SALVESEN A., Pigs in the Camp and the Breasts of my Lambs: Song of Songs in the Syriac Tradition →
4. LXX
[Cenni alle Omelie sul Cantico di Gregorio di Nissa in traduzione siriaca: «(...) the Syriac
translation of Gregory of Nyssa’s Homilies on Cant... survives in what were originally three
manuscripts, two of which also contain a copy of some correspondence concerning the
translation» (p. 267)].
STRECK M., Das schönste Gut. Der menschliche Wille bei Nemesius von Emesa und Gregor von Nyssa
(FKD, 88), Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 2005, pp. 220.
[Vorwort, 5-6. Einleitung: Der Streit um Pelagius und die Kirche im Osten, 9-17. I. Der Wille
des Menschen in der Anthropologie des Nemesius von Emesa: 1. Person und Werk des
464
Nemesius von Emesa, 18-24; 2. Der Aufbau von De natura hominis, 24-29; 3. Die Psychologie
des Nemesius, 30-39; 4. Der Wille des Menschen in De natura hominis, 39-43; 5. Der Ansatz
beim menschlichen Handeln: Freiwilliges und Unfreiwilliges, 44-47 – Exkurs: Von Nemesius
möglicherweise benutzte Aristoteleskommentare, 47-53, Exkurs: Das Martyrium als
Entscheidungssituation, 53-63; 6. Die Wahlentscheidung des Menschen zwischen Vernunft
und Streben, 63-85; 7. Die Selbstmächtigkeit des Menschen, 85 – Exkurs: Nemesius’ Kritik an
Lehren über das Schicksal, 85-106; 8. Das Wahlvermögen des Menschen zwischen Wandel
und Beständigkeit, 106-121. II. Der Wille des Menschen in der Anthropologie des Gregor von
Nyssa: 1. Person und Werk Gregors von Nyssa, 122-127; 2. Die Selbstmächtigkeit des
Menschen als Spitze seiner Gottebenbildlichkeit, 127-135; 3. Die positive Rolle der niederen
Seelenvermögen, 135-144; 4. Das Verhältnis von Wille und Vernunft, 144-151; 5. Der Mensch als
Ursache seiner Willensschwäche, 151-155; 6. Der menschliche Wille zwischen Fall und
Vollendung, 155-173; 7. Gregors dynamisches Verständnis des menschlichen Willens, 173-180;
8. Der menschliche Wille als Gnade Gottes, 180-182. III. Optimistische Anthropologie –
Nemesius und Gregor im Vergleich, 183-192. IV. Die altkirchliche Aristotelesrezeption und der
Aristotelismus des Nemesius – Zum Beschluß, 193-198. Literaturverzeichnis, 199-210. Register,
211-220].
TARANTO S., L’esegesi morale di Gregorio Nisseno nelle «Omelie sull’Ecclesiaste» (VI-VIII), Centro per le
Scienze Religiose in Trento. Annali di Scienze Religiose 5 (2004) 441-462.
[1. Osservazioni introduttive. 2. Infinità e incomprensibilità di Dio come presupposto della
«teologia pratica» del Nisseno. 3. Libertà, peccato ed errore. 4. L’esegesi di Eccl 3, 1 e la via della
perfezione morale. 5. Osservazioni conclusive. – Abstract: «This paper means to demonstrate
the profound unity of sense that ties together the texts (Homilies on Ecclesiastes VI-VIII)
analyzed here, which constitute a unique semantic nucleus, by expounding the
characterizing elements. The Homilies respond to the attempt of clarifying the
epistemological range of Eccl 3, 1 and condense the fundamental postulates of the Gregorian
doctrine and the principles according to which people are capable of orienting themselves in
life and in the choice of good. For Gregory, people are in a condition to restore the image of
God, which glowed inside of them before the fall. In these Homilies, he sketches the road of
palingenesis, which leads to the union with being» (p. 441)].
22. Ambrogio di Milano
AMERISE M., Il battesimo di Costantino il Grande. Storia di una scomoda eredità
Cesarea
→ 19. Eusebio di
HENKE R., Ambrosius als Übersetzer von Basilius, Hexaëmeron 9, 3f.: Die stoische Oikeiosislehre im
Sechstagewerk, in Virtutis Imago, 285-297.
[«Welches Ziel aber hat Ambrosius mit seiner freien Bearbeitung letztlich verfolgt? Neben
dem pastoralen Nutzen, den er in den Predigten immer wieder anmahnt, war es sicher auch
das intellektuelle Vergnügen, die Vorlage des großen Basilius nach eigenen Vorstellungen zu
modellieren. Daß Ambrosius aber seine Predigten für die Edition noch einmal recht sorgfältig
überarbeitete, zeigt einen weiter gehenden Ehrgeiz. Warum sollte es für einen gebildeten
Leser, selbst wenn er das Griechische nicht perfekt oder gar aktiv beherrschte, nicht möglich
sein, die griechische Textvorlage mit der freien Umarbeitung des Ambrosius zu vergleichen
und die eigene Leistung des Lateiners zu würdigen? Eine derartige Ambition wäre als
schriftstellerische “Aemulatio” nichts Verwerfliches und würde uns immerhin zeigen, daß
Kirchenväter auch nur Menschen sind» (p. 295)].
465
→
RIZZI M., Patristische Exegese und politische Theologie im sechzehnten Jahrhundert: eine
Forschungsperspektive → 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene
SAVON H., Remploi et transformation de thèmes philoniens dans la première lettre d’Ambroise à Just, in
Chartae caritatis, 83-95.
[I. Le didrachme et la manne. II. La Pâque: transitus et conpassio. III. La drachme et l’image. –
«Ambroise n’a pas utilisé Philon seulement dans ces cinq traités (scil., De paradiso, De Cain et
Abel, De Noe, De Abraham II, De fuga saeculi). Douze de ses epistulae peuvent également être
considérées comme des retractationes chrétiennes de traités philoniens. Quatre d’entre elles
portent sur des passages de l’Exode et du Lévitique, tandis que deux concernent des
difficultés soulevées par le récit de la création dans le premier chapitre de la Genèse; deux
autres donnent un fondement scripturaire à une maxime philosophique. Ailleurs Ambroise
recourt à Philon pour résoudre un problème de théologie ou défendre la qualité littéraire de la
Bible. Enfin, une lettre de conseils à un nouvel évêque puise abondamment dans le De Iosepho
de l’exégète alexandrin» (pp. 83-84)].
TZVETKOVA A., Creator caeli et terrae: Vergleichsuntersuchung der Schöpfungsexegese bei Origenes,
Ambrosius und den frühen Rabbinen → 12. Origene (4. Studi)
23. Didimo il Cieco
generale
G HATTAS M., Didymos der Blinde von Alexandrien in der Auseinandersetzung mit Apollinaris von
Laodicea und seinen Lehren, in Patristica et Oecumenica, 45-49.
[«In sämtlichen Kommentaren von Tura finden sich Beispiele dafür, daß und wie Didymos
sich mit der Lehre des Apollinaris auseinandergesetzt hat. Der Psalmenkommentar bietet
jedoch das meiste Material, was zweifellos durch die christologische Psalmenexegese des
Didymos bedingt ist. Didymos bekämpft Apollinaris mit und ohne Namensnennung, und die
Auseinandersetzung mit ihm ist manchmal gegenwärtig, ohne daß sie ausgesprochen wird»
(p. 46)].
HAENDLER G., Rec.: Didymos der Blinde. De spiritu sancto – Über den Heiligen Geist, übers. u. eingel.
v. H.J. SIEBEN, Turnhout 2004, ThLZ 130 (2005) 1073-1074.
24. Evagrio
Evagrius Ponticus. Ad monachos, Translation and Commentary by J. DRISCOLL O.S.B. (Ancient
Christian Writers, 59), The Newman Press, New York – Mahwah/NJ 2003, pp. XIV+398.
466
Monasticism → 10. Cristianesimo alessandrino ed ambiente egiziano (5. Il monachesimo)
G ÖBEL C., Wahrheit und Methode: Platonische Dialektik und Evagrische Seelenführung, Ter. 54 (2003)
231-260.
[Vorbemerkung. Einleitung: der Weg zur Gotteserkenntnis. 1. Das Ad Monachos des Evagrius
Ponticus. 2. Der philosophische Hintergrund. 3. Zum Problem der platonischen Dialektik:
3.1. Die Diairesis als Methode der Begriffsbestimmung im Sophistes; 3.2. Dialektik als paideia.
4. Geistliche Vaterschaft: zum pädagogischen Führungsstil bei Platon und Evagrius. –
Abstract: «The historical and topical proximity of Greek philosophy and Christian theology
makes it possible to compare the “path of education” in Plato (focusing on his dialectics) and
Evagrius Ponticus (focusing on his work Ad Monachos). A more detailed investigation into the
Platonic dialectics shows that an important element of the Platonic idea of paideia is a
shaping of the path of education which is unknown to the disciple. Such a way of guiding a
disciple (or young monk) is also present in Evagrius. However, there is an essential difference
in the way in which both ways of education present themselves. Plato claims that his way –
without any presuppositions – leads to a truth which is not yet known; he claims that the way
of paideia is an enrichment not only for the disciple but also for the teacher, while, in reality,
the teacher must already be in possession of the truth. This is a form of tutelage. In the
monastic way of educational progress, on the other hand, the fact that the teacher does
already know about the goal of the educational way, and thus the presuppositions of the way
of paideia, are known to the young monk. Actually, he seeks for the guidance of a “spiritual
father” already within the horizon of the specific Christian truth (i.e. the incarnation of
Truth in Christ); he begins the way of monastic education in order to deepen his
understanding of the mysteries of Christian faith – by means of learning from the older
monk» (pp. 231-232)].
– Philosophie des Mönchseins. Am Beispiel des Ad Monachos des Evagrius Ponticus, Folia Theologica 15
(2004) 5-30 (en hongrois).
JOEST C H., The Significance of Acedia and Apatheia in Evagrius Ponticus, ABenR 55 (2004) 121-150,
273-307.
[Part I: 1. The life and doctrine of Evagrius: 1.1. The life of Evagrius; 1.2. The doctrinal system
of Evagrius. 2. The vice of ajkhdiva in the teaching of Evagrius: 2.1. The history of the idea;
2.2. Evagrius’ description of ajkhdiva; 2.3. The key position of ajkhdiva within the framework of
the eight principal vices; 2.4. The remedies for acedia. Part II: 3. Evagrius’ teaching on
ajpavqeia: 3.1. The history of the idea; 3.2. Evagrius’ description of ajpavqeia and the key position
it holds in his doctrine of mystical ascent; 3.3. The relationship between ajkhdiva and ajpavqeia;
3.4. ajpavqeia and ajgavph. 4. Evagrius as a human being and as a Christian. Appendix:
A translation of Antirrheticus VI. – Nota redazionale: «Christoph Joest, a Lutheran pastor,
originally published this article as Die Bedeutung von Akedia und Apatheia bei Evagrios Pontikos
in Studia Monastica 35 (1993) 7-53. It was a revised version of a paper he wrote for the advanced
seminar conducted by P.G. Podskalski, S.J., in the summer semester of 1991 on “Evagrius
Ponticus – One Hundred Chapters on the Spiritual Life” at the philosophical-theological
college of Sankt-Georgen in Frankfurt am Main... In light of a decade of further study, the
author has been kind enough to update his views on Evagrius’ teaching where he felt further
nuancing was needed» (p. 121)].
467
MARKESINIS B., Evagriana dans le Vaticanus graecus 504 et ailleurs, in Philomathestatos, 415-434.
[«Dans ce qui suit, nous avons l’intention de porter à la connaissance des érudits quelques
textes d’Évagre le Pontique, inconnus jusqu’ici, que nos longues recherches dans la tradition
manuscrite de saint Maxime le Confesseur nous ont fait découvrir» (p. 415). – Si tratta di un
testo frammentario anonimo di 11 sentenze contenuto nel Vat. gr. 504, f. 81v; di quattro
sentenze trasmesse anonimamente da vari codici e dell’originale greco del kephalaion 45
dell’Expositio in Parabolas et in Proverbia Salomonis (CPG 2457)].
séduction. L’histoire du concept de la tentation dans l’Antiquité] → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere
generale
25. Rufino di Aquileia
Cesarea
→ 19. Eusebio di
MORESCHINI C., Note di lettura dalle Omelie di Basilio tradotte da Rufino, in Ad Contemplandam
[Omelia I. Omelia II. Omelia IV. Omelia VI. Omelia VII. Omelia VIII. – «Come anche la
silloge, che Rufino eseguì traducendo nove tra le quarantaquattro (e forse più) omelie di
Gregorio Nazianzeno, rispondeva a degli intenti che non si identificavano in tutto e per tutto
con quelli dell’originale, così anche la collezione, e quindi la traduzione, eseguita dalle omelie di
Basilio risponde a degli scopi diversi da quelli del vescovo di Cesarea. Non esiste più,
innanzitutto, per Rufino, per tradurre, lo spunto preciso dell’avvenimento ‘storico’ che aveva
fornito sia a Gregorio sia a Basilio l’occasione per pronunciare quella specifica omelia davanti a
degli ascoltatori, ed al suo posto sopravviene una motivazione che spinge il traduttore a
mettere insieme delle collezioni che servano a dei lettori» (p. 459)].
MOSER M.B., Teacher of Holiness: The Holy Spirit in Origen’s Commentary on the Epistle to the
Romans → 12. Origene (4. Studi)
[Excursus: Trinitas in Rufinus’ translation, 93-99].
PERSIC A., Da soggetto di colpa a oggetto di misericordia: uomo e ‘peccato d’origine’ nella comprensione
degli aquileiesi Vittorino, Cromazio e Rufino → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
SILVAS A.M., Rufinus’ Translation Techniques in the Regula Basili, Antichthon 37 (2003) 71-93.
[Translation registers. Rufinus’ translation techniques: 1. Preservation of distinctively Basilian
text; 2. Preservation of an earlier form of text; 4. Glosses and pleonasms; 5. Doublets and
triplets; 6. Idiomatic and literary enhancements; 7. Changes of argument; 8. Deletions;
9. Sharpening of scriptural references. Conclusion. – Dalla Conclusione: «It is often
considered that Rufinus’ translation technique was significantly affected by the strife that
followed his translation of Origen’s Peri Archon in 398. The episode, it is supposed, sensitised
him to doubtful theological points in his source and the necessity of amending them. I had
assumed that to be the case when I began investigating the very first work of translation he
468
carried out (in 397), the Regula Basili. The findings, however, suggest a reconsideration. Close
attention to the translation techniques of the Regula Basili and in particular the results
recorded in sections 5 and 6 above show that Rufinus came to his first work as a translator
with a metholodogy already well thought out» (p. 92)].
THÉLAMON F., Le corps pour le dire: un procédé du discours historique de Rufin d’Aquilée, in Chartae
caritatis, 97-112.
[I. Corps présent dans le récit: corps signifiant. II. Attitudes et comportements. III. Du corps des
statues et de leur démembrement. – «... Rufin a fréquemment recours au fil de son ouvrage aux
images, métaphores pour ne pas dire allégories, qui mettent en scène le corps, ses maladies,
blessures et mutilations, ses attitudes, comportements et émotions. Par ce procédé il va intéresser
l’auditeur-lecteur en piquant sa curiosité, en lui faisant ressentir angoisse, émotion, admiration
ou dégoût, afin de lui faire partager son point de vue et de le convaincre» (p. 98)].
26. Teofilo di Alessandria
generale
FATTI F., Trame mediterranee: Teofilo, Roma, Costantinopoli, Adamantius 12 (2006) 105-139.
27. Sinesio di Cirene
Synésios de Cyrène, Tome IV: Opuscules I, Texte établi par J. LAMOUREUX, traduit et commenté par
N. AUJOULAT (Collection des Universités de France), Les Belles Lettres, Paris 2004, pp. LXXXVIII+349.
[Avant-Propos, VII-VIII. Abréviations bibliographiques, IX-X. Introduction: I. Présentation
des opuscules, XI-XVIII; II. La tradition manuscrite, XIX-LXXI; III. La tradition indirecte,
LXXII-LXXVII; IV. Éditions et traductions, LXXVIII-LXXXIII; V. Principes de l’édition,
LXXXIV-LXXXVI. Index siglorum, LXXXVII-LXXXVIII. L’éloge de la calvitie: Notice, 1-46;
Traduction – Texte, 48-90. Dion: Notice, 91-138; Traduction – Texte, 140-185; Le traité sur les
songes: Notice, 187-267; Texte – Traduction, 268-311. Notes complémentaires, 313-347].
DE SALVO L., Sinesio e i funzionari romani, in Ad Contemplandam Sapientiam, 199-211.
[«In generale, l’impressione che si ricava dalla testimonianza sinesiana è che siamo di fronte a
uno scontro di poteri, che non sono tanto i proprietari terrieri libici da un lato e i funzionari
governativi dall’altro, quanto, piuttosto, le fazioni, quella alleata con il funzionario (civile o
militare) e quella opposta. A seconda che Sinesio si trovi nell’una o nell’altra, i funzionari
vengono considerati in una luce positiva o negativa. Inevitabile, che siano considerati uomini
spregevoli i parvenus come Andronico. La visione della realtà sociale cirenaica che se ne ricava
è, dunque, senz’altro parziale, perché l’ottica è sempre quella delle classi aristocratiche – nulla
è detto, infatti, della povera gente – e Sinesio, eletto vescovo perché ricco e influente,
mantenne sempre l’animo del potente curiale, la cui famiglia aveva a Cirene una lunga
tradizione evergetica e non mancava occasione di esercitare il suo patronato e di far valere le
sue amicizie importanti, in favore però sempre di membri delle classi aristocratiche» (p. 211)].
RAPP C., Holy Bishops in Late Antiquity. The Nature of Christian Leadership in an Age of Transition
[Part Two: 5. Bishops in action: Synesius of Cyrene and Theodore of Sykeon (pp. 156-166)].
469
28. Gerolamo
B. LANÇON, Suivie de quatre études sur les Chroniques et chronographies dans l’Antiquité tardive (IVeVI e siècles), Actes de la table ronde du GESTIAT, Brest, 22 et 23 mars 2002, Presses Universitaires de
Rennes, Rennes 2004, pp. 207 (= Saint Jérôme. Chronique. Continuation de la Chronique d’Eusèbe,
années 326-378).
[Avertissement sur la présente édition, 9. B. JEANJEAN – B. LANÇON, Avant-propos, 11-12. Saint
Jérôme, Continuation de la Chronique d’Eusèbe (années 326-378): B. JEANJEAN – B. LANÇON,
Introduction, 15-16: Le genre des Chroniques, 16-18; Jérôme jusqu’à la Chronique, 18-19;
Proposition de datation de la Chronique, 19-26; Unité et diversité de la Chronique de Jérôme, 2630; La question de l’arianisme, 30-41; Procédé d’indexation et style de la Chronique, 41-46; Les
sources de la Chronique, 47-53. Texte, traduction et notes: Préface de Jérôme, 54-61; Eusebii
interpretata praefatio, 62-69; Analyse de la Préface d’Eusèbe traduite par Jérôme, 71-73;
Chronique (Continuation de la Chronique d’Eusèbe) années 326-378, 75-109. Carte: Les
toponymes mentionnés par Jérôme dans sa Chronique, 111; Indices, 113-116; Bibliographie, 117-120.
Chroniques et chronographies dans l’Antiquité tardive (IVe-VIe siècles), Actes de la Ire table ronde du
GESTIAT, Brest, 22 et 23 mars 2002: H. INGLEBERT, Les chrétiens et l’histoire universelle dans
l’Antiquité tardive, 123-136; B. JEANJEAN, Saint Jérôme, patron des chroniqueurs en langue latine, 137178; S. RATTI, Signes divins et histoire politique dans la Chronique de Jérôme, 179-194; B. LANÇON,
Chronique et hagiographie. Les traces de l’émergence des saints dans les chroniques latines des IVe-VIe
siècles, 195-206. Table des matières, 207. – Dall’«Avant-propos»: «La présente édition de la
Chronique de Jérôme est le résultat de trois années de travail du GESTIAT (Groupe d’Études
sur les Sources Textuelles et Iconographiques de l’Antiquité Tardive) de l’Université de
Bretagne occidentale (Brest). Ce centre de recherche réunit des chercheurs issus de disciplines
complémentaires, qui unissent leurs compétences respectives d’historiens et de latinistes dans le
cadre d’un séminaire mensuel. Ainsi, si l’ensemble de la traduction, les rares variantes textuelles
apportées à l’édition Helm et la plupart des notes portant sur la vie ecclésiastique ou la vie
intellectuelle sont dues à B. JEANJEAN, et si les notes portant sur la vie publique, la politique des
empereurs et les catastrophes naturelles ont été mises au point par B. LANÇON, tout le travail a
été soumis à la critique des participants au séminaire CHROLATHMA (Chroniques Latines de
l’Antiquité Tardive et du Haut Moyen Âge)» (p. 11)].
Hieronymus. Commentarioli in Psalmos, Anmerkungen zum Psalter, übersetzt und eingeleitet von
S. RISSE (Fontes Christiani, 79), Brepols Publishers, Turnhout 2005, pp. 268.
[Einleitung: I. Überblick über die Arbeiten des Hieronymus zu den Psalmen, 7-22; II. Form
und Merkmale der Commentarioli in Psalmos, 23-26; III. Der hebräische Text als maßgebliche
Grundlage, 26-29; IV. Von Hieronymus benutzte Quellen, 29-32; V. Mittel und Methoden
der Psalmenauslegung in den Commentarioli, 32-39; VI. Die Auslegung der Psalmen, 40-65;
VII. Zum Text und seiner Überlieferung, 65-66. Text und Übersetzung: Excerpta de Psalterio,
Anmerkungen zum Psalter, 68-237. Anhang: Abkürzungen, 238-243; Bibliographie, 244-254;
Register, 255-268].
Eusebius. Onomasticon. The Place Names of Divine Scripture, Including the Latin Edition of Jerome,
Translated into English and with Topographical Commentary by R.S. NOTLEY and Z. SAFRAI
→ 19. Eusebio di Cesarea
ADKIN N., Dennis Brown’s Jerome, Eikasmos 16 (2005) 499-507.
470
[«Recently Dennis Brown has contributed the chapter on Jerome to P.F. Esler’s very highly
acclaimed Early Christian World. Brown’s chapter is a general account of Jerome’s life and
achievement. A great deal of space is however devoted to his work on the Bible. Such
disproportion is pardonable in an essay by the author of Vir Trilinguis, which has likewise
been highly praised. It is therefore unfortunate that what Brown says in both this book and in
the recent contribution to Esler’s survey should be marked by a close and unacknowledged
resemblance to wording employed by earlier scholars. This phraseological affinity has hitherto
escaped the notice of reviewers of both Vir Trilinguis and of Early Christian World» (p. 499)].
– Persius in Jerome, Maia 57 (2005) 1-11.
[«Simon Verepaeus reports that the obscurity of Persius’ language caused Jerome to throw his copy
of this poet into the fire in exasperation. The anecdote is of course apocryphal. It would seem on
the contrary that Persius’ difficult and bizarre phraseology exercised a powerful fascination on
Jerome, who can be demonstrated to have been prone to echo it. Considerable scholarly effort has
been devoted to the identification of these Persian reminiscences. It would nevertheless appear
possible to make several additions to the dossier. At the same time a number of the imitations
which have already been posited can evidently be shown to be illusory» (p. 1)].
Cesarea
→ 19. Eusebio di
A RNS P.E. Card., La tecnica del libro secondo san Girolamo, traduzione e cura di P. C HERUBINI,
Edizioni Biblioteca Francescana, Milano 2005, pp. 254.
[Prefazione, 3-8. Introduzione, 9-11. Tavola delle sigle, 12-14. Cap. I. I materiali: 1. Il papiro, 15-26; 2. La
pergamena, 27-34; 3. Le tavolette di cera, 34-38; 4. Lo stilo, 38-41. Cap. II. La redazione: 1. La
dettatura, 43-60; 2. Il tachigrafo, 60-72; 3. La trascrizione, 73-81; 4. La correzione, 81-87;
5. L’esemplare, 87-92. Cap. III. L’edizione: 1. La pubblicazione, 94-103; 2. Le forme del libro, 103-106;
3. L’epistola, 106-119; 4. Il libro, 119-137; 5. Il volumen, 137-142; 6. Il codex, 142-150. Cap. IV. La
diffusione: 1. Alcuni aspetti del problema, 151-160; 2. Intermediari e depositari, 160-175; 3. La
remunerazione, 175-180; 4. Pubblicazione all’insaputa dell’autore, 180-187; 5. Informazioni letterarie,
187-194; 6. Il prestito dei libri, 195-197; 7. Copia privata, 197-201. Cap. V. Il libro e gli archivi:
1. L’autenticità dei libri, 203-210; 2. Corruzione degli scritti, 210-220; 3. Gli archivi, 221-229.
Conclusione, 231-235. Bibliografia, 237-243. Indice alfabetico dei nomi e delle materie, 245-250; Indice
generale, 251-254. – Edizione originale: La technique du livre d’après Saint Jérôme, De Boccard, Paris
1953. La Prefazione, in forma di intervista all’autore, rievoca le circostanze dell’opera e il suo
significato ancora attuale].
BURGER C., Gegen Origenes und Hieronymus für Augustin: Philipp Melanchthons Auseinandersetzung mit
Erasmus über die Kirchenväter → 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene
CANELLIS A., La réception de l’Altercatio Luciferiani et Orthodoxi de saint Jérôme au Moyen Âge et au
XVIe siècle, in Autour de Lactance. Hommages à Pierre Monat, édités par J.-Y. GUILLAUMIN et S. RATTI,
Publications de l’Université de Franche-Comté, Besançon 2003, 99-108.
– Julien d’Éclane et l’In Ioel 1, 4 de saint Jérôme, in Chartae caritatis, 359-375.
[I. Distances des deux In Ioel: du texte et de son découpage à la méthode d’interprétation.
II. Julien: les fléaux de Joël 1, 4: des calamités agricoles ordinaires. III. Le retour de
l’interprétation par Jérôme de Joël 1, 4 dans l’explication de Joël 2, 4-11 par Julien. – «À
l’imitation d’Origène, mais plus de dix ans après la mort de Jérôme, Julien entreprend
d’expliquer à son tour les douze Petits Prophètes, dont il ne reste, présentés dans l’ordre de la
Vulgate, que son In Osee, son In Ioel et son In Amos. Son In Ioel, auquel je voudrais un peu
471
m’arrêter, diffère de celui de Jérôme, tout en lui empruntant quelques thèmes, s’inspirant en
particulier des l’exégèse de Joël 1, 4» (p. 359)].
CLAUSI B., Uno scomodo alleato nella difesa dell’ascetismo alimentare: Porfirio in Hier. adv. Iovin. 2,7, in
Ad Contemplandam Sapientiam, 115-136.
[«Non potendo ovviamente procedere ad un esame sistematico, propongo soltanto qualche
osservazione su adv. Iovin. 2,7, un capitolo che, per quanto strettamente legato a 2,5-6 (a 2,6,
soprattutto), presenta un’autonomia contenutistica e una compattezza strutturale che lo
rendono facilmente isolabile nell’ambito della pur organica refutatio della terza tesi
giovinianea. La sua origine compilativa evidenzia al meglio criteri, meccanismi e significati
della tecnica adottata da Gerolamo, consentendo di comprendere l’entità reale e soprattutto
le direzioni di senso assunte dall’ipotesto. Si vedrà così che talora lo Stridonense si avvale del
De abstinentia come un semplice repertorio di notizie e conferisce ai passi estrapolati una
funzione strumentale, in buona sostanza accessoria rispetto alle proprie argomentazioni;
talaltra invece egli attribuisce a quei passi un ruolo semanticamente forte, facendoli diventare
veri e propri assi concettuali della compilazione, delle sue ragioni, del suo strutturarsi e dei suoi
esiti. Apparirà chiaro, in conclusione, come non sia legittimo tradurre l’estensione dei prestiti
porfiriani in equivalente rilevanza ideologica (meno che mai in consonanza di punti di vista) e
come spesso, anzi, riprese insignificanti dal punto di vista testuale siano spie preziose del rilievo
sostanziale assunto dal testo-base» (p. 117)].
COURTRAY R., Nouvelles recherches sur la transmission du De Antichristo de Jérôme, SE 43 (2004) 33-53.
[1. Description des manuscrits. 2. Examen de la question: (a) Les indices textuels; (b) Examen
des manuscrits; 3. Les abrégés du De Antichristo et leur contexte. – Résumé: «Depuis l’édition de
F. Glorie du Commentaire sur Daniel de Jérôme dans CCSL LXXV A), il est communément
admis que cet ouvrage a été composé en deux étapes: d’une part, pour répondre à la demande
de Paulin de Nole, en 398, Jérôme aurait composé un De Antichristo (399); puis, en 407, il aurait
dédicacé l’ensemble du Commentaire sur Daniel à Marcella et Pammachius, y insérant le traité
sur l’Antichrist: c’est du moins ce qui semble ressortir des manuscrits, d’après l’éditeur, certains
présentant une forme très brève du texte. Or, à y regarder de plus près, les choses sont moins
claires. Partant d’une étude précise des manuscrits, l’étude entend proposer une nouvelle thèse
sur la transmission du De Antichristo: celui-ci aurait été composé en 407, en même temps que
l’ensemble de l’In Danielem; quant aux manuscrits sur lesquels se fonde l’opinion de F. Glorie, ils
ne constitueraient qu’une abbreuiatio médiévale de l’ouvrage exégétique de Jérôme» (p. 53)].
D ONATI A., Hieronymi Epistula XLVI: Paulae et Eustochiae ad Marcellam – De locis sanctis.
Commentario, Vox Patrum 23/44-45 (2003) 235-258.
[Introduzione. Commentario I – Prima parte di un analitico commento della lettera:
comprende Ep. 46, 1-2].
DUVAL Y.-M., Diététique et médecine chez Jérôme, in Les Pères de l’Église face à la science médicale, 121139.
[«Je voudrais... attirer l’attention sur la connaissance et l’autorité que Jérôme a tirées de la
médecine dans sa direction spirituelle, et sur la manière dont ce recours, d’abord implicite,
apparaît pour nous de manière datable et circonstanciée, puisque nous disposons d’une
chronologie assez précise de ses œuvres et par là aussi des lectures qu’il a pu faire et qu’il
énonce parfois. Encore faut-il exploiter ces convergences, en reliant des ouvrages qui
n’appartiennent pas nécessairement aux même genres littéraires, mais qui ont parfois été
élaborés à peu près au même moment, ont pu influer les uns sur les autres, et par le fait
s’éclairent mutuellement» (p. 123)].
472
G OURDAIN J.-L., Jérôme et l’étranger du Psaume 38, 13, in Chartae caritatis, 377-383.
[«En définitive, l’étranger du Psaume 38, 13, ne serait-ce pas Jérôme en personne: croyant
enthousiaste et sincère, moine installé loin de sa patrie, portant en sa chair ce qui constitue à
ses yeux l’un des traits essentiels de la condition du chrétien? Ne se compare-t-il, au
demeurant, à Abraham, dans la lettre 58 à Paulin, pour avoir quitté famille et patrie? Or
Abraham est, on l’a vu, le locuteur-type du Psaume 38, 13, même en l’absence de citation
expresse. Si cette hypothèse est juste, derrière le savant appareil scripturaire utilisé par Jérôme
pour expliquer la Bible par la Bible, se dessinerait en filigrane un personnage plus original et
authentique qu’on ne le croit d’ordinaire» (p. 383)].
HARVEY P.B. JR., Jerome dedicates his Vita Hilarionis, VigChr 59 (2005) 286-297.
[I. The dedication. II. The editorial tradition. III. The dedicatee. – Abstract: «Jerome’s three
exercises in hagiography, his Paul, Malchus, and Hilarion, as printed in our standard editions,
lack dedications. The manuscript tradition, however, reveals a special (possibly first) edition
of the Hilarion explicitly dedicated to the ascetic Roman woman Asella. The present study
reviews the nature of the pertinent manuscript evidence, identifies the discovery of the
dedication in the early seventeenth century, and then discusses the dedication’s loss from
scholarly sight (and why it was lost), until its rediscovery by a graduate student at the
University of Illinois in the 1930s. Finally, the literary and social contexts prompting Jerome’s
dedication of this particular vita to Asella are discussed» (p. 286)].
HEIDL G., A keresztény és a szirének. Patrisztikus tanulmányok [= Les chrétiens et les sirènes. Études
patristiques] → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
JAY P., Super flumina Babylonis... Lectures patristiques du Psaume 136, in Chartae caritatis, 193-204.
[Alle pp. 202-204 figura la traduzione di Gerolamo, Omelia sul Salmo 136 a cura dell’Autore].
JEANJEAN B., «Quand il ne reste plus que le droit de gémir». Jérôme lecteur de Cicéron et de Sénèque le Père,
in Chartae caritatis, 385-399.
[«Le ne gemitus quidem liber de Jérôme est donc, si l’on veut bien me le permettre, sénécocicéronien ou cicéro-sénéquien! Mais cette double paternité n’explique pas pourquoi
l’expression apparaît si tardivement dans l’œuvre du moine de Bethléem. En effet, avec de
telles origines, on aurait pu s’attendre à la rencontrer dès les œuvres de sa jeunesse où se
manifestent encore les souvenirs et les réflexes scolaires. Il faut donc croire qu’elle était sortie
de la mémoire de Jérôme ou qu’elle n’y demeurait qu’à l’état de latence... attendant une
occasion pour remonter jusqu’à sa conscience d’écrivain. Cette occasion s’offre à lui, en 397,
lorsqu’il commente Is 21, 2 et la formule omnem gemitum eius cessare feci, où le gémissement est
associé à l’idée d’oppression ou de défaite» (p. 398)].
– Saint Jérôme, patron des chroniqueurs en langue latine, in Saint Jérôme. Chronique. Continuation de
la Chronique d’Eusèbe, années 326-378, 137-178.
[Les témoignages des contemporains de Jérôme sur la Chronique. Les témoignages sur la
Chronique postérieurs à Jérôme. Présence de la Chronique chez les chroniqueurs latins. – «S’il
est difficile de se prononcer de façon univoque sur le sens et le but de la Chronique, il semble
cependant que cette dernière réponde à au moins deux préoccupations de son auteur: d’une
part elle se présente, à la veille du concile de Constantinople, comme un manifeste anti-arien,
d’autre part elle fournit à l’apprenti exégète des outils pour aborder le sens littéral de
l’Écriture, grâce aux synchronismes qu’elle établit entre histoire profane et histoire sacrée. Si
elle n’envisage pas l’histoire depuis les commencements de l’humanité, elle l’envisage du
moins depuis ceux de la foi, puisqu’elle débute avec le premier croyant, Abraham. De plus,
elle s’inscrit aux commencements de la tradition chronographique latine, puisque la
473
traduction et la continuation par Jérôme de la Chronique d’Eusèbe constituent le premier
exemple d’une chronique en langue latine» (p. 138)].
LAURENCE P., Virilis et effeminatus chez saint Jérôme, in Chartae caritatis, 401-416.
generale
RATTI S., Signes divins et histoire politique dans la Chronique de Jérôme, in Saint Jérôme. Chronique.
Continuation de la Chronique d’Eusèbe, années 326-378, 179-194.
[Les prodiges et les malheurs de l’Empire: Lea actes de cruauté commis par les princes; Les
guerres civiles; Les révoltes barbares. Les prodiges et les manquements à la vraie foi: Les
empereurs persécuteurs; Les Juifs; Les ariens. Conclusion. – Dalla Conclusione: «Le
recensement et l’analyse des prodiges nombreux cités dans les brèves notices de la Chronique
permettent de mieux cerner la part de la fidélité de Jérôme envers son modèle grec et, par
conséquent, les distances prises. Jérôme se sert des prodiges pour laisser filtrer son angoisse
personnelle des conflits civils qui ne cessent de menacer l’Empire, d’Auguste à Valens, soit sur
toute la durée couverte par la Chronique. Jérôme partage ainsi avec les historiographes latins
prosénatoriaux du IVe siècle une vision de l’histoire marquée davantage par un amour de la
Rome éternelle et de sa grandeur passée que par des convictions religieuses» (p. 190)].
REABURN M., St Jerome and Porphyry interpret the Book of Daniel, ABR 52 (2004) 1-18.
[Examination of the text of the Commentary: Prologue; Chapters 1 to 6; Chapters 7 to 9;
Chapters 10 to 12. – Abstract: «Jerome was a mature scholar when he wrote his commentary
on the book of Daniel. In this commentary he attempts to counter the views of Porphyry, who
dated the book to the Maccabean period. Porphyry interpreted the book in that context,
thereby understanding the book as prophecy after the event, or ex eventu. Jerome questioned
this view and especially the view that Daniel was not prophecy of Christ. He maintained an
eschatological, and especially a christological view of Daniel. This paper examines the
arguments of both scholars as represented by Jerome, seeing each in his own time and place,
and looks especially at Jerome’s counter arguments. It notes how each was limited by his own
context, and yet was enriched by it. From today’s perspective each was right and each was
wrong, but they both made a contribution to the ongoing discussion over the biblical book»
(p. 1)].
R OSA P., Rec.: S. Hieronymi Commentarii in epistulas Pauli Apostoli ad Titum et ad Philemonem, ed.
F. BUCCHI (CChL, 77C), Turnhout 2003, Eikasmos 16 (2005) 595-601.
SCHNEIDER C., Lactance, Jérôme et les recueils de déclamations pseudo-quintiliens, in Autour de Lactance.
Hommages à Pierre Monat, édités par J.-Y. GUILLAUMIN et S. RATTI, Publications de l’Université de
Franche-Comté, Besançon 2003, 63-76.
SEELBACH L., «Wenn Männer nach den Schriften fragen würden, würde ich nicht mit Frauen reden» –
Oder: Marcella als Lückenbußerin?, Augustiniana 54 (2004) 343-358.
474
SERRA ZANETTI P., Imitatori di Gesù Cristo. Scritti classici e cristiani → 1. Miscellanee e studi di
carattere generale
[4. Sul criterio e il valore della traduzione per Cicerone e S. Gerolamo, 63-113. 21. Una nota su
«mysterium» nell’«ordo verborum» nelle Scritture, 363-374. 22. Hieronymus. Liber de optimo genere
interpretandi (epistula 57), 375-380. 28. Sermo humilis negli autori latini cristiani (Appunti per
una storia del tema), 447-458. 29. Et mussitatores discent legem (Is. 29,24 Vulg.), 459-463].
M. VESSEY, «Vera et aeterna monumenta»: Jerome’s Catalogue of Christian Writers and the Premises of
Erasmian Humanism, in Die Patristik in der frühen Neuzeit, 351-376.
[1. Postliminary. 2. Time’s ruin, or the Great Instauration. 3. Dead poets’ society? 4. From cult of the
saints to cult of the text. 5. Beginning at the end. – Abstract: «In the edition of Jerome published by
Froben in 1516, the catalogue “De viris illustribus” appears as a kind of appendix at the end of the
tomus primus. Whatever its cause, this curious placement draws attention to the fundamental
tenets of Erasmus’ programme for restoring the literary monuments of Christian antiquity, as set
out in the preface to Archbishop Warham at the beginning of the same volume. Jerome’s
tendentious account of Christian writers and their works, shorn of its medieval continuations,
already contains most of the key elements of Erasmus’ revivalist conception of bonae literae.
Acknowledgment of these bibliographical facts entails some corrections to the views of Erasmus’
Christian humanism recently put forward by István Bejcy and Lisa Jardine» (p. 375)].
YATES J., Weaker Vessels and Hindered Prayers: 1 Peter 3:7 in Jerome and Augustine, Augustiniana 54
(2004) 243-259.
[Jerome and 1 Peter 3:7. Augustine and 1 Peter 3:7. Summary and Conclusion. – «Far from
seeing Paul’s points regarding marriage in relation to the fact that “the time is short” (cf. 1 Cor
7:29), Jerome prefers to see them as intrinsecally problematic. In Jerome’s view, Christians, if it
is at all possible, should avoid marriage just as they should avoid all non-Platonic contact with
members of the opposite sex» (p. 258)].
29. Agostino
Un demi-siècle de recherches sur Augustin et l’augustinisme → 0. Bibliografie, repertori e rassegne; profili
di studiosi
BOCHET I., De l’exégèse à l’herméneutique augustinienne, REAug 50 (2004) 349-369.
[I. L’exégèse augustinienne: A. Les travaux d’A.-M. La Bonnardière; B. L’exégèse de versets
isolés; C. L’exégèse d’un livre biblique; D. Les sources de l’exégèse augustinienne.
II. L’herméneutique augustinienne: A. Les signes; B. Le De doctrina christiana; C. Une
synthèse sur l’herméneutique augustinienne. – Cenni sull’influsso di Origene nell’esegesi
agostiniana (p. 359), da completare con l’indicazione dei lavori di G. Heidl ed altri studiosi].
– «Le firmament de l’Écriture». L’herméneutique augustinienne (Collection des Études
Augustiniennes. Série Antiquité, 172), Institut d’Études Augustiniennes, Paris 2004, pp. 563.
[Première Partie. La lecture de l’Écriture: Introduction, 25-31; Ch. Ier. Le statut de l’Écriture,
33-89; Ch. II. Le cercle herméneutique, 91-153; Conclusion, 153-154. Deuxième Partie. De la
relecture de l’Écriture à la relecture de sa vie: Introduction, 157; Ch. III. L’expérience de la
conversion à la lumière de l’Écriture, 159-264; Ch. IV. En quête d’unité, 265-325; Conclusion,
325-327. Troisième Partie. De la lecture des philosophe à la lecture de l’Écriture: Introduction,
331-332; Ch. V. L’accomplissement de la philosophie par la religion chrétienne, 333-413;
Ch. VI. La Cité de Dieu: une propédeutique à la lecture de l’Écriture, 415-498; Conclusion,
475
499-500. Conclusion, 501-506. Indices, 507-560; Table des matières, 561-563. – Numerosi
riferimenti alle opere di Origene nell’«Index des auteurs anciens» (pp. 555-556)].
COVOLO E., Argomentazioni patristiche sulla verità. «Ego sum via et veritas» (cf. Gv 14, 6) in
Origene e in Agostino → 12. Origene (4. Studi)
DAL
DULAEY M., L’apprentissage de l’exégèse biblique par Augustin (3): Années 393-394, REAug 51 (2005) 21-65.
[I. De Genesi ad litteram imperfectus liber: A. La méthode d’interprétation annoncée et le titre
(2, 4-3, 6); B. Diverses interprétations de détail; C. La création à l’image et ressemblance de
Dieu (16, 53-62). II. Premiers ouvrages contre les donatistes. III. De sermone Domini in monte:
A. S’accorder en chemin avec l’adversaire (Mt 5, 25-26); B. Les trois morts; C. Les perles et les
pourceaux (Mt 7, 6). – Abstract: «Augustine’s works of 393-394 reveal the various influences on
his exegesis, perhaps even that of Valerius, bishop of Hippo. Augustine has clearly read
Origen’s Homilies on Ezechiel in Latin, and he is aware of some of the Alexandrian’s exegeses
(may be through the Milanese circle?). Tertullian, Victorinus of Poetovio, Ambrose and the
Ambrosiaster can moreover be identified as sources. With respect to the Gospels, a
comparative study of the exegeses of Augustine and of those of his contemporaries leads to
the conclusion that he drew on the same commentaries as in 390-392, most probably those of
Victorinus of Poetovio and Fortunatian of Aquileia» (p. 65)].
RIZZI M., Patristische Exegese und politische Theologie im
Forschungsperspektive → 13. L’origenismo e la fortuna di Origene
sechzehnten
Jahrhundert: eine
SALAMITO J.-M., Les virtuoses et la multitude. Aspects sociaux de la controverse entre Augustin et les
pélagiens (Collection Nomina), Éditions Jérôme Millon, Grenoble 2005, pp. 350.
[Introduction, 7-25. Première Partie. Définitions de l’être-chrétien et milieux sociaux: une question
d’affinités électives: Ch. 1. «Auprès des hommes, auprès de Dieu». Harmonie ou conflit de valeurs,
29-47; Ch. 2. «Des martyrs dans le secret». Perfection manifeste ou sainteté cachée, 49-66;
Ch. 3. «Qu’ils exultent en tremblant». Bonne conscience ou inquiétude, 67-88; Ch. 4. «La voie de la
multitude». Stratification sociale des exigences morales, 89-104; Ch. 5. «La conduite du Seigneur».
Un christianisme adapté à l’aristocratie?, 105-137; Ch. 6. «Songe à ton origine». Un anoblissement
imaginaire, 139-165. Seconde Partie. Appartenance à l’Église, accès au salut: une question d’élite et
de masse?: Ch. 7. «Qui est l’Église». Frontières et dimensions de la communauté, 169-205; Ch. 8. «Le
dogme populaire». Foules ignorantes, foules théologiennes, 207-242; Ch. 9. «Parfaits tout à coup».
Augustin et la sainteté de masse, 243-264; Ch. 10. «Le monceau des saints». Élitisme de la
prédestination?, 265-293. Conclusion, 295-301. Chronologie, 303-309. Sigles et abréviations, 311-313;
Sources, 315-323; Bibliographie, 325-346. Table des matières, 347-350].
STUDER B., Augustins De Trinitate. Eine Einführung, Schöningh, Paderborn – München – Wien –
Zürich 2005, pp. 250.
[Vorwort, 11-13. Einleitung: 1. Zum Nachleben von Augustins De Trinitate, 15-25; 2. Die
Forschung der letzten hundertfünfzig Jahre, 26-47; 3. Zur Beantwortung der aktuellen
Fragen, 48-53. Erster Teil: Methodologische Überlegungen: Einleitung zum 1. Teil, 57-58;
1. Eine existentielle Forschung, 59-84; 2. Die biblische Ausrichtung von Augustins De
Trinitate, 85-109; 3. Die Rede eines Orator sapiens, 111-147; Zusammenfassung des 1. Teiles,
148-149. Zweiter Teil: Die christliche Botschaft von De Trinitate: 4. Die Sendung des Sohnes
und des Heiligen Geistes, 155-179; 5. Die Eigenheiten von Vater, Sohn und Heiligem Geist, 181208; 6. Die Liebe zur Auferstehung Christi, 209-233. Schlussbemerkungen, 234-237.
476
Literaturverzeichnis, 239-246. Register, 247-250. – Numerosi riferimenti a Origene e ad altri
autori della tradizione alessandrina (cf. p. 248)].
YATES J., Weaker Vessels and Hindered Prayers: 1 Peter 3:7 in Jerome and Augustine → 28. Gerolamo
30. Isidoro di Pelusio
31. Cirillo Alessandrino
generale
BOULNOIS M.-O., L’union de l’âme et du corps comme modèle christologique, de Némésius d’Émèse à la
controverse nestorienne → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
GUINOT J.-N., Une “pomme de discorde” à l’origine de la crise nestorienne, in Autour de Lactance.
Hommages à Pierre Monat, édités par J.-Y. GUILLAUMIN et S. RATTI, Publications de l’Université de
Franche-Comté, Besançon 2003, 109-122.
OROSZ A., La catechesi della Pasqua nella tradizione della Chiesa antica e dei Padri orientali
PINGGÉRA K., Heilsverwirklichung in eschatologischer Spannung. Zu Cyrill von Alexandrien,
Responsiones ad Tiberium 12, in Patristica et Oecumenica, 51-63.
[«Für das Thema Christologie und Soteriologie ergibt der Versuch, Responsiones 12 in den
Rahmen des cyrillischen Denkens einzuordnen, daß Cyrills Beharren auf der
eschatologischen Spannung der Heilsverwirklichung im Zusammenhang steht mit seiner
Sicht des gefallenen Menschen und mit einer dieser Sicht entsprechenden Christologie. Das
wahre Menschsein Christi, das unter dem Primat des Logos alles in der menschlichen Natur
verwurzelte Böse besiegt, bildet den ontologischen Grund für unser Heil-Werden, das sich
freilich erst in der kommenden Welt vollenden wird. Neben den mancherlei “nichttheologischen Faktoren”, die den Weg der Dogmengeschichte stets mitbestimmt haben, wird
eine gedanklich konsistente Konzeption erkennbar, die zu Cyrills Haltung gegen Nestorius,
gegen Origenes – und auch gegen Pelagius führte» (pp. 62-63)].
RIEDWEG CH., Towards a Better Understanding of Cyril of Alexandria’s Against Julian. Case Studies in
Textual Criticism I, in Philomathestatos, 515-521.
[«In what follows, I should like to present a small selection of case studies in textual criticism.
All of them are drawn from the first two books. Like the fragments of Julian’ s treatise, which
Cyril regularly quotes and which have enjoyed some popularity with editors ever since the
time of the Enlightenment, books 1-2 have fared considerably better in the past than the rest
of the work: there is a valuable edition by Paul Burguière and Pierre Évieux, which was
published in 1985 in the series Sources Chrétiennes. Nevertheless, based on a fresh examination
of the whole manuscript tradition, further improvements may still be achieved» (pp. 515-516)].
R OSA P., Aspetti della mariologia di Cirillo Alessandrino e di Nestorio, Theotokos 12 (2004) 255-285.
[1. Introduzione. 2. La controversia nestoriana. 3. Aspetti mariologici nell’esegesi di Cirillo.
4. Conclusione. – Summary: «In the first part of his study the author analyzes the principal
aspects of Cyril’s and Nestorius’ Mariology. He also examines the conflict between them with
477
regard to the way the title qeotovko" was being used for the Virgin Mary. It was supposedly the
cause of disagreement between the two different theological foundations, Antioch and
Alexandria. However, through the author’s analysis of some extracts of the discourse of
Nestorius and the letters of Cyril we notice that the conflict in fact centered on a Christological
theme: the Antiochian rejection of the Alexandrian theology regarding the principle of
communicatio idiomatum as the sole basis of the hypostasis of the natures of the Incarnated
Christ. In fact, neither Cyril nor Nestorius showed any specific Mariological interest before
Ephesus. Cyril gave emphasis to the Marian title only to oppose his enemy and to destroy his
opponent’s reputation in the east as well as in Rome. Nestorius on the other hand preferred to
call Mary “Mother of Christ” instead of “Mother of God” not so much to reflect his concern for
the exact definition of the nature of Christ. Scholars, upon a closer study of Nestorius’ work
found less heretical aspects in them. In the second part of the study, the author focuses his
attention on the analysis of some passages of Cyril’s exegetical works. Here we note the basic
attitude and the constant proclamations of the bishop of Alexandria on the traditional
Mariological thoughts of his own Church regarding the themes of the Davidic descent of Mary,
her Virginity (which was oftentimes found in the anti-Judaic and anti-pagan polemics), and the
weaknesses at the foot of the cross. Basing his assertions on both the Scriptures and Church
Fathers, Cyril treated these topics with much firmness» (pp. 284-285)].
SCHURIG S., Die Theologie des Kreuzes beim frühen Cyrill von Alexandrien. Dargestellt an seiner Schrift
De adoratione et cultu in spiritu et veritate (Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum, 29),
Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2005, pp. VIII+361.
[Vorwort, V-VI. Einleitung, 1-6. Kap. 1. Zu Cyrills Biographie, 7-28. Kap. 2. Das Werk Peri; th'" ejn
pneuvmati kai; ajlhqeiva/ proskunhvsew" kai; latreiva"/De adoratione et cultu, 29-62. Kap. 3. Die
Stellung des Todes Christi in der Heilsgeschichte, 63-92. Kap. 4. Cyrills christologische Terminologie
und seine Rede vom stauro;" tou' Cristou', 93-113. Kap. 5. Die Entäußerung des Gottessohnes und
das Kreuz, 114-178. Kap. 6. Das Kreuz Christi und die Versöhnung zwischen Gott und Mensch, 179235. Kap. 7. Das Kreuz als Erhöhung Christi, 236-258. Kap. 8. Das christliche Leben in der Nachfolge
des Kreuzes, 259-291. Literaturverzeichnis, 293-309. Griechischer Text der im Verlauf der
Untersuchung interpretierten Texte, 311-339. Register, 341-361].
32. Nonno di Panopoli
SAIJA A., Religione e cristianesimo nei papiri di Dioscoro di Aphrodito
→ 10. Cristianesimo
alessandrino ed ambiente egiziano (4. La chiesa alessandrina: istituzioni, dottrine, riti, personaggi e
episodi storici)
33. Pseudo-Dionigi Areopagita
BOUDIGNON CH., Qu’est-ce qui fait un «corpus»? À propos du Pseudo-Denys l’Aréopagite, in Qu’est-ce
qu’un corpus littéraire?, 109-128.
[I. Du «canon» au «corpus»: A. L’invention de l’argument patristique; B. La naissance des
florilèges patristiques; C. L’ère des faux et la naissance de «corpus». II. La naissance des
«corpus» patristiques et le triomphe du «codex»: A. L’invention naît du besoin; B. De la
culture du rouleau à celle du «codex»; C. La naissance de «codex corpus». III. La clôture du
«corpus»: prologue et scholies: A. Prologue et scholies; B. Commentaire à un écrit inspiré.
IV. Le «corpus» et le classicisme].
478
studiosi
LILLA S., Dionigi l’Areopagita e il platonismo cristiano → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
LOUTH A., The appeal to the Cappadocian Fathers and Dionysios the Areopagite in the iconoclast
controversy → 21. I Padri Cappadoci
34. Cosma Indicopleuste
generale
historischen Theologie → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
[Kosmas Indikopleustes, Leben und Werk: A. Der Name «Kosmas Indikopleustes», 497-499;
B. Die Christliche Topographie als Sammelwerk und Produkt verschiedener Publikationen,
499-526; C. Zur Datierung, 526-531; D. Verlorene Schriften, 531; E. Das biblische Weltbild in
der Grundschrift der Christlichen Topographie, 532-551; F. Zum Verhältnis zu Johannes
Philoponos, 552-557; Abgekürzt zitierte Literatur, 557-561].
35. Giovanni Filopono
generale
MOLAC P., Rec.: JEAN PHILOPON, La création du Monde [éd. par M.-C. R OSSET – M.-H.
CONGOURDEAU], Paris 2004, ETR 80 (2005) 136-138.
SUCHLA B.R., Rec.: U.M. LANG, John Philoponus and the Controversies over Chalcedon in the Sixth
Century. A Study and Translation of the Arbiter, Leuven 2001, ThLZ 129 (2004) 535-537.
[Kosmas Indikopleustes, Leben und Werk: F. Zum Verhältnis zu Johannes Philoponos, 552-557].
36. Massimo il Confessore
BOUDIGNON CH., Maxime le Confesseur était-il Constantinopolitain?, in Philomathestatos, 11-43.
[1. Les liens de Maxime avec Alexandrie: 1.1. Les scholastiques d’Alexandrie; 1.2. Pierre l’Illustre
d’Alexandrie et le diacre Cosmas; 1.3. Sophrone. 2. Maxime, moine à Saint-Georges?: 2.1. Jean de
Cyzique et Georges l’higoumène; 2.2. Stéphane l’higoumène; 2.3. Thomas; 2.4. Pyrrhus. 3. Les liens
de Maxime avec le clan des Heraclius: 3.1. La prétendue noblesse de Maxime; 3.2. Anastase le
notaire; 3.3. Jean le Cubiculaire et Constantin le Sacellaire. 4. Les liens de Maxime avec les hauts
dignitaires de l’Afrique byzantine: 4.1. L’éparque Georges, le patrice Pierre, l’exarque Grégoire; 4.2.
Le magnificentissimus Théochariste l’illustre, frère de l’exarque. 5. L’opposition de Maxime à
l’identité constantinopolitaine. – «En conclusion, les relations de Maxime le Confesseur avec la cour
479
à Constantinople semblent se limiter à Jean le Cubiculaire, dont il a peut-être bénéficié de
l’hospitalité, et Constantin le Sacellaire. C’est bien peu pour justifier une origine
constantinopolitaine. Au contraire l’intégration de Maxime dans un réseau de relations palestinien,
notamment la ‘communauté’ de Saint-Sabas, comme on le voit et dans ses prises de positions et
dans ses relations avec Sophrone et les higoumènes du concile de Latran, sont un argument de
poids en faveur d’une origine palestinienne. On peut supposer en plus de cela, une formation à
Alexandrie où il entretient quelques contacts. Les relations avec les grands de l’Afrique pourraient,
quant à elles, s’expliquer grâce à son disciple Anastase, ancien notaire de l’aïeule de Constant II,
peut-être l’épouse de Nicétas, cousin d’Héraclius, dont le clan est issu de l’Afrique byzantine.
Maxime n’était donc très probablement pas constantinopolitain, mais bien palestinien» (p. 43)].
studiosi
JANSSENS B., Does the Combination of Maximus’ Ambigua ad Thomam and Ambigua ad Iohannem
Go back to the Confessor Himself?, SE 42 (2003) 281-286.
[Summary: «In this contribution two points are established: 1. It is highly probable that
Maximus the Confessor (ca 580 – 662) himself is to be held responsible for the combination of
his Ambigua ad Thomam (dated to ca 634) and his Ambigua ad Iohannem (dated to 628/630)
into one large corpus. At this occasion the accepted chronological order of both works was
reversed. 2. This notwithstanding, it is clear that both sets of ambigua were originally
conceived as separated works. For scholarly purposes, therefore, it would seem appropriate to
distinguish between both works and consequently introduce two separate numerations
(Amb.Thom. I to V and Amb.Io. I to LXVI). The dedicatory letters to Thomas and John
respectively could then be referred to as prologue» (p. 286)].
LAGA C., La ponctuation (dont on ne doit pas se soucier) → 1. Miscellanee e studi di carattere generale
R OOSEN B.– VAN DEUN P., jAreth;n eij e[coi" pavnq∆ e{xei". Byzantine Virtue Speculation: A Case Study,
in Virtutis imago, 397-422.
[Edizione critica del Peri; tw'n tessavrwn genikw'n ajretw'n (pp. 415-422): «Despite the nearunanimous manuscript tradition attributing the text to Maximus the Confessor (580-662), the most
important Byzantine theologian of the 7th century and the great defender of Orthodoxy in the
monoenergist and monothelite controversies, and despite the long tradition of research on
Maximus in Leuven, the problem of authorship remains as yet a very difficult question» (p. 398)].
[Das anthropologische Modell der hypostatischen Union, 103-196. Das anthropologische
Modell der Hypostatischen Union bei Maximus Confessor, 197-206].
480

Repertorio bibliografico Adamantius 12

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